The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- A Judicious Opportunity
- People Have Right to Criticize Govt: State Counselor
- Transforming Futures of Female Kachin IDPs Through Sex Education
- Lower House Approves Urgent Proposal on H1N1 Outbreak
- Govt Organizes Update for Peace Stakeholders
- Court Considers Bail for Detained Journalists
- ‘Myanmar Army is Indirectly Pressuring Media’
- Myanmar Army Unnerves Ethnic Kachin
- Our Fight For Press Freedom
- Blood and Silk: Power and Conflict in Modern Southeast Asia
| Posted: 28 Jul 2017 07:50 AM PDT HSIPAW, Shan State — The first thing that Irrawaddy journalist Lawi Weng said as he emerged from a prison van for the first session of his trial in the Hsipaw Township court was an enthusiastic "Hi, all." Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) reporters Ko Aye Nai and Ko Pyay Phone Naing—also detained in northern Shan State under the same charges of allegedly violating Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act—gave a thumbs-up to their awaiting family members, colleagues, and fellow reporters outside the courthouse. Before the three men stepped out of the van in shackles, Lawi Weng pointed to his handcuffs and sarcastically declared with a laugh, "This is what we get for being journalists. This is democracy—our country is a democracy." Thursday's court session marked the official start to the journalists' trial, 32 days since their arrest by the Myanmar Army for making contact with the ethnic armed group the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) for a story. Since then, they have been in detention, marked by two arbitrary court appearances, held without the prior knowledge of family members or colleagues, and in which they were remanded to police custody. As this session was open to the public, the courtroom was packed with members of the detainees' families and legal teams. I was among the journalists that had to stand next to the windows outside in order to witness the trial, as there was no space for us inside. The judge agreed to consider the defense lawyers' request for bail, stating that he would rule on it during the next hearing, scheduled for Aug. 4. At The Irrawaddy, fingers are crossed that it will be granted. In the past, particularly under the former military regime, Myanmar courts rarely granted bail in cases where the defendants were accused of liaising with "unlawful associations." The statute was largely used to prosecute pro-democracy activists, since the government had outlawed nearly any organization that worked on this cause. As a result, many detainees were handed the maximum three-year prison sentence. The charges against Lawi Weng, Ko Aye Nai and Ko Pyay Phone Naing stem from a decision by the Shan State regional parliament in 2016 to label the TNLA a "terrorist" group; the three reporters were returning from covering a drug-burning ceremony in TNLA territory when they were arrested. However, since the Shan State parliamentary announcement was not followed by an executive order signed by President U Htin Kyaw confirming the organization's status, it is questionable whether the journalists can in fact be sentenced for liaising with the TNLA, as they were accused of doing. Furthermore, the Myanmar Army affirmed that it would not put pressure on the judges handling the case and that the judiciary would be given space to decide upon a response that they rule is justifiable, according to the Myanmar Press Council, the body tasked with negotiating with the authorities. State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi recently said, "It is not for us to comment on how the various cases should be tried in court. That's for the justice sector to take care of," when asked about the recent arrest of the three reporters. Absent external intervention, the decision as to whether the journalists are guilty now falls solely on the judges, as they need not fear an outside party handing down verdicts already decided upon "upstairs." Perhaps most importantly, it is an opportunity for the judiciary to signal to Myanmar's citizens that equality before the law may, as of yet, prevail, marking the dawning of an era that sees the rule of law resurrected. The post A Judicious Opportunity appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| People Have Right to Criticize Govt: State Counselor Posted: 28 Jul 2017 07:42 AM PDT NAYPYITAW — People have the right to criticize a democratically elected government, Myanmar's State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said on Thursday amid criticism of her government's lack of progress and failure to protect press freedom. "The elected government must face criticism bravely and righteously. People have the right to criticize the government which they have elected," Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said at an event to mark the first anniversary of her State Counselor's Office in Naypyitaw on Thursday. "Not all of the people will offer constructive criticism, this is not unusual in a democracy," she said. Civil servants should amend their work if criticisms are valid and, even if criticisms are not fair, they have to respect public opinion, she advised. