Thursday, June 8, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Why Was Bail Denied to Journalists Charged Under Article 66(d)?

Posted: 08 Jun 2017 09:09 AM PDT

RANGOON – After a Bahan Township court denied bail to The Voice Daily's chief editor and columnist on Thursday, legal consultant U Khin Maung Myint criticized police and the court for acting unfairly and inconsistently in the handling of the defamation case, alleging that the decision was influenced by the plaintiffs—the Burma Army.

The Burmese publication's editor U Kyaw Min Swe and columnist Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing were charged with defamation under the controversial Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law after publishing an article on March 26 that satirized the country's armed struggle and peace process.

Both journalists pledged to honor the terms of bail, however, the Bahan Township judge denied the detainees a temporary release, saying that they had failed to present a medical recommendation letter justifying the granting of bail during Thursday's hearing.

From inside a police vehicle, Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing told reporters what had happened, saying that the judge told them they did not present the medical release in time.

Police officers asked the judge to extend the remand on bail and to keep the men in custody, explaining that they had not yet completed the necessary police work in the case, including compiling documents and consulting attorneys, according to U Khin Maung Myint.

Placing such a request was "wrong," U Khin Maung Myint said. "Asking for a medical recommendation from us rather than assessing our pledge [to honor the terms of the bail] is also poor conduct on the part of the judge."

He added: "we are not asking for bail for health reasons. We are asking for legal rights."

U Kyaw Min Swe and Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing's team had in fact prepared a medical recommendation from a doctor to present at Thursday's court hearing. The individual designated to deliver the document was held up in traffic, leading the judge to call for a resumed session on June 16.

"We are expecting to be granted release on bail next week if we can provide the medical recommendation letter to the judge," said U Khin Maung Myint.

U Khin Maung Myint told the reporters that the legal team would file complaints concerning the actions of the judge and the police with the Chief Justice and Advocate General.

"The Myanmar police force, and several levels of the court, are not acting in coordination with existing laws—they are instead concentrating on the background of the plaintiffs. That's why many inappropriate things are happening," he explained.

Lawyer U Myo Thein and legal adviser U Khin Maung Myint asked for bail to be determined according to Article 497(1) of the criminal code of conduct, which states that any person arrested by the police without a warrant or summoned to the court can request bail. Only if the person is believed to have committed a crime punishable by death or a life sentence can see the right to bail waived.

The detainees are facing a maximum of three years in jail if convicted defaming the Tatmadaw.

"The fact that the detainees, who have been sued by army officials under Article 66(d) for writing an article…were denied bail is not in line with the law," U Khin Maung Myint said.

The legal adviser said that in other states and divisions, the procedures for bringing charges under 66(d) appeared to be different, citing the case of human rights activist U Tun Tun Oo in Irrawaddy Division. U Tun Tun Oo was charged by an army official with violating the statute, but a township judge granted him bail in line with Article 497(1).

U Khin Maung Myint explained that the conditions for U Tun Tun Oo, U Kyaw Min Swe and Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing were "the same," but that in the former case, "the judge decided fairly, and granted bail."

A woman from Pegu Division, Daw Sandi Myint Aung, was also charged with violating Article 66(d) and defaming State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi; she was granted bail in 2016.

Ex-president U Thein Sein's government enacted the telecommunications law in 2013 and a media law in 2014, yet plaintiffs and judges have opted to situate defamation charges under the telecommunications law. U Khin Maung Myint said that if there is contradiction between laws enacted by Union legislature, the latest enacted law should override previously enacted laws.

Hundreds of journalists gathered to obtain news and comment from the detainees after Thursday's court session, but police rushed The Voice Daily's editor and columnist into a car, making it difficult them to speak to the media.

Representatives of various media houses participated in a white armband campaign entitled "Freedom of Press" on Thursday morning, walking from the Bahan Township courthouse to The Voice Daily's office in Tamwe. Journalists have pledged to wear the armbands for at least ten days.

The post Why Was Bail Denied to Journalists Charged Under Article 66(d)? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Phaung Daw Oo Sayadaw: ‘The Current Education System Must Be Changed’

Posted: 08 Jun 2017 08:00 AM PDT

Phaung Daw Oo Monastic School in Mandalay, led by Buddhist monk Sayadaw U Nayaka, has been named this year's recipient of the Citizen of Burma Award.

The award is given annually by members of the Burmese diaspora, as a way to honor those who work for the benefit of Burmese society.

The school principal and abbot of Phaung Daw Oo Monastery, Sayadaw U Nayaka, is known for developing a teaching method radically different from what is often encountered in Burma's public education system.

Established in 1993, the school also serves as a boarding facility for novice monks, orphans and children of impoverished families.

U Nayaka recently discussed his school and Burma's education system in an interview with The Irrawaddy's Myat Pyae Phyo.

What were your intentions when you established Phaung Daw Oo Monastic School?

I established the school in 1993. While I was at a monastery in a small township, I saw a three-story Karen high school on a street. Later I learnt that it was founded by priests. I also wanted to establish a school like that, so, I felt the need to learn secular education. I stopped receiving religious education and arrived in Mandalay in 1971.

I stayed at Mattara Monastery in Mandalay and studied from the sixth grade. I graduated [with a degree] in chemistry in 1981-82 from Mandalay University. I founded Phaung Daw Oo Monastery in 1982 together with Sayadaw U Jotika. From then until 1993, I provided free tuition for sixth to tenth graders, particularly for children of impoverished families in the neighborhood.

