Tuesday, August 1, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Shan Women Appeal for Govt Support

Posted: 01 Aug 2017 08:24 AM PDT

YANGON — A group of women over the age of 60 in Shan State have urged the government to confront the issues plaguing the region—including conflict and drug abuse—in an open letter on July 31.

The Senior Women of Shan State (SWSS) listed seven categories outlining the hardships facing people in the state: peace and conflict, drugs, environment, land, youth, cultural heritage, and food/medicine. The SWSS also listed recommendations for each set of issues.

The group collected information for the letter from 30 of its members at a meeting in the Shan capital of Taunggyi from June 26-28. The attendees shared their concerns from their respective areas.

Formed by Shan women in April 2014, SWSS takes initiatives on issues in the state, and carried out preservation activities at the famous attraction Inle Lake in 2015.

"In the conflict zone, the children are uneducated, and their health is in a worrisome state. They are in mud, are dirty and have no soap to clean their clothes. Everything is concerning regarding their health, social development and education, but they have no one to get help from," said SWSS member Dr. Daw Hnin Yee Aye.

Boys around the age of 13 risk being recruited by soldiers, she said, pushing mothers to hide their children.

"Men are recruited as porters. Women have to watch their children and cannot go out, so they cannot even go to buy food. They feed their children with rice gruel and fruits but the mothers have nothing to eat," said the doctor.

In northern Shan State, she said, armed groups are committing human rights violations, as such extorting money from locals.

The peace process is prioritized in the open letter, which states that locals are also suffering because of woes in the economy, education, healthcare, transportation, security, and rule of law due to clashes between the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed groups.

SWSS member Daw Sao Haymar Thaik, said, "As a woman, I see that women and children suffer more of the burdens in the conflict zone. As there is no security, women are being abused, therefore we women want peace more than men."

The SWSS recommended the government negotiate with ethnic armed groups based in northern Shan State to free locals from the troubles of conflict.

The letter also urged the government to arrest and charge drug producers and to arrange for the rehabilitation of addicts.

Reflecting on environmental issues, it stated that plans to construct hydropower plants threaten locals. The letter asked the government to boost public awareness against littering and to support renewable energy such as solar power, rather than non-renewables.

Other issues damaging the state are land grabbing and a lack of job opportunities for young people, according to the letter, which pushed for the building of libraries and the restoration of cultural sites that have been destroyed.

The health ministry, read the letter, should educate people about safe food and take action against those producing and selling harmful or unsanitary food.

Most young women in the state are uneducated and face unemployment, said Dr. Daw Hnin Yee Aye, adding that many work in karaoke bars and massage parlors, making them vulnerable to trafficking and drug abuse.

The government needs to create jobs for young people who do not have a formal education, read the letter.

"Our people are facing hardship. We want to know what our leaders are doing and we want to say please meet the people," said Dr. Daw Hnin Yee Aye.

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Senior Chinese Official to Visit Myanmar

Posted: 01 Aug 2017 08:14 AM PDT

A senior official from China will visit Myanmar on Wednesday and hold talks with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other senior officials, according to sources in Naypyitaw.

Song Tao, head of the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China will fly in tomorrow, but beyond a reported meeting with the State Counselor, the details of his scheduled visit remain unclear.

Song Tao last visited Myanmar in August 2016. During his four-day trip, he held talks with several key leaders in the country, including former military supreme leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, military chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, former President U Thein Sein, National League for Democracy (NLD) spokesperson U Win Htein, and representatives from the Union Solidarity and Development Party, according to the official statement made by the Chinese embassy at the time.

Since the NLD government came into power in 2016, there have been a series of visits by senior government officials between China and Myanmar.

Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi was the first foreign state official to visit Naypyitaw in April last year, at the invitation of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Both President U Htin Kyaw and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi have visited China separately.

During the State Counselor's own visit in August 2016, a joint statement from the two countries said that discussions during the trip included a focus on cooperation to ensure national reconciliation within Myanmar and the strengthening of "law-based management" along the countries' shared border.

China promised to assist in Myanmar's peace process, and last May, a Chinese special envoy—Sun Guoxiang—helped to negotiate a trip involving members of several armed ethnic groups to Naypyitaw so that they could attend a government-sponsored peace conference.

Just before the meeting, Sun Guoxiang engaged in quiet shuttle diplomacy between the State Counselor, the Myanmar Army chief, and representatives from ethnic armed groups active along the China border.

With China's blessing, members of the armed groups forming the coalition known as the Northern Alliance flew to Naypyitaw. Beijing organized a charter flight to transport the representatives from Kunming, in Yunnan Province.