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi admitted that members of her cabinet would not be perfect and that they have their own strengths and weaknesses. She urged civil servants to develop all of their capabilities to serve national interests. "Don't only think about self-interest," she advised. "If the public can take pride in our civil servants, we will be able to take pride in our country." The National League for Democracy-led government has come under fire as its political and economic reforms fall short of people's expectations, one and half year after it took the office. Its handling of the peace process, the Rakhine issue and racial divides also attracted criticism. The main objective of the State Counselor's Office is to achieve peace, and the office also assumes the responsibility to provide guidance in efforts for national reconciliation, rule of law, improving the economy and living standards of people, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said. Minister of the State Counselor's Office U Kyaw Tint Swe told the press: "We handle various issues such as government administration, international relations, national reconciliation, internal peace, the Rakhine issue, the Myitsone Dam, and the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone," "It is natural for civil servants and military personnel to be criticized in a democratic age," said journalist U Thiha Thway. "In an age of democracy, every politician will be criticized. But, the problem is they don't respect criticism. There is no culture of tolerance for criticism here," he added. A number of journalists have been charged for publishing articles critical of the government including U Kyaw Min Swe, chief editor of The Voice Daily, who was charged under Article 66 (d) of Telecommunications Law for publishing a satirical article questioning the country's ongoing peace process. The post People Have Right to Criticize Govt: State Counselor appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Transforming Futures of Female Kachin IDPs Through Sex Education Posted: 28 Jul 2017 05:26 AM PDT WAINGMAW & MYITKYINA, Kachin State — Noticing she had a growing abdomen, 22-year-old ethnic Kachin woman Nang Tsin went to the only immediately available healthcare service nearby—a midwife. When the midwife revealed she was pregnant, Nang Tsin's face grew flushed in front of the health worker, as the young woman had been seeing a local man in secret. "My waistline became very obvious," Nang Tsin, an internally displaced person (IDP) said, recalling the discovery of her pregnancy about six months ago as she nursed her two-month-old boy inside a 15 square-foot room of bamboo matting. The midwife sent her for an emergency scan at the nearest clinic and the result showed that the baby was due in less than four months. When The Irrawaddy asked if she was aware of what caused her pregnancy, she responded, "I didn't know," with a soft voice. Nang Tsin is one of some 150 women aged between 18 and 35 living at St. Joseph Mai Na Camp for IDPs in Waingmaw Township, Kachin State. The camp currently houses 1,472 people who fled from nearby villages, mostly in Waingmaw Township. The camp has sheltered ethnic Kachin fleeing conflict since the 17-year-old ceasefire agreement between the Myanmar Army and the Kachin Independence Army broke down in 2011. To date, more than 100,000 have been displaced. Even though doctors and nurses visited Kachin camps to raise awareness about reproductive health, Nang Tsin said she could not attend the talks as she was at school. When The Irrawaddy visited the camp last week, women with infants wrapped in a blanket either on their backs or close to their chests was a common sight. According to the camp management, there are 74 children under two years old in the camp.  A Lack of Sex Education Though Nang Tsin may not be considered particularly young to have a baby, the fact that she lacked basic knowledge of pregnancy betrays the poor situation of sexual and reproductive health awareness in the camp. Currently six months pregnant, Nang Tsin's 40-year-old mother Ja Mai gave birth to her first child when she was 18. She stopped receiving contraceptive injections believing that she had already reached menopause but the mother of six unexpectedly became pregnant again earlier this year. Living hand-to-mouth and working to provide for the family, Ja Mai said she didn't even know that her daughter had a boyfriend. According to Kachin-based Htoi Gender and Development Foundation, which has been working with women in the region—both in IDP camps and villages—advocating for reproductive rights and awareness of gender issues since 2011, women and girls in the camps can be more vulnerable than those who live outside of the camps because of the many social problems they must confront daily. Nang Pu, founder of the Kachin State Women's Network and the director of Htoi, told The Irrawaddy that many young women and girls living in IDP camps often face unwanted or unplanned pregnancies due to a lack of sufficient education, healthcare, livelihood opportunities, friendship and family support. "They don't get any emotional support to heal the trauma caused by displacement, [and] they have to live in very cramped or small places where they see things that they shouldn't be seeing at a young age," Nang Pu said. "Their parents barely have time to be with them," she added, noting that most mothers tend to work outside of the camp or take care of household chores throughout the day.  Nang Pu added that apart from the conditions young girls face inside camps, the discrimination they experience at schools also attributes to emotional complications regarding sexuality. "Their peers from school single them out for anything they do just because they are IDPs, which makes them see no future in education," she highlighted. She said that many such girls and young women then seek comfort in attention from men and boys who show an interest in them. Addressing the Need for Knowledge Recognizing the dire situation, a group called Colorful Girls run by a community-based organization known as Girl Determined, has been trying to give girls and women living in IDP camps the tools to tackle the obstacles they face. Working with girls aged between 12 and 17 living across the country's remote regions as well as in urban centers, the organization invites displaced girls into its athletics program and discussions about leadership, decision-making, friendship and sex education. It aims to help displaced girls gain confidence and cope with complex traumas in their lives, said Dashi Htu Awng, the regional coordinator for Colorful Girls' program launched in partnership with Htoi. "During