In 1993, we were able to open a monastic primary school, and we expanded it for sixth to ninth graders the following year. In 2000, we could incorporate a high school.

Are the curriculum and teaching methods of Phaung Daw Oo the same as those of education ministry?

We use the same curriculum, but adopt different teaching methods. In 2002, we got a lot of international contacts. Later, with the help of teachers from the British Embassy, we introduced a child-centered approach. Even in kindergarten, we started to teach all the subjects in English, except Burmese. And for students above primary levels, we teach with the method of RWCT (Reading and Writing for Critical Thinking).

Until around ten years ago, we still used the conventional teaching methods [practiced in Burma]. But, I studied teaching methods in foreign countries and I also wanted change the teaching methods here. Currently, students in our country learn in "parrot fashion" which does not encourage critical thinking. Children are weak in critical thinking.

If [students who] learn by heart could spur national development, Myanmar should be the world's number one country by now. Six-distinction winners can be only found in Myanmar, and not in other countries. In our country, if students can learn the text by heart and write all the text down on exam papers, they get high marks in exams and are recognized as outstanding students. So, it seems like the more they are being recognized as outstanding students, the more they copy.

The measuring stick [here] is different from other countries. So I gradually changed the teaching methods.

What do you to build the capacity of teachers at the school?

There are teachers who have been teaching at the school for ages. Those teachers train junior teachers who have less experience. I ask junior teachers to sit in on the classes of senior teachers and learn how they teach. And we have a teacher from England who provides teacher training and English language.

An American university also sends a teacher annually. We also hire two foreign teachers with the school budget. And there are also over ten foreign teachers who volunteer. They also provide necessary training for local teachers. In 2013, we established the New Teacher Training Center.

Could you tell about the newly opened Phaung Daw Oo University?

We made contact with the Australian Catholic University (ACU) in 2015. ACU will provide the curriculum and confer certificates. For an academic year, students will have to study here for six months and another six months at ACU. Every qualified student is eligible to enroll if they meet the English skill level set by the university. The course is free for the time being, but later student fees will be charged for those who can afford it.

How many teachers and students are there at the school?

There are over 8,000 students and over 400 teachers. And now we have received over 40 children who were displaced by clashes.

What has given you greatest satisfaction at the school over the past 20 years?

I'm satisfied that my students can attend foreign universities now. Now, there are 24 students who study abroad. Some have completed university education [abroad] and are teaching here. My school could turn out doctors, engineers and military officers. It is an exhausting job to turn out such students. But on the other hand, I'm satisfied and happy.

What is your view of the current education system in the country?

In other countries, there is no passing or failing the exam. There is only completion of study. Schools keep the records of the students' achievements throughout the respective academic year and students can choose a university depending on those records. Likewise, universities choose students who are suitable for their courses.

In Myanmar, universities choose students according to their marks [in matriculation examinations]. So, our universities need autonomy.

What changes should be introduced?

I have presented recommendations to the Education Department. They are also planning to make reforms. If the exam system is to be changed, teaching methods must be also changed. The current exam system is more like a memory test. The teaching methods do not encourage them to read, but to learn by heart. For example, if a student is asked to write about Gen Aung San, he will write down what he has learnt by heart. But if he is asked to write what he thinks of Gen Aung San, he will have to write his views based on his study of him. So, he will have to go to a library or search online. This will encourage reading. The current system must therefore be changed.

What are the barriers in making these changes?

I talked about this when I met the education minister. He seems to be considering if people can accept [such changes]. A lot of effort needs to be put if we will make the change simultaneously. There are also entities, such as some private boarding schools, that do not want to change.

What are the major challenges for a monastic education school?

The major challenge concerns the budget. Monthly, it costs approximately between 50 and 60 million kyats to feed the students and pay the teachers and staff. Last month, the electricity bill alone cost 2.8 million kyats. We get some foreign assistance, but not a sufficient amount. There is a deficit every month.

Could the budget constraints force the closure of the school?

Things will be difficult in the long run if there is a deficit every month. But I believe that there will be a good return for doing good deeds. In the early days of the school, I even had to ask for donations [from passers-by] on the roadside.

Why did your school win the Citizen of Burma Award?

I changed the teaching method to encourage critical thinking rather than learning by heart. Again, there are over 1,200 students including novices and monks who board at the school. Another reason is we not only teach school education, but we also teach vocational education such as tailoring, and computer skills.

How can donors make donations to the school?

They can come directly to the school, and they can also make donations through their mobile phones. MPT subscribers can type 1000 and send it to '2801'. With one message, they can donate 1,000 kyat from their top-up. If 100,000 people can donate 1,000 kyats monthly, this school will exist for a long time. Telenor subscribers can also make donations to PDO Account 09771315038 with Wave Money. And donations can also be made with credit cards on the school's website www.pdoeducation.org.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko

The post Phaung Daw Oo Sayadaw: 'The Current Education System Must Be Changed' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Crashed Military Aircraft Carried 9 Officers Transferring for Medical Treatment

Posted: 08 Jun 2017 05:33 AM PDT

RANGOON—Nine of the 35 military officers onboard the crashed Y-8 military aircraft carrying a total of 122 people on Wednesday were traveling from Tanintharyi Division's Myeik to commercial capital Rangoon for medical treatment, according to the flight's passenger manifest released by the military on Thursday afternoon.