During her visit to attend China’s Belt and Road Forum, Chinese President Xi Jinping told Daw Aung San Suu Kyi that China would continue to help the country achieve peace, and called for both sides to maintain stability on their shared border.

"China is willing to continue to provide necessary assistance for Myanmar's internal peace process," the President said.

Tension along the border has remained high and last March, thousands of people were forced to seek refuge in China due to intensified armed conflict in Myanmar. China responded by holding military drills in the region, and asking for a ceasefire to be enacted between ethnic militias and Myanmar security forces.

When President U Htin Kyaw visited China in April, he reportedly discussed the fate of the multi-billion dollar Myitsone dam project with his Chinese counterparts. Myanmar's NLD government established a group called the Myitsone Commission to assess the overall environmental impact of the controversial Chinese hydropower project, located at the confluence of the Irrawaddy River in Kachin State. In November 2016, the commission submitted a report to President U Htin Kyaw, but its content was not made public. China is also heavily invested in the Kyaukphyu deep sea port in troubled Rakhine State.

During U Htin Kyaw's official visit, the two sides also signed an agreement on a crude oil pipeline running from the Kyaukphyu port to southwest China's Yunnan Province.

It is expected that Song Tao's upcoming visit will cover a wide range of issues including those mentioned above, as well as rising tension in the north, the crisis concerning the Rohingya people in Myanmar, issues regarding migrants from neighboring Bangladesh, and concerns about Muslim militancy in troubled Rakhine State.

UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Myanmar Yanghee Lee recently concluded a 12-day visit to Myanmar in late July and expressed her disappointment in conditions in the country in her end-of-mission statement. Myanmar today is reminiscent of rule under the military regime, she said.

The State Counselor's Office fired back, stating that it was also "disappointed" with the Special Rapporteur's conclusions and declared that Lee's statement contained many "sweeping allegations and factual errors."

Myanmar has also refused to grant access to a UN-sanctioned fact-finding mission. China and Russia voted against the UN Human Rights Council resolution to dispatch the mission, which was formed to investigate reports of widespread human rights abuses by security forces in Myanmar at large and in Rakhine State in particular.

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Withdraw Troops So IDPs Can Return Home, Karen Groups Urge

Posted: 01 Aug 2017 04:58 AM PDT

YANGON – Karen National Union (KNU) representatives and civil society groups in Karen State's Mutraw District urged Myanmar Army troops to withdraw from Papun Township on Monday so that displaced persons in imminently closing E-Tu Hta camp can return to their homes safely.

As international funds dry up, E-Tu Hta camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) will close in September this year, leaving thousands of displaced people anxious for a possible return to homes they fled due to armed conflict.

Residents are torn between dwindling food rations at the camp and battles for land rights in their homeland due to Myanmar Army occupation in the region, according to Padoh Nay Tha Blay, board member of the newly-formed Internally Displaced Persons Supporting Committee.

"We want the Tatmadaw's troops to withdraw from farmlands and villages as it is a threat to returnees' livelihoods, and we want the international community to reconsider cutting funding for Karen IDPs," he said.

About 100 IDPs have voluntarily returned home, but between 1,000 and 2,000 remain, according to Padoh Nay Tha Blay.

Local residents of Taungoo Township in Bago Division and Papun Township in Karen State—home to KNU brigades No. 2 and No. 5 respectively—sought shelter in E-Tu Hta camp after clashes in 2005 and 2006.

The Internally Displaced Persons Supporting Committee's Monday statement urged stakeholders to sort out the "political problem" causing displacement.

Even though KNU signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) in October 2015 and there is a roadmap to implement the ceasefire and repatriate displaced persons, the programs have not yet begun in the region.

Padoh Nay Tha Blay said there was a lot left to be negotiated, including the removal of landmines and land rights issues.

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Big in Japan

Posted: 01 Aug 2017 04:33 AM PDT

Last week, Burma Army Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing paid his first official visit to Japan at the invitation of General Shigeru Iwasaki, Chief of Staff of Japan's Self-Defense Forces. This marked the first visit by a commander-in-chief to Tokyo since Gen Ne Win visited Japan in the 1960s.

The recent visit will be seen as part of the Burmese armed forces' outreach to allies—new and old— after the political opening in the country. Under Ne Win's socialist government, Japan was Burma's largest donor but scaled down its assistance and aid programs after the US and other Western nations imposed sanctions on the regime following the crackdown on the 1988 democracy uprising.

But after recent reforms in Burma, Tokyo has not missed the chance to renew its old friendship, including by boosting defense ties between the two nations.

In May, Japan's military chief, Gen. Shigeru Iwasaki, met with President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw where the two officials reaffirmed their countries' goals of enhancing defense cooperation and exchanges at all levels.