our discussions with them, we share basic knowledge about sexuality, their menstrual cycle and the risks of a sexual relationship with males as they reach puberty," Htu Awng explained. "By gaining knowledge about sexuality, they can protect themselves from teenage pregnancies, spread their knowledge to their friends, gain confidence and better manage their sexual development," she said. "It is beneficial to their lives wherever they live." According to Dashi Htu Awng, the adolescent girls in displaced families often have to care for their younger siblings throughout the day while their parents are busy outside fending for the family, which decreases their chances of attending school. As the possibility of returning to their homes becoming increasingly slim, young girls have a difficult time finding motivation in their daily lives and for their futures, she added. Some girls fear menstruation, due to misinformation that their cycles make them "dirty," Dashu Htu Awng explained, adding that many parents are not open with their daughters in discussing these issues.  At Zilun Baptist IDP camp in Kachin State capital Myitkyina, Seng Mai, a mother of four, told The Irrawaddy that mothers like her don't know how to explain sexual health and awareness to their daughters since they did not receive such knowledge from their own mothers. Her 14-year-old daughter is one of the 250 young women benefiting from the Colorful Girls program across six Kachin IDP camps, and she said that her daughter's behavioral transformation before and after receiving the training during the last two years has been mind-opening for them both. "My daughter has become more self-assured and very aware of what she should be cautious of regarding relationships with boys," said Seng Mai. "If they are aware of how to prevent risk, they will know how to manage themselves and make their own decisions for their future," she said, adding that she always encouraged her daughter to make time for the training. With an ambition to be a schoolteacher, Nang Seng—a nickname by which she, Htoi and Colorful Girls requested that she be referred—said she is willing to share the knowledge she received from the training with her 9-year-old younger sister. "Such knowledge is very crucial for young girls like us," Nang Seng said, stressing that she had seen other girls at her camp who had conceived a child unintentionally and had to accept motherhood without preparation. Filling The Gap However, not every parent at the camp likes their daughters attending the training, believing that the organization is not helpful to their daily survival, Htu Awng said. "One of the biggest challenges for me is how to better convince parents that what we are doing is for their daughters' long term personal development rather than for immediate impact," Htu Awng said, noting that IDP families rely on donor support in order to get by. "They can't keep living their lives from donations," she said. "The families need support for capacity building to rebuild their lives and stand on their own feet." Recognizing that sex education is desperately needed for both the displaced population and those who live in remote villages, Htoi's Nang Pu said that it is also crucial to restore sexual and reproductive rights for young girls living in IDP camps. Such a strategy would reduce their vulnerability to sexual and domestic violence caused by a lack of awareness, and empower them with renewed confidence for their rehabilitation.  She said, however, that the most important element is peace—for the fighting in the region to cease so that displaced families are able to return home and rebuild lives. "Peace is the most effective resolution for them to go back to their homes with dignity and achieve a situation where they stand on their own feet," Nang Pu said. "Everything else is chopping off the tree's branches rather than digging up the roots," she added. While debates continue regarding the futures of those who have survived armed conflict, Nang Tsin and her husband are not sure about their own family's immediately future. "I recently learned how to weave, maybe I can make a living with this skill," the young mother said. The post Transforming Futures of Female Kachin IDPs Through Sex Education appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Lower House Approves Urgent Proposal on H1N1 Outbreak Posted: 28 Jul 2017 05:09 AM PDT NAYPYITAW — The Lower House approved an urgent proposal on Friday to control an outbreak of H1N1 influenza that has killed six out of 30 confirmed cases in Myanmar. Lower House MP U Thein Htun of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) submitted the proposal to boost awareness of H1N1—often referred to as swine flu—in schools, markets, factories, workshops, trains, buses, jetties, and airports in order to reduce the death rate and spread of the disease. The lawmaker said there was not enough education about the disease, adding that some people died from H1N1 because they were admitted to the hospital too late. On Thursday, a 24-year-old pregnant woman suspected of having H1N1 flu was admitted to a hospital in Naypyitaw, Dr. Aung Lin Aye, deputy superintendent of the hospital, told The Irrawaddy. Medical tests for the woman have been submitted to the National Health Laboratory in Yangon. USDP lawmaker U Thein Htun said the government must stand by its slogan "Together with the People," noting that ministries, lawmakers, civil society, Red Cross, fire service and ward administrations need to collaborate. Dr. Saw Naing, Lower House lawmaker of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD), welcomed U Thein Htun's proposal. "Raising awareness is good. Only if the public knows clearly how to protect themselves can they prevent [the disease spreading] in advance, including which mask they should use and how they should use it. And if there is a shortage of masks, the government has the duty to arrange for more," Dr. Saw Naing