The military personnel were being transferred from the 100-bed Myeik military hospital to the 1000-bed Mingalardon military hospital in Rangoon to receive further treatment, military spokesperson Col Myat Min Oo told The Irrawaddy.

According to figures issued by the military, 14 crew members and 108 military staff members and their families, including 15 children, were on board when the welfare flight lost communication with Dawei airbase.

The plane's captain was Lt-Col Nyein Chan and the co-pilots were Lt-Col Soe Thu Win and Maj Thant Zin Htay, the statement read. Six high-ranking officers including three majors and 29 other military personnel from the coastal region command and Myeik Air Force headquarters were on board, the passenger manifest said.

Map showing the locations of the last communication with the crashed military plane and where bodies and debris were later found. / The Irrawaddy

Navy vessels and local fishing boats in the Andaman Sea found 29 bodies—one male, 20 females and eight children—in the search for the missing Y-8 military plane, according to the latest Facebook statement issued by the military. Bodies and debris of the missing aircraft were found 35 kilometers (22 miles) southwest of Dawei District's Launglon Township in the Andaman Sea at 8:18 a.m. on Thursday, along with a wheel, lifejackets and luggage, the statement said.

Several Navy ships and aircraft are searching for the Y-8 200 F military transport plane 5820 after contact was lost about 69 kilometers (43 miles) southwest of Tanintharyi Division's Dawei at 1:35 p.m. on Wednesday.

There were a total of 73 family members of military personnel on the aircraft, who were traveling to return to their hometowns, or for school enrollment.

Commander-in-Chief Gen Khin Aung Myint of the air force, the Navy chief of staff, and the coastal region commander met with family members of those who were on board and provided 700,000 kyats to families for each member that was on board on Thursday in Myeik.

The President’s Office issued a condolence statement on Thursday afternoon that said, "We will continue search and rescue operations and will assist with support [for family members of those onboard]."

The Chinese-made plane was acquired in March 2016 and had a total of 809 flying hours. It was also carrying 2.4 tons of supplies, according to the military statement.

A military helicopter crashed last June in central Burma, killing three personnel on board.

Five military personnel were killed last February after an air force plane crashed in administrative capital Naypyidaw, according to media reports. Two people were killed and 11 injured after a small private plane crashed in central Burma in 2012.

The post Crashed Military Aircraft Carried 9 Officers Transferring for Medical Treatment appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma Signals for Foreign Investment

Posted: 08 Jun 2017 05:14 AM PDT

NAYPYIDAW — Burma's businesspeople are expecting foreign investments to help launch their projects after buying thousands of acres across the country to develop industrial zones and large-scale operations, according to the Myanmar Investors Development Association (MIDA).

Companies presented their ventures at MIDA's Myanmar Investment Forum 2017 in Naypyidaw on June 6-7, which attracted mostly Chinese businesspeople, followed by Thai, and then Indian, according to the exhibition's organizers.

Projects seeking foreign investment are sprawled across Rangoon, Pegu, Mandalay, Tenasserim, and Irrawaddy divisions, and Shan State, MIDA vice chairman U Hla Myint told The Irrawaddy.

"There are many foreign investors who have enquired to us about opportunities," MIDA vice chairman U Hla Myint told The Irrawaddy.

In Rangoon, KMA Group will build high-rise projects in 12 locations covering nearly 11 acres of land in Kyauktada, Mingalar Taung Nyunt, Tamwe, Bahan, Kamayut, Hline and Mayangone townships.

Also in the commercial capital, New City Development Co Ltd will develop an industrial park on 547 acres of land in East Dagon Township, and another on more than 700 acres of land 10 miles from Hlegu Township, according to the MIDA.

Although they have bought the land, the companies are yet to receive official approval from the government to develop the projects, said U Hla Myint.

U Sein Win, the managing director of Hanthawaddy Co., said his company planned to begin three major projects, including an industrial zone near Pegu, on land bought from locals. The company has built roads and water supply facilities for the planned projects, he said.

"For the rest, we'll invite local and foreign investors to join in partnership with us," he said. "For the industrial project, we'll invite foreign industrialists and work together in a joint venture."

U Saw Oo, managing director of Maw Shan Co, said the Shan State government approved the company's proposal to establish a border trade zone between Shan State's Muse and China's Jiegao and submitted the proposal to the Union government.

"In her visit to China, the State Counselor signed an agreement on establishing border trade zones, including in this place. The proposed zone covers about 3,000 acres," he said.

Economist U Khin Maung Nyo stressed the importance of making good use of land purchased by companies.

"Yes, companies have to play competitively to obtain land. This is right from an economic point of view, as land is a limited and valuable resource. But, it is important that land brings benefits. If there will be factories and job opportunities on the land, it would be beneficial," he told The Irrawaddy.

U Toe Aung Myint, permanent secretary of the Ministry of Commerce, said granting foreign investors the same rights as local businesspeople would attract them.

"I think we'll be able to catch up with other countries only by establishing industrial zones and export zones," U Toe Aung Myint told the press after the forum.

"[Foreign investors] are interested in the infrastructural sector of the country. For example, they want to invest in electricity, as it is lacking here. They want to know about policies on how investment can be made in electricity," said chairman U Khin Maung Aye of the MIDA.

Responding to anti-China sentiment surrounding controversial China-backed projects such as the suspended Myitsone Dam in Kachin State, and the Letpadaung Copper Mine in Sagaing Division, chairman of the Co-operative Bank (CB) U Khin Maung Aye said, "I would like to tell the whole country that I don't agree to boycotting all the Chinese investors.