During his four-day visit, the Japanese general also met with Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, holding discussions on security issues in the Asia-Pacific region, including Japan's sovereignty row with China over the disputed Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea, as well as territorial disputes in the South China Sea, where China has been aggressively asserting its claims.

The Japanese Defense Ministry released a statement at the time saying that the two generals discussed bilateral defense cooperation and agreed on "the importance of exchanges at every level between the Self-Defense Forces and Myanmar Armed Forces."

During his recent trip, Min Aung Hlaing also paid a visit to the tomb of the late wartime Japanese officer Col Suzuki Keiji and his old residence.

Col. Suzuki, who ran a special operations directorate known as Minami Kikan, played a key role in British-ruled Burma during the early stages of World War II when late independence hero Gen Aung San, then a young nationalist fugitive, sought overseas military assistance to liberate the country.

When he was in Amoy, now known as Xiamen, in southern China, Japanese intelligence officers intercepted Aung San. There, the young nationalist leader met Col Suzuki who convinced him to receive military assistance from the Japanese for an uprising in Burma. Col Suzuki, whose Burmese name was Bo Mogyo (Thunder), had earned the respect and trust of Burmese nationalists.

Aung San subsequently brought a group of young men known as the legendary "Thirty Comrades" to be trained by Japanese officers in 1941. This was the beginning of the Burma Independence Army or BIA.

The Kempeitai (the Japanese army's military police) and other sections of Japan's security forces also trained Ne Win, one of the "Thirty Comrades" who became chairman of the now defunct Burma Socialist Programme Party. Many officers who were trained by Japanese forces in the early 1940s also served as ministers in the Ne Win government.

Ne Win maintained close relations with Suzuki and Minami Kikan members until Suzuki passed away in 1967.

In 1981, Ne Win bestowed the remaining six veterans of Minami Kikan with honorary awards—the Aung San Tagun or 'Order of Aung San'—at the presidential palace in Rangoon. Colonel Suzuki's widow showed up for the ceremony. Even after he resigned as party chairman in 1988, Ne Win held gatherings of old Minami Kikan members as late as the mid-1990s.

Japanese forces invaded Burma from Thailand to liberate the country from the British in 1942. Burma was then under Japanese occupation, headed by a puppet government. Aung San then formed an anti-fascist organization and joined with British and allied forces to drive out the Japanese in 1945.

During the war, Japan lost 190,000 soldiers in Burma. Thus, it is safe to say that Burma holds a special place in many Japanese hearts.

With the recent opening in Burma, it is also part of Burma's strategic interests to balance against its powerful neighbor, China. Naypyidaw hasn't wasted any time patching up, or initiating, relations with former or prospective allies. Since assuming the position of commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Min Aung Hlaing has visited several countries in the region including the Philippines, Vietnam, Brunei, and Thailand (twice), and is currently visiting South Korea.

Last year saw significant developments in Japan-Burma relations. In May 2013, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited Burma, the first visit by a Japanese PM since 1977. During the visit, Abe wrote off nearly US$2 billion in debt and pledged up to US$498.5 million in new loans. Thein Sein then travelled to Japan in December. Training vessels from Japan's Maritime Self-Defense Force also made a first ever port call to Burma, for a five-day mission, in September.

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Analysis: Behind NLD Spokesperson’s Hospitalization

Posted: 01 Aug 2017 04:21 AM PDT

U Win Htein, spokesperson of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD), has been confined to Zabu Thiri Specialist Hospital with reporters barred from meeting him, according to sources close to the prominent politician.

Despite the fact he has been admitted for more than two weeks, there has been no public statement about his condition, though NLD sources told The Irrawaddy that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself advised U Win Htein to undergo a medical examination that resulted in his hospitalization.

The close ally of the State Counselor is allegedly expected to spend two months in hospital, but appeared well as he attended the NLD's Central Executive Committee meeting in Naypyitaw on July 22.

NLD sources, who wished to remain anonymous, told The Irrawaddy that during the medical checkup, doctors advised U Win Htein to rest and showed him to a room, complete with cable TV, to take a "long break."

Reporters close to the spokesperson said they had, uncharacteristically, been shooed away by U Win Htein when they attempted to visit him.

Seventy-five-year-old U Win Htein is thought to be in relatively good health—his most significant problems in the last few months have been run-ins with the media and the military.

Early this year, rumors spread on social media that U Htin Kyaw, appointed President by the NLD and a close friend of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, would be resigning—they proved to be false.