said. U Thein Htun urged for checks of the disease at docks and airports, as has been done in neighboring India, he said, where 12,460 cases have been confirmed and 600 have killed so far in 2017. The health ministry on Wednesday requested the World Health Organization (WHO) to help control the virus. The post Lower House Approves Urgent Proposal on H1N1 Outbreak appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Govt Organizes Update for Peace Stakeholders Posted: 28 Jul 2017 04:40 AM PDT YANGON — The government has invited 20 stakeholders for an informal meeting at the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NPRC) in Yangon on Saturday, July 29, with the aim of updating and consulting them on the peace process. Among the list of invitees are civil society group members, former lawmakers, prominent writers, Myanmar Press Council representatives, and independent analysts. It will be the first NRPC stakeholder consultation since the National League for Democracy (NLD) took office. State Counselor's Office spokeperson U Zaw Htay said it would be an informal gathering without publicity. Several invitees told The Irrawaddy they are considering whether to attend the meeting, as they said there was no agenda available and no indicator of any particular issue that would be discussed. "Calling such a meeting with the members of the public who have been following the peace process is a good thing to do," said one of the invitees, independent analyst U Maung Maung Soe. "But the key decisions are taken by the NRPC and peace commission." Under the previous incarnation of the NRPC—the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC)— led by then minister U Aung Min, the former government held two kinds of regular stakeholder meetings. One was a briefing session comprising more than 80 attendees, including diplomats, INGOs, and UN agencies. The other, called a Community Forum, would give a specific topic for representatives from the government, ethnic armed organizations, civil society groups, and media, as well as experts, to consider and discuss. The post Govt Organizes Update for Peace Stakeholders appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Court Considers Bail for Detained Journalists Posted: 28 Jul 2017 02:06 AM PDT Hsipaw, Shan State — Hsipaw Township Court will consider the bail request of three detained journalists and rule next week, the judge presiding over the case announced on Friday. "The judge accepted the submission of a bail appeal," said Daw Khin Mi Mi, lawyer of one of the accused men, Irrawaddy reporter Lawi Weng. "Persons facing the charge can be released on bail and we believe the judge will do his best," reported the lawyer, adding that the judge said he would rule at the next court hearing on Aug. 4. Six men—including Lawi Weng and the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) reporters U Aye Naing and Ko Pyae Phyo Naing—appeared in Hsipaw Township Court on Friday for the third time on Friday after two earlier surprise court dates. All of the journalists appeared in good physical and mental health. The court, on Friday, heard testimony from a local army official as a witness for the prosecution. Capt. Thet Naing Oo, who arrested the journalists in June, presented photos and video files as proof of the accused's connection with ethnic armed group the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). He told the court that the journalists failed to request permission from local security forces at a police station, Myanmar Army base, or local administration office before travelling to cover a drug-burning ceremony held by the TNLA to mark the UN's International Day Against Drug Abuse. "They [the army] said we need permission to go to that area, but we are journalists and citizens of this country and we have the right to travel freely inside our own country," Lawi Weng told reporters after the court hearing, before being sent back to Hsipaw Prison. The six men—three journalists, two drivers and a local man—were travelling in two vehicles near Phayagyi Village between Namhsan and Lashio townships on June 26 and were arrested on suspicion of connection with the TNLA, which operates in the area. The journalists and a local man were charged under Article 17(1) of the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act for contacting the TNLA, while the drivers received additional charges for the two unlicensed vehicles. They were placed in detention in Hsipaw Prison. Amnesty International issued a statement on Thursday calling for the immediate and unconditional release of the journalists. The post Court Considers Bail for Detained Journalists appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| ‘Myanmar Army is Indirectly Pressuring Media’ Posted: 28 Jul 2017 01:55 AM PDT YANGON — The Office of the Commander-in-Chief, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, released a statement on Wednesday prohibiting the usage of military ranks employed by the Myanmar Army for non-state armed organizations. "We hereby declare that military ranks, which are entitled only for military personnel of the Tatmadaw (Army, Navy and Air), are not to be used in reference to persons of other unconcerned organizations; and that military ranks are to be used correctly in line with existing laws," reads the statement. The Irrawaddy has interviewed legal experts and journalists about the potential impact of the prohibition on news reporting and beyond. U Sein Win, training director of the Myanmar Journalism Institute (MJI) Yes, it is true that the previous military government had enacted a law about how the organizational structures and terms should be used in reference to members of people's militias. I can accept it because people's militias had agreed to follow those instructions in order to be formed as people's militias. But the Tatmadaw can't impose such a ban on other organizations. Such restriction is a negative sign. We are still trying