"My view is we should accept Chinese businesspeople if their projects benefit us. But if the projects only benefit them, we should not accept it," he added.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Does The Issue of Kachin State’s Displaced People Only Matter to Ethnic Kachin?

Posted: 08 Jun 2017 04:21 AM PDT

As the sixth anniversary of the resumption of Burma's civil war between the Burma Army and ethnic armed group the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) arrives, civilians in Kachin State continue to be displaced by conflict.

Immediately after the second session of the 21st Century Panglong peace conference ended, the Burma Army launched an offensive on KIA posts in Tanai Township, inhabited by tens of thousands of people who depend on mining gold and amber for their livelihoods. Many people have fled the conflict zone, some were injured and two died.

These new Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) join more than 100,000 others in Kachin State—historically unprecedented numbers of displaced people in the area. The war not only produced tens of thousands of IDPs, but has taken the lives of combatants, civilians, and animals. Many villages have been devastated; paddy fields and farms turned to bushes.

The question "do Kachin IDP issues only matter to ethnic Kachin?" needs to be answered. Displacement creates social problems in a peaceful society and disrupts the state, the Union, and the economy.

Displaced Kachin children in 2012. (Photo: Hkun Li)

The Problem of Unemployment

Civil war and displacement creates unemployment in Kachin, impacting GDP growth. According to the Asian Development Bank, Burma has one of the fastest GDP growth rates in the world at 7.7 percent, but its unemployment rate is still high at 4.02 percent. By comparison, Cambodia's unemployment rate is 0.3 percent, Thailand's 0.9 percent, Laos' 1.3 percent, and Vietnam's 3.7 percent.

Farm workers, fishermen, and hunters quit their jobs for fear of conflict when traveling in the region. They often become porters to support troops instead. Residents increasingly turn to opium poppy cultivation and drug dealing as a quick way to make money. Instability and unemployment has led to a low standard of living and an increase in violent crime.

A 2015 report by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime reported Kachin State is one of the largest poppy growing areas in the region with 2,000 hectares under cultivation. Unsurprisingly, in some villages, an estimated 20 percent of households deal drugs. High unemployment and opium cultivation breeds drug addiction, particularly among youth. The cycle of unemployment, drug dealing, addiction, and crime will not only impact Kachin, but the country's society at large.

Loss of Trade

Kachin's major trading partner is China's Yunnan province, and a major trade route, passing through KIA headquarters in Laiza, has been shut down by conflict. It is the same story for the Lweje trade route. The Kanpaiti trade route was opened as a replacement, but the road is not as good and is longer. It is fair to say that war in Kachin has negatively affected cross-border trade between China and Kachin, and therefore Burma.

The railway between Kachin and Mandalay via Sagaing has been affected by clashes along its course, disrupting domestic trade and pushing up the price of daily commodities which are imported by train to Kachin State. Trade between state capital Myitkyina and the far north's Putao has also been halted by fighting. In 2012, an acute rice shortage was only alleviated when the government delivered sacks of rice to hungry villagers. Prices in Putao are often double, if not triple, those in the capital.

It's not just trade of day-to-day necessities that has been disrupted by war—the trade of natural resources including gold, amber, and jadeite have also been affected, naturally affecting the state's GDP.

Nearly 2,000 internally displaced people arrived at Shait Yang village in Laiza District in January 2017. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy).

Brain Drain

The civil war has driven people in Burma to seek better opportunities abroad. According to the International Organization for Migration, 4.25 million out of Burma's 51.9 million population are now living abroad. Regionally, Burma has grown to be the largest migration source country in the Greater Mekong sub-region. Among them, 70 percent of migrants living abroad are based in Thailand, followed by Malaysia (15 percent), China (4.6 percent), Singapore (3.9 percent) and the USA (1.9 percent).

Although there is no specific data on a "brain drain" of workers from Kachin State, an estimated one person in ten is now working in a foreign country—China, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Japan, and others. Most initially work in Malaysia and Thailand before seeking asylum in third countries such as Australia, the US, and Europe. This loss of labor undermines productivity in Kachin and the country.

Forlorn Hope

Despite the six-year anniversary of the civil war, the mounting number of IDPs maintain a forlorn hope for resettlement. The miserable IDP camps face increasing cuts to aid. According to Human Rights Watch, the Burma Army has blocked World Food Program aid since mid-2016 for fear that it could be used to supply KIA troops. Food rations for able-bodied men in IDP camps were cut in March 2017, according to camp organizers.

Displaced Kachin camp out on a roadside. (Photo: Supplied)

Burma Army Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing upset many Kachin last month when he accused "insurgents" of using IDPs as human shields in a conversation with International Committee for the Red Cross President Peter Maurer.

State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi—who initially fostered hopes of peace from voters including ethnic minorities—gave IDPs little hope of resettlement when she visited Kachin camps in March this year. "We can close these IDP camps and people can live in their homes only if we attain peace," she said. Gaining peace seems a long way off for IDPs and their dream to return home remains blurry—they have no alternative but to wait.

Now is not time for Burma's government to increase military spending, but rather to provide aid to IDPs, curtail unemployment, and rebuild communities in Kachin State and elsewhere. The Burma Army and ethnic armed groups should not argue over secession from the Union—as they did at the recent peace conference—but rather seek solutions to end conflict and build lasting peace in the region.