Confronting the rumors, U Win Htein said, "it's hard to guess if it was [spread] by the USDP [Union Solidarity and Development Party] or some military organizations, or IT guys who hate us."

The Myanmar Army "seriously condemned" the ruling party spokesperson's suggestion that there had been military involvement.

A press release by the Military Information Team stated that "a groundless reply based on suspicion seriously harms the military's dignity," regarding U Win Htein's comment.

Such an act, the military said, "could harm national unity, especially during a time when the government is committed to national reconciliation," adding, "we will make the necessary responses."

It was not clear how NLD leaders, including U Win Htein, resolved this friction, but later in May at the Union Peace Conference, a smiling U Win Htein was seen rushing to greet army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing.

U Win Htein, a former army officer who spent years in prison after joining the NLD in 1988, has been loyal to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and is a key party member. His hospitalization comes amid tense relations between military leaders and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party.

In early July, Yangon chief minister U Phyo Min Thein caused friction between military and civilian arms of the government by equating Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing with the low government rank of a director-general and said treating him as a top leader was "not democracy."

The army soon filed a complaint with the NLD government and asked that they "take necessary actions" against the chief minister.

U Phyo Min Thein swiftly sent an apology letter to the military and was personally reprimanded by U Win Myint—a senior NLD member now serving as speaker of the Lower House.

These controversies took place as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her administration attempted to develop good relations with the army as part of the one-year-old government's quest for national reconciliation.

The Nobel Laureate has had several meetings with military chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing in recent years, presumably to build trust.

A female senior NLD member, who spent several years in prison, told The Irrawaddy last week that remarks like those of U Win Htein and U Phyo Min Thein have not been helpful, as army leaders and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi have been trying to build trust and confidence.

The post Analysis: Behind NLD Spokesperson's Hospitalization appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Jailed for Journalism

Posted: 01 Aug 2017 04:06 AM PDT

YANGON — The arrest of esteemed investigative reporter Ko Swe Win at Yangon International Airport on Sunday evening temporarily raised the total number of journalists detained in Myanmar for doing their job since June to five.

Out of the five, Ko Swe Win, the chief editor of news agency Myanmar Now, is the only one who is not being sued by the military—instead, a follower of the banned nationalist group Ma Ba Tha is prosecuting him for posting on Facebook an article which criticized ultranationalist monk U Wirathu.

Ko Swe Win has since been granted bail from Maha Aung Myay Township Court in Mandalay, but his four colleagues are still imprisoned.

All of the arrests are directly linked to the work of the reporters, exacerbating fears of a clampdown on independent media and casting serious doubts over whether the country is opening a new chapter on press freedom.

Ko Aye Nai, Senior Reporter

Democratic Voice of Burma

Veteran reporter Ko Aye Nai, 52, has been working for DVB for 11 years, some of them spent in Chiang Mai, Thailand, while the news outlet was in exile. He—along with and three men who drove them through the area—were charged under Article 17(1) of the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act for contacting the by ethnic armed group the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and were placed in detention in Hsipaw prison. They face sentences of up to three years. "We don't even have a pen sharp enough to be a weapon," he said at the first court hearing. "We can die any time by stepping on landmines or being shot. We take risks for our work."

Lawi Weng, Senior Reporter

The Irrawaddy

Since joining The Irrawaddy a decade ago, Lawi Weng, 39, has been at the forefront—and often the frontline—of reporting on ethnic conflicts in Myanmar. In the last year he has reported on the Northern Alliance offensive in northern Shan State and clashes between a Democratic Karen Benevolent Army and the Myanmar Army-aligned Border Guard Force in Kachin State. Last Friday, the judge presiding over the case accepted the bail request and said he would rule at the next court date on Aug. 4.

Ko Pyae Phone Aung, Assistant Broadcast Journalist

Democratic Voice of Burma

The 24-year-old reporter Ko Pyae Phone Aung joined DVB one year ago. The journalists' first appearance was initially scheduled for July 11, but the reporters were unexpectedly taken on July 7 to the court, where their remand was extended. The reporters were originally arrested on June 26 in Namhsan on their way back from covering a drug-burning ceremony held by the TNLA to mark the United Nations' International Day Against Drug Abuse.

Ko Swe Win, Chief Editor

Myanmar Now

Former political prisoner Ko Swe Win, 39, was a senior reporter for The Irrawaddy from 2010-2012. Last year he was honored by the government for his reporting on the abuse suffered by two child maids in a Yangon tailor shop. He was charged Article 66(d) after Mandalay resident U Kyaw Myo Shwe, a follower of ultranationalist monk U Wirathu, claimed the chief correspondent insulted the monk in a Facebook post. Ko Swe Win faced a second lawsuit later in March for comments made at a press conference concerning the Article 66(d) charge. In March, the journalist was threatened by three unidentified men.