to achieve peace. How can we continue to engage in the peace process if [the Tatmadaw] doesn't recognize the organizational structures of other armed groups such as the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and Karen National Union (KNU)? For example, if Gen Gun Maw attends the peace process, will he be referred to as Gun Maw? We can't do that. Doing so is disregarding other organizations. The [Tatmadaw] can't act like they are the only one. This contradicts the peace process. It will also have an impact on the media. I view it as the [Tatmadaw's] second step to deter the media to make reports about ethnic armed organizations. As the first step, it applied Article 17 (1) [of the Unlawful Associations Act]. They are making it difficult for the media to report on the peace process. U Aung Thein, lawyer There have never been cases of prosecuting and imprisoning for using military ranks [in reference to people not belonging to the Myanmar Army]. The government of the Socialist Program Party imposed a ban on using ranks like lieutenant and captain in reference to robbers. Armed organizations formed according to the structures of an army would use military ranks. Persons such as Gen Gun Maw [of the KIA] have attended the peace talks [with the government] in his capacity as a general. And people's militias also use the military ranks such as major. How can we complain about them using their own military ranks while peace is still in the negotiation process? The government has invited and talked with those people and those organizations at peace negotiations. Though there is the [Unlawful Associations Act] which was enacted in the past, the government was meeting with rebels in the peace negotiations. I don't want to argue about if they are right or not. But [the rebels] have their own forces, armies and organizations for their own causes. So, there are armies and clashes. And they would hate to be addressed themselves as ordinary persons. The media did not invent the military ranks for them. When you interview someone who identifies himself as Gen Gun Maw, you can't refer to him as U Gun Maw in the report. He won't accept it. As long as a [single] Union Armed Forces can't be formed in the country, the separate armed groups will use their own ranks. If this is prohibited, they won't even come to the peace negotiation table. It is nothing to do with journalists. Those organizations have used such ranks and risen up against the government for around 60 years. And they won't just remove these ranks when they come to the peace negotiation table to talk with the current government. The media will refer to them according to the term they describe themselves. Journalists should not be prosecuted for this.  U Myint Kyaw, Myanmar Press Council It is not that the media have given them those ranks. The media has to refer to them according to the way they describe themselves. And the media don't have the right to change that. The [military] statement [issued on Wednesday], I think, is not yet an order. But it is still too early to say. Maybe they will issue an order. But it is absurd if the media will be given such an order. It is censorship and restriction on media. Regarding the ethnic armed groups, the [military] sent letters to journalists in Irrawaddy Region last year [restricting the use of military ranks for non-state armed groups.] But no journalist has agreed to do so.  U Zeyar Hlaing, editor of Mawkun Magazine The Tatmadaw applied the law based on the 2008 Constitution. So, the question is whether the Constitution has an effect on the entire territory of Myanmar, because, according to the Constitution, there must only be one armed forces, and the head of all the armed forces is the commander-in-chief. As journalists, we are ethically responsible to present all information from all sources in different perspectives. It is journalistic ethics to make balanced reporting without bias. While we are working for national unity, it is important that people get all the information about what is happening in ethnic areas. By doing so will help us understand each other. And it is the duty of the media to do so. So, it is not sensible that the Tatmadaw refers to a law that does not even have effect across the country. My view is that they are attempting to impose censorship by threatening the media. Censorship was abolished in 2012. But if you think there is no censorship now, you are wrong. There have been many challenges. For example, some media agencies practise self-censorship because of the concerns of the owners of media agencies. The current government has even sued the media. The senior leaders of the ruling party have made derogatory remarks about the media. And the Tatmadaw has started to oppress the media as an example. This is not a good sign for a democratic society.  U Arr Man, chief editor of 7 Day News Journal In the statement, the military gave the example in reference to a militia major who was killed in a bomb attack recently. It is not clear whether the ban is only for people's militias or both signatories and non-signatories of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) too. We're trying to get it clear. But we still can't reach the military spokespersons. If the ban is meant for all [armed groups], we have to question it because local media have widely published reports about the peace process and referred to them according to the ranks that they use to describe themselves since 2011-12. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post 'Myanmar Army is Indirectly Pressuring Media' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Myanmar Army Unnerves Ethnic Kachin Posted: 27 Jul 2017 10:16 PM PDT The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) recently hosted a public meeting at its headquarters in Laiza from July 15-17, attended by an estimated 500 members of the Kachin public and 200 KIO representatives. At the meeting, the KIO's Vice Chairman Gen N'Ban La revealed the organization's reasons for pulling away from the United Nationalities Federal Council and allying with the Wa-led Northern Alliance. He emphasized the future plans of the Federal Political Negotiation Coordination Committee (FPNCC) of the Northern Alliance in dealing with the Myanmar government and its military. Lt-Gen Gam Shawng, the Kachin Independence Army's chief of staff, and Col Zau Raw, the secretary of the Kachin Independence Council, followed by stressing the KIO's political goals. According to these generals, the KIO's political goal is to form a federal Union based on the 1947 Panglong Agreement, which promised equal political rights to Myanmar's ethnic nationality groups. Much of the Kachin public share the KIO's vision that a genuine federal political system could end the civil war and pave the way toward Myanmar being a more peaceful country. Many Kachin people—who have bore the brunt of military violence—firmly believe that the Myanmar Army's perpetual offensives against the KIO are not a solution to achieving peace. After the war between the KIA and the Myanmar Army resumed in 2011, following the breakdown of a longstanding ceasefire, there were an unprecedented number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) uprooted from Kachin communities, forced to abandon villages and properties. Many lost their lives. In this crisis grew a more vocal desire for sustainable peace in the region, as opposed to a temporary ceasefire. The Kachin public and the KIO have been seeking a way to cease escalation of the conflict and pursue fruitful negotiations with the government and its military. Members of the Kachin public voluntarily formed the Peace-talk Creation Group (PCG) and a Technical Advisory Team (TAT) to assist in discussions between the government and the KIO. Both the PCG and the TAT have put concerted efforts into mediating between the Burmese Army and the KIO, and assisted in several meetings for both sides. Unfortunately, their perseverance has not yet paid off. Instead, armed conflict is intensifying in several areas, particularly in Kachin State's Hpakant and Tanai, creating further displacement. As a result of the conflict, a number of Kachin civilians have also been targeted by outdated laws, such as charges under Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act. After the war resumed in 2011, a number of such cases drew the attention of the media. One man, Lahtaw Brang Shawng was arrested in June 2012 from an IDP camp and, the following year, sentenced to two years in prison. Another, Lahpai Gam, was arrested the same month and was sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment. In November 2016, 49 young men and women from Putao were arrested after returning from a 25-day training program in Laiza on the cultivation of crops to substitute for opium; the course included sessions on fighting drug abuse, on furthering Kachin language and culture, and understanding democracy and federalism. After several months in detention, 48 people were released, but one remains imprisoned with a sentence of several years. Due to battles in Mong Ko, northern Shan State, in late 2016, civilian property including warehouses, a school, a Catholic Church and more than 100 homes were bombed or destroyed. In the aftermath of the operation, two pastors from the Kachin Baptist Convention —Dumdaw Nawng Latt and Lajaw Gam Seng—were arrested on December 24, 2016, allegedly for helping journalists report on the destruction of the church in the conflict. During bouts of conflict, IDP camps in the border areas have reportedly been hit by artillery —some, multiple times—forcing displaced people to flee yet again. For example, in April 2014, the IDP camp at Lagat Yang—on the border between Shan and Kachin states—was allegedly struck, and emptied of its 800 residents. Many observers believe that these military strategies are intended to push the KIO/A toward signing the nationwide ceasefire agreement, or to disarm. The arrest of civilians, the targeting of IDPs the pressure on the KIO by the Burmese Army does not help build a relationship between the government, its army, and the ethnic Kachin public. Instead, it caters to anti-Bamar resentment. In turn, the KIO boasts more widespread support from the Kachin public. This is a prime moment in which trust could be built between the government, its military, and all of Myanmar's ethnic minorities. The government should abolish Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act, which charges civilians under the suspicion of affiliating with ethnic armed groups. Inevitably, many ethnic nationality civilians must communicate with their area's respective armed groups, because the public drives these groups forward in the peace process and in shifting their political goals. They also assist them in taking part in peace talks with the government and have, in the past, served as intermediaries. For example, Vice Snr-Gen Soe Win, the Tatmadaw's deputy commander-in-chief, and other Generals—the Commanders of the Bureau of Special Operations (1) and of the Northern Command—used to meet Kachin religious leaders and political parties and relay messages to the KIO. Even the State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi invited and met religious leaders from the Kachin Baptist Convention to Naypyitaw on July 24, 2017. If the government and its military charge such individuals under Article 17(1), it can hinder the country's peace process and negate potential peace talks. The government and the Myanmar Army should, therefore, shun strategies that undermine the people's trust in them and their peace initiatives. Instead, they should accelerate the momentum of the peace process so as to build the federal Union which groups like the Kachin have long hoped for. Absent such changes, the Kachin public is likely to lose confidence in the government and its military, making it all the more difficult