The international community, particularly China, must help Burma to end its civil war not just in the interest of border stability, but for the livelihoods of those displaced by conflict. China should not be shy in stepping in to solve the conflict—getting fully involved in order to achieve peace is preferable to being overly cautious and muddling through. Without attempts to broker peace, IDPs will be waiting beyond the seventh anniversary of civil war before they can return home. No one wants that.

Joe Kumbun is the pseudonym of a Kachin State-based analyst.

The post Does The Issue of Kachin State's Displaced People Only Matter to Ethnic Kachin? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Mandalay Journalists Join Armband Campaign to Oppose Use of 66(d) Against the Media

Posted: 08 Jun 2017 04:08 AM PDT

MANDALAY — Mandalay journalists gathered on Thursday to show their solidarity with a detained columnist and the chief editor of The Voice Daily, who appeared in court in Rangoon for charges under Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Act on the same day.

The journalists, wearing white shirts and white armbands, went to Mahamuni Pagoda, where they prayed for the freedom of the two detained men. The armbands read "Freedom of Press," printed in both Burmese and English, with a picture of hands in handcuffs.

The journalists also went to city centers and crowded markets, sharing statements that condemned using the Telecommunications Act to file lawsuits against the media.

"After gathering signatures, we will submit an appeal to the State Counselor, the President's Office, the commander-in-chief and Parliament to reconsider using the Telecommunications Act, as opposed to the Media Law, to punish journalists," said Ko Lin Tun, a freelance journalist and employee of the Media Center in Mandalay.

"We would like to ask the government to amend the Telecommunications Law, which authorities are using to oppress journalists and the media," said Ko Min Din, the chief editor of Mandalay-based Channel Mandalay News.

Journalists and supporters from Monywa, Sagaing Division also issued a similar statement on Thursday, showing their support and calling on the government to review the Telecommunications Law, which allows suspects to be arrested without bail and has been increasingly used in politically motivated defamation cases.

"This movement is not only for journalists. [Article] 66(d) threatens everyone. We will join hands with journalists in Rangoon and other cities to urge for the amendment of this law," said Ko San Yu Kyaw, a columnist based in Mandalay.

Journalists in Rangoon are also participating in the armband campaign. They will wear the armbands for 10 days, collect signatures until the end of the month and then submit their request.

Satirist British Ko Ko Maung and U Kyaw Min Swe, the chief editor of The Voice news agency were arrested under Article 66(d) on June 2 for a satirical piece regarding the current peace process and ongoing armed conflict.

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Personal Tribute to a Communist Veteran

Posted: 08 Jun 2017 03:38 AM PDT

On May 29, 2017, Yebaw (Comrade) Htun Lin, a leading member of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), passed away in the Thai border town of Mae Sot. He had been rushed to the hospital with sudden gastric pain, and died soon afterwards. He was in his mid-seventies.

Few attended his funeral service. Several remaining comrades were either too elderly or had no documents to travel to Mae Sot.

I was greatly saddened, as much by his sudden death as by the oblivion accorded to a revolutionary leader who had committed his entire life to his beliefs, at huge personal sacrifice.

I had only known Yebaw Htun Lin for a few months. He had come to stay in Chiang Mai for medical treatment, and despite his infirmities—including crippling back pain—he was a gracious and affable house guest.

I spent many a fascinating hour listening to his life story and critique of the current political situation in Burma. Due to the ongoing outlawing of the CPB, he had been living at the Thai border for about twenty years. He refused to return to Burma if it meant officially surrendering.

Yebaw Htun Lin was born in Yemethin, Mandalay Division, towards the end of the Second World War. "I was born into war, and spent my life at war," he would say wistfully. After completing school, he joined the Air Force, but, disillusioned with military rule, within a few years had become an underground member of the CPB.

In 1965, he was exposed as a CPB cell member and arrested. He was interrogated and tortured by military intelligence for two weeks in Mingaladon, then imprisoned in Insein. One year later, he was transferred to the penal colony on Great Coco Island (200 kilometers off the Burmese coast), where the majority of the 230 prisoners were communist party members. He stayed there for five years, until a mass hunger strike, in which eight prisoners starved to death, forced the authorities to transfer all inmates back to the mainland. He returned to Insein Prison, enduring further torture—hooded with a blanket and beaten with a metal rod—before being released in 1972.

After doing manual labor in Rangoon for a few years, he regained contact with the CPB and traveled up to their Panghsang headquarters on the Chinese border. He spent a year there, before moving down to the southern Shan-Karenni area, where he worked as military commander of the Central Region Democratic Front, a CPB-linked alliance including the Kayan New Land Party (KNLP), Shan Nationalities People's Liberation Organization (SNPLO) and Karenni National People's Liberation Front (KNPLF). Constantly on the move, hounded by Burma Army troops, he described being without food and water for days on end.

While in the jungle, he married Ma Saw Hla, head of the allied front's women's association and cousin of U Than Soe Naing, the current KNLP chairman. Tragically, she died of blood poisoning only days after bearing their first child. On her deathbed, she asked her husband to make two promises: to continue the revolutionary struggle, and to take care of their baby daughter. To his lasting sorrow, he was unable to keep his second promise, as the baby died three months later. He never remarried, and kept his wife's picture with him till the end.

After the 1989 mutinies against the CPB leadership on the China-Burma border, Yebaw Htun Lin remained in the southern Shan-Karenni area, only moving out when the CPB's former allies signed ceasefires with the military regime in 1994. He survived by cultivating a small farm on the Thai border.

Despite his party's reversal of fortune, Yebaw Htun Lin remained proud of being part of a revolutionary force which had played such a key role in Burma's political history.

His time on Coco Island, and the heroism of the hunger strikers who sacrificed their lives, was clearly inspirational for him. He described how, even as they lay dying – too weak to wipe ants off their bodies – the strikers called for the downfall of the military dictatorship. One's last request was to hear comrades sing the Communist Internationale. "Their courage inspired me my entire life," he said.

I feel privileged to have known Yebaw Htun Lin, however briefly. He was confident that a new left-wing movement would emerge in Burma, and to contribute to this, was in the process of writing his memoirs when he died. I very much hope his friends can complete his book and fulfill his wishes.

The post Personal Tribute to a Communist Veteran appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Irrawaddy River Urban Project Gets Green Light

Posted: 08 Jun 2017 02:45 AM PDT

MANDALAY —The Mandalay divisional government has allowed a company to begin the initial stages of a major development project on an island in the Irrawaddy River despite protests from locals and environmentalists.

The Amarapura Urban Development Project secured 20 acres on an island—known locally as Shan Lay Kyun—in the Irrawaddy River in Amarapura Township about six kilometers southwest of Mandalay.

Mandalay Business Capital City Development Ltd (MBCCD) plans to build high-rise buildings, which will house apartments, business offices, markets, government offices, and schools by laying soil 20-feet deep across the island.

On MBCCD's board of directors is controversial tycoon Maung Weik, founder of the Maung Weik and Family Company, one of the biggest importers of steel in Burma.

Mandalay Chief Minister U Zaw Myint Maung told a press conference at the end of May that the government would provide MBCCD with 20 acres and then review the project later to see whether it should continue. The proposal for the development encompasses 2,500 acres, including the whole island and the watershed on the opposite side of its southern shore.

"First we will construct office buildings and upgrade the road running parallel to the island that goes to Mandalay," MBCCD spokesperson U Zaw Ye Win told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. "We will begin testing and filling the soil, however we are facing many challenges."

The area is usually flooded during the monsoon season, said U Zaw Ye Win, so the company needs to protect the land from submersion and erosion as well as improve the soil fill for the foundation of the site. Another challenge, he added, is building trust with the locals.

"We've met with the locals of Shan Lay Kyun village to assure them we will return their land and homes once the project is finished," he said. "We are also making sure that the area will be protected from natural disasters and environmental impacts, but these tasks are still challenging us."

He said the project would "bring development" to the region, and the company would "do its best" to protect the surrounding environment, adding that it sent an analysis on the project's social and environmental impact to the divisional government.

The project, which took advice and technical assistance from Dutch experts, will take at least 10 years to complete, according to MBCCD.

Environmentalists said a series of meetings they held with MBCCD resulted in disagreements. U Maung Maung Oo, a local environmental activist of Green Activities, expressed surprise over the divisional government's decision to give permission to the company to begin the project.

"Local experts have continuously advised the company not to carry out the project on the island because it would greatly affect the river flow during the monsoon season, and result in the flooding of the lower region," he said.

He explained that the soil filling process would narrow the waterway and increase the strength of the current during the monsoon season, swamping places farther down the riverbank.

The company has stated it would build canals to channel the water away from the island, but this would not be enough during the wet season, according to U Maung Maung Oo.

Neighboring lakes such as Taung Tha Man and Kandawgyi would be flooded, he said, as well as nearby ponds and natural canals.

The whole island becomes flooded during the monsoon season, during which time some residents move to the mainland, however most of the residents live in two-story stilt houses and live upstairs.

"I just want to tell the government and the company to leave the Irrawaddy River alone, for the safety of the people who live in this region," U Maung Maung Oo added.

Many residents want to stay in their village, although the company stated it has offered between 1 and 6 million kyats to purchase 10 by 10 meters of land, depending on the location. It also promised to rehouse residents on the island after the construction is completed.

It is unclear whether the residents would be allowed to stay on the island during the construction, but locals fear the scale of the development would push them out regardless.

Ma Wai Wai Mar, a local of Shan Lay Kyun village, said there have been "many examples" of people being forced to move from similar project areas without receiving any form of compensation.

"We do not want to take the risk of believing anyone associated with this project," she said. "There are some villagers who agree with the project. But the company said it would take 10 years to complete—who knows what will happen during that time. We do not want to lose our land and homes."

The post Irrawaddy River Urban Project Gets Green Light appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Canada Announces Almost $9 Million for Burma’s Peace Process and Humanitarian Support 

Posted: 08 Jun 2017 12:56 AM PDT

Amid Burmese refugees in Canada voicing concerns over their country's peace process, Canada's Prime Minister Trudeau has announced $8.8 million in support for humanitarian assistance and the advancement of peace and stability in Burma.

The announcement came as Burma's State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi visited Canada, meeting with Prime Minister Trudeau on Wednesday in Ottawa.

A statement released on the prime minister's website said the financial contributions "will help protect human rights, support peace building, and promote women's participation in the national peace process."

"They will also support a range of life-saving services, including emergency food assistance, shelter and health care, to vulnerable populations," read the statement.

Canada's Prime Minister said in the statement, "Canada's ties with Myanmar grow every day, and we are committed to supporting this country as its people progress towards true peace and stability."