for any peace process to succeed under these flawed circumstances. Joe Kumbun is the pseudonym of a Kachin State-based contributor. The post Myanmar Army Unnerves Ethnic Kachin appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Posted: 27 Jul 2017 07:44 PM PDT As we believe in a free press, it has been our mission since the beginning to protect and preserve press freedom and develop an independent media free from bias and influence. Over the course of 24 years, The Irrawaddy has been at the forefront of lobbying for freedom—outside and inside the country—for the Fourth Estate in Myanmar. We have persistently challenged successive governments— from the former military regime to U Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government to the current Daw Aung San Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy administration—as an independent monitor of power and are continuing to do so. But do not be mistaken in thinking Myanmar today enjoys a free press. Anybody who says so will be seriously insulting the four journalists, including our reporter Lawi Weng, who have been detained by the country's military for their commitment to the truth. With the media under attack in Myanmar, here is a collection of our stories on press freedom. OPINION Journalists' Case to Test Judiciary The upcoming court appearance will be a trial in which we see whether the court will act independently without being influenced or intimidated by anyone. The Military's Offensive Against the Media Journalists are under attack and press freedom is in jeopardy, writes Kyaw Zwa Moe. The arrest of Lawi Weng and the DVB reporters demonstrates that Myanmar remains an unsafe place for journalists to work, writes Aung Zaw. Open Letter to the State Counselor Building peace and a federal democratic system are understandable priorities, but another matter too requires urgent attention, writes Kyaw Zwa Moe. NLD Govt Must Live up to Its Manifesto on Press Freedom Until Burma is free from state-owned media and laws like Article 66(d), neither journalists nor citizens can freely honor World Press Freedom Day. Analysis: Burma's Military Remains Intolerant of Press Freedom Recent incidents highlight the military's wariness of press freedom, fearing a negative portrayal of its institution. A Note From the Newsroom on World Press Freedom Day On World Press Freedom Day, we laud great progress but note that true freedom of the press has yet to be achieved in Burma. Back to Square One for Press Freedom in Burma A harsh sentence handed down to journalists for reporting on an alleged chemical weapons factory serves as a reminder that Burma is still an "enemy of the press." Burma's government has created more space for journalists to do their work, but its mindset remains as narrow as ever. Burma’s Media Landscape: Better, but Still Far from Free Despite recent reforms, Burma remains one of the most restricted countries in the world in terms of press freedoms. Time for Media to Seize Freedom The notorious censorship board is still chopping subjects which it judges are "inappropriate" and even banning journals from printing. Burma's media continues to be governed by authoritarian censorship regulations despite the looming creation of a new Press Council. How Much Freedom Does Burmese Media Enjoy? Since coming into power, President Thein Sein has mentioned the importance of the fourth pillar in society and revealed that both he and his office follow media reports in and outside of Burma. IN PERSON Satirist Feels 'Restraint' After Recent Arrest The Irrawaddy speaks with the columnist charged—and then released—under Article 66(d) about his arrest, self-censorship, and current writing. Dateline Irrawaddy: Telecoms Law Must be Amended to 'Serve Its Intent' The Irrawaddy discusses the new proposed draft of the Telecommunications Law, the controversial Article 66(d) and recent arrests of journalists. Legal Expert: Press Council Must Defend Detained Journalists Myanmar Press Council must stand with reporters if they are to escape unlawful association charges, says Media Law consultant U Khin Maung Myint. Ma Thida: 'Fear Makes People Fierce' Writer Ma Thida discusses collective fears in present day Burma: how they manifest, how they cause harm, and how they must be faced. Incoming Info Minister Pe Myint: 'I Will Ensure Press Freedom' The Irrawaddy tracks down the incoming cabinet member in Naypyitaw to discuss press freedom and prospects for Myanmar's state-owned and private media. Myanmar's journalism scene is opening up, but after speaking with reporters in Yangon, media watchdog Shawn Crispin sees cause for concern. Will Aung Kyi Defend Press Freedom? Myanmar's new information minister is known to be moderate and most of the country's journalists are cautiously optimistic about his appointment. SPECIALS In Sketches: Myanmar's Challenging Media Landscape A series of cartoons by The Irrawaddy from 2014 to 2017 reflect media milestones and hardships. Interactive Timeline: Press Freedom Under Attack Explore the publications currently being threatened in Myanmar's courts. NEWS Advocates: NLD Govt Has Failed to Advance Press Freedom Advocates from 14 local organizations issue an assessment report on freedom of expression in Myanmar, one year into the NLD's leadership. The post Our Fight For Press Freedom appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Blood and Silk: Power and Conflict in Modern Southeast Asia Posted: 27 Jul 2017 06:58 PM PDT Southeast Asia is undoubtedly one of the world's economically fastest growing regions and the home of sophisticated cultures – but it's also where decades-long ethnic and political rebels are still active. And despite the economic progress, most of the Southeast Asian countries are moving towards authoritarianism rather than democracy or, at least, a more pluralistic rule. Michael Vatikiotis examines these contradictions and conundrums in his most recent book, which is appropriately named Blood and Silk: Power and Conflict in Modern Southeast Asia. Vatikiotis has lived the region for three decades; he knows the area well and speaks Thai and Indonesian. He is also a former editor of the now defunct Hong Kong weekly Far Eastern Economic Review and now works as a conflict mediator for the Geneva-based Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. He mentions Singapore as a typical example of development models that defy Western concepts of the-rise-of-the-middle-class-leads-automatically-to-a-more-democratic-form-of-government: "Singapore is indisputably the region's most advanced economy; it has the highest income per capita, the best health indicators, and the biggest concentration of smartphones on the planet." Yet, there is little popular participation in government, no vibrant press and dissidents are dealt with harshly. In much poorer Cambodia, the UN spent billions of dollars to introduce democracy in 1993. But as soon as elections were held, a new authoritarian regime headed by yet another strongman, Hun Sen, emerged and many of those opposed to his rule either went quiet or fled the country. Thailand, a promising democracy in the 1990s, has experienced what many believed belonged to the past: two military coups, the first in 2006 and then again in 2014. In Myanmr, pro-democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, won a spectacular election victory in November 2015, leading to the country's first civilian government since 1962. But when Vatikiotis met government officials six months later, they answered his questions with "all matters will be decided by the State Counselor" (Vatikiotis refers incorrectly to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's new title as de facto head of state as "State Councilor," but that is a minor mistake.) With Laos and Vietnam under strict one-party rule and Brunei an absolute monarchy, that leaves only Indonesia and the Philippines as actual democracies in Southeast Asia – but the new president of the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte, has told the world to mind its own business when he masterminded a violent campaign against alleged drug dealers, resulting in extrajudicial executions of thousands. And the country's economy remains dominated by the rule of a traditional oligarchy while millions are living in slums and abject poverty. In Vatikiotis' view, the main problem is that rather than address deteriorating social conditions and income inequalities that have come with economic expansion, "Southeast Asian governments have become prone to conservative impulses serving the ends of power." And with China as the rising and the United States as the declining world power, it is hard to argue that democracy is the way forward. In civil society, religious extremism – manifested by militant Islam in Indonesia and Malaysia, and radical Buddhist movements in Myanmar – and intolerance in general are on the rise in the region. Blood and Silk is not a dry academic study of social conflicts or the political and economic impact of China in Southeast Asia. It is well written and explains the origins of conflicts in the region as well as how those have impacted today's politics. But his analysis of the reason for the tragic fate of Myanmar is questionable. Like many other Western analysts before him, he seems to believe that the abolition of the old monarchy by the British in the late 19th century forebode the disaster that came after independence in 1962: "Myanmar without the monarchy was pretty much a ship at sea without a captain or cultural anchor. The result is a country still dominated by a 400,000-strong army." The French kept the traditional royal rulers of Indochina in nominal power throughout colonial rule, but, once independent, that did not prevent those countries from being plunged into bloody civil wars. On the other hand, Japan deposed Emperor Sunjong when Korea was turned into a colony in 1910 – and South Korea today is an economic powerhouse as well as a thriving democracy. A more plausible explanation for Myanmar's inability to become a functioning national entity is the fact that the country, with its present borders, is a colonial creation bringing together peoples and ethnic groups with little in common, and even centuries of conflicts with the Burman kings that predate British rule. Vatikiotis also makes the unfortunate mistake of saying that 100,000 ethnic Kachin had by the end of 2016 "fled into neighboring China." While some refugees did take refuge on the Chinese side of the border when the conflict escalated in 2011, they were soon pushed back into Myanmar by the Chinese and remain in makeshift camps in rebel-held territory or near government-controlled towns in Kachin State. China, evidently, feels that it can do whatever it wants in the region, or as Vatikiotis aptly quotes Chinese State Councilor Yang Jiechi as saying: "China is a big country and other countries are small countries and that's just a fact." Despite some minor flaws, this is a book worth reading for anyone interested in the politics of modern Southeast Asia. Leaders such as Suharto in Indonesia, Mahathir Mohamad in Malaysia and Thaksin Shinawatra in Thailand "promised their people happiness and prosperity but in the end left them divided and deprived…they enriched their families and brooked no dissent. They left anger and conflict in their wake." Sounds like a grim conclusion of the situation in Southeast Asia. But there is also hope, according to Vatikiotis, and it rests with Southeast Asia's historically resilient civil societies: "The slow response of government to grievances and use of divide-and-rule tactics to undermine opposition will force communities and groups to look after themselves and defy the powerful center." The post Blood and Silk: Power and Conflict in Modern Southeast Asia appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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