"We encourage an inclusive peace process that respects human rights and meets the needs of all people in Myanmar, especially those of traditionally vulnerable populations, including ethnic and religious minorities, women and children," he was quoted as saying.

Burma's State Counselor and Canada's Prime Minister also discussed the political transition in Burma and the Canadian government's support of ongoing reforms.

The Prime Minster encouraged Burma to speed up its efforts to "uphold human rights, particularly with respect to women, youth, and protecting ethnic and religious minorities, including the Rohingya."

The prime minister also expressed condolences for the tragic loss of life after a Burma Army plane, carrying more than 100 people including servicemen and their families, crashed near Dawei on Wednesday.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi also joined a federalism study workshop on Wednesday with leaders of Burma's ethnic armed organizations. Ethnic leaders from Karen, Shan, Chin and Pa-O armed groups are currently visiting Canada on a federalism study tour.

On Monday, ethnic Karen refugees in Canada released an open letter on the arrival of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, raising their concern over the ongoing militarization in Karen State despite a bilateral ceasefire agreement that was signed between the Karen National Union (KNU) and the previous government.

Slone Phan, chairman of the Karen Community of Canada, told The Irrawaddy: "We are concerned about human rights abuses, land confiscation, mega-projects, and militarization in ethnic areas. We want to tell the Canadian government to encourage Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to speak out for human rights, to stop conflict and withdraw her troops [Burma Army] in Karen and other ethnic states."

He also urged the state counselor to sincerely cooperate with ethnic leaders for national reconciliation and a new constitution that reflects a genuine democratic federal union in Burma.

Canada and Burma established diplomatic ties when Burma gained independence from the British in 1948. Canada has disbursed more than US$95 million to Burma in official development assistance since 2013, according to the prime minister's website.

The post Canada Announces Almost $9 Million for Burma's Peace Process and Humanitarian Support  appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Three Bodies, Debris Found in Search for Missing Military Plane

Posted: 07 Jun 2017 09:39 PM PDT

RANGOON — Navy vessels found three bodies and debris from a military aircraft carrying 122 people that went missing flying between Tanintharyi Division's Myeik and Rangoon on Wednesday afternoon, according to the Burma Army commander-in-chief's office Facebook post on Thursday morning.

The bodies of one male, one female, and one child were found 35 kilometers (22 miles) southwest of Dawei District's Launglon Township in the Andaman Sea at 8:18 a.m. on Thursday, along with a wheel, lifejackets and luggage, the statement read.

Nine military boats and three aircraft began searching for the Y-200 F military transport plane after contact was lost about 69 kilometers (43 miles) southwest of Tanintharyi Division's Dawei at 1:35 p.m. on Wednesday.

According to figures released by the office of the commander-in-chief, 14 crew members and 108 military staff members and their families, including 15 children, were on board when the plane lost communication with Dawei airbase.

Six high-ranking officers and 29 other military personnel were on board.  The plane's captain was Lt-Col Nyein Chan and the co-pilots were Lt-Col Soe Thu Win and Maj Thant Zin Htay.

The Chinese-made plane was acquired in March 2016 and had a total of 809 flying hours. It was also carrying 2.4 tons of supplies, according to the military statement. A civil aviation official told Reuters the weather had been "normal" with good visibility when the plane took off.

Nicknamed "air camel" in Chinese, the multi-purpose aircraft was approved for production in 1980 and is still being produced by Shaanxi Aircraft Corporation, a unit of state-owned Aviation Industry Corp of China. The four-spoke turboprop is used in countries including China and Sudan.

A military helicopter crashed last June in central Burma, killing three military personnel on board.

Five military personnel were killed last February after an air force aircraft crashed in the country’s capital, Naypyidaw, according to media reports. Two people were killed and 11 injured after a small private plane crashed in central Burma in 2012.

The post Three Bodies, Debris Found in Search for Missing Military Plane appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China and Burma: Not Only Pauk-Phaw

Posted: 07 Jun 2017 07:36 PM PDT

Part 4 of a 5-part series.

2011-to present: Burma-US Relations, Its Complicated

Western sanctions did not cause Burma's economic—and strategic—fall into the hands of the Chinese, as many foreign observers have argued. But Western policies certainly made it easier for China to implement its designs for Burma. This, in return, caused some in the West to criticize a policy of isolating Burma and "handing it over to China." These concerns were outlined as early as June 1997 in a Los Angeles Times article by Marvin Ott, an American security expert and former CIA analyst. "Washington can and should remain outspokenly critical of abuses in [Burma]. But there are security and other national interests to be served…it is time to think seriously about alternatives," Ott concluded.

But the turn took some doing. Between 2000-2008, the George W. Bush administration's bipartisan Burma policy not only maintained sanctions put in place by Congress during the Clinton administration but added new ones in an attempt to support Burma's democratic forces. In the wake of the 2007 Saffron Revolution's popular uprising and the regime's disastrous response to Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the Bush administration did seek to take advantage of additional space to support civil society on the ground by expanding humanitarian assistance and other programs inside the country, but overall it maintained a hard line against the regime's leadership.

The revelation in the early 2000s that Burma and North Korea had established a strategic partnership helped to tip the balance in Washington. North Korea reportedly was providing Burma with tunneling expertise, heavy weapons, radar and air defense systems, and—it is alleged by Western and Asian intelligence agencies—even missile-related technology. Some leading foreign policy voices, such as then-Senator Jim Webb, began arguing that it was high time to shift tracks and start to engage the Burmese leadership, which seemed bent on clinging on to power no matter the consequences. When the Obama administration came into office on a platform of reversing Bush-era foreign policy, many saw an opening for a change on Burma as well.

The November 2010 election in Burma, which formally ended junta rule by Senior General Than Shwe and brought the Thein Sein government to power, was blatantly rigged and fraudulent. Nonetheless, it was seen as an opportunity that the West needed to mend fences with the Burmese leadership. Burma suddenly had a new face and a country ostensibly run by a constitution, not a junta. With a new administration in Washington, it was also the perfect time for Burma's former generals to launch a charm offensive in the West, and for the United States and other Western countries to begin the process of détente. Both the US and Burmese leadership viewed pulling Burma from its uncomfortable Chinese embrace and close relationship with North Korea as a key element of this new era.

In early December 2011, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton paid a high-profile visit to Burma, the first such trip by a top-ranking Washington official in more than 50 years. Clinton's visit to Burma was followed by a visit by President Obama in November 2012, who returned to Rangoon two years later as the country finally took its turn as chair of ASEAN. In May 2013, Thein Sein became the first Burmese head of state to visit the United States since Gen. Ne Win was there in 1966. By the time Aung San Suu Kyi arrived in Washington for a September 2016 visit as State Counselor, US-Burma relations had been almost completely normalized. On the occasion of her visit, she and President Obama announced the lifting of all remaining economic sanctions.

In order to understand Burma's rather dramatic policy shift, it is instructive to look deeper into what was discussed in inner circles of the military in the early 2000s. Then condemned and isolated by the international community, the ruling military junta announced in August 2003 a seven-step "Roadmap to Discipline-Flourishing Democracy." That plan called for the drafting of a new constitution, general elections, and convention of a new parliament that would "elect state leaders" charged with building "a modern, developed, and democratic nation."

The "roadmap" was made public, but at the same time a confidential "master plan" that outlined ways and means to deal with both the international community, especially the US, and domestic opposition was also drawn up. The authors of that plan are not known; however, an internal military document written by Lt-Col Aung Kyaw Hla, who is identified as a researcher at the country's prestigious Defense Services Academy, was completed and circulated as early as August 2004, less than two months before Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, "China's man", was ousted.

The Burmese-language document, received and reviewed by this author, outlines the thinking and strategy behind the master plan. It is, however, unclear whether "Aung Kyaw Hla" is a particular person, or a codename used by a military think-tank. Anecdotal evidence suggests the latter.

Entitled "A Study of Myanmar [Burma]-U.S. Relations," the main thesis of the 346-page dossier is that Burma's recent reliance on China as a diplomatic ally and economic patron has created a "national emergency" that threatens the country's independence. According to the dossier, Burma must normalize relations with the West after implementing the roadmap and electing a government so that the regime can deal with the outside world on more acceptable terms.

Aung Kyaw Hla goes on to argue that although human rights are a concern in the West, the US would be willing to modify its policy to suit "strategic interests." Although the author does not specify those interests, it is clear from the thesis that he is thinking of common ground with the US vis-à-vis China. The author cites Vietnam and Indonesia under former dictator Suharto as examples of US foreign policy flexibility in weighing strategic interests against democratization.

If bilateral relations with the US were improved, the master plan suggests, Burma would also get access to badly needed funds from the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other global financial institutions. The country could then emerge from "regionalism," where it depended on the goodwill and trade of its immediate neighbors, including China, and enter a new era of "globalization."

The master plan clearly articulated the problems that must be addressed before Burma could lessen its reliance on China and become a trusted partner with the West. The main issue at the time of writing was the detention of pro-democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who Aung Kyaw Hla wrote was a key "focal point": "Whenever she is under detention pressure increases, but when she is not, there is less pressure."

Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi speaks with supporters outside her home, where she was placed under house arrest for seven years, in Rangoon on November 13, 2010. (Soe Zeya Tun/ Reuters)

While the report implies Suu Kyi's release would improve ties with the West, the plan's ultimate aim—which it spells out clearly—is to "crush" the opposition.

The dossier concluded that the regime could not compete with the media and non-governmental organizations run by Burmese exiles, but if US politicians and lawmakers were invited to visit the country they could help to sway international opinion in the regime's favor. In the years leading up to the recent policy shifts, many Americans, including some congressmen, did visit Burma and often proved less critical of the regime than they previously had been.

In the end, it seems that Burma's military leaders successfully managed to engage the US rather than vice versa. As a result, relations with the United States have improved rapidly, exactly along the lines suggested by Aung Kyaw Hla in 2004. Both China and North Korea were high on the agenda when Clinton visited Burma in December 2011. Subsequently, strategic and economic concerns have risen up the bilateral agenda even as human rights and democratization have been steadily de-emphasized.

Today, the two old adversaries, Burma and the United States, increasingly end up on the same side of the fence in the struggle for power and influence in Southeast Asia. Frictions, and perhaps even hostility, can certainly be expected in future relations between China and Burma—but barring some unforeseen event, Burma will no longer be seen by the United States and elsewhere in the West as a pariah state that has to be condemned and isolated.

Read Part 3 of the series here. Tomorrow: Part 5. Recovering Influence and Checking Rivals

This article was originally published here by The Project 2049 Institute, a policy group based in the US.

The post China and Burma: Not Only Pauk-Phaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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