U Kyaw Min Swe, Chief Editor

The Voice Daily & Weekly

U Kyaw Min Swe, 47, has worked for The Voice Daily for 18 years and is currently chief editor. He was arrested along with satire columnist Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing after the Myanmar language publication printed an article which questioned the country's armed struggle and peace process. The pair were charged both under Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Act and then Article 25(b) of the Media Law after Lt-Col Lin Tun of the Myanmar Army filed a suit against them at the Bahan Township police station on May 17. Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing was later released.

The post Jailed for Journalism appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Chinese Troops Sent to Myanmar Border, says TNLA

Posted: 01 Aug 2017 01:43 AM PDT

YANGON — Chinese troops are positioning along the China-Myanmar border in preparation of further conflict between the Tatmadaw and rebels, according to an ethic armed group.

Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) soldiers have been deployed along the border areas near Mongko, Kyukote (Pang Hseng) and Namhkam townships in Shan State since July 25, said brigadier general Mai Phone Kyaw, spokesman of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA).

"The security from the China side has increased because China was given the wrong information from the Myanmar side that our troops would be attacking and bombing in Lashio and Muse," he said.

The TNLA, along with its Northern Alliance partners the Kachin Independent Army (KIA), Kokang's Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), and the Arakan Army (AA), launched an operation on the 105-mile border trade zone in on November 20, 2016.

With fighting ongoing between Tatmadaw troops and the MNDAA and TNLA in northern Shan State, the Chinese may have anticipated another operation by the Northern Alliance and readied their forces in order to avoid an impact on China, said U Maung Maung Soe, an analyst on federal and ethnic affairs.

"Before, the Chinese would prepare security on its border after fighting had occurred. Now they inquire about the information first, and then plan for the security on their border," said the analyst.

China had received incorrect intelligence warning of a Northern Alliance attack on border townships, said brigadier general Mai Phone Kyaw, adding that the Chinese government had asked them for confirmation about another possible attack recently.

The brigadier general explained that although there were clashes with the Tatmadaw in areas controlled by the MNDAA and TNLA, the alliance has no plans to conduct another operation similar to that of November 20.

"We told the Chinese [intelligence department and foreign affairs ministry] that now is the rainy season and that it is true there has been heavy fighting but we would not carry out such an act without necessity," said Mai Phone Kyaw.

The Irrawaddy could not reach the public affair and psychological warfare director's office under the defense ministry for government comment on the reports of a coming attack.

Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw, an expert on Myanmar affairs who is based on the China-Myanmar border, told The Irrawaddy, "The peace process has become broken but it can be fixed again. It will not be straightforward. As now is the rainy season, there won't be any operations, but we don't know what will come after the rain is over."

The KIA, TNLA, MNDAA and AA are also members of the Federal Political Negotiation Consultative Committee (FPNCC), which was formed with seven ethnic armed groups and led by the United Wa State Army (UWSA) to hold peace talks with the government.

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Bodies Found, Arrests Made in Tense Northern Rakhine

Posted: 01 Aug 2017 12:24 AM PDT

YANGON — Police are investigating after the discovery of three mutilated dead bodies in Rathedaung Township, Rakhine State on Monday afternoon as another arrest of a suspected militant was made in the region, according to the State Counselor's office.

Of the three victims—named as Iman Nusaw, 54, Nawra King, 18, and Nora Long, 15—one had been decapitated and two had been partly decapitated, according to the Monday statement. They were found near Chook Pyin village, the statement read.

In a separate incident, on the evening of July 27, security forces arrested resident of Ahtet Nanya village in Rathedaung Township Anna Tular on suspicion of completing militant training in the Mayu mountain range, according to a separate statement from the State Counselor's Office.

Government officials say Muslim Rohingya insurgents are behind a slew of killings in northern Rakhine—an area that has been racked by violence in recent months, with security forces accused of committing atrocities against civilians during "clearance operations" following attacks on border guard posts in October 2016.

Security forces also discovered a camp in the Mayu mountain range of Rakhine State's Maungdaw Township on Sunday, according to another State Counselor's Office statement.

The tents, construction materials, rice, cooking oil, betel nuts, and World Food Programme (WFP) biscuits were found in a search for U Than Htay, who went missing from Chutpyin village of Rathedaung Township, the statement said.

The Rakhine State government has launched an investigation, it added.

Last month, national security adviser U Thaung Tun highlighted a recent increase in violence in the area, some of which stemmed from incidents between the Myanmar Army and suspected militants.

At least 44 civilians have been killed and 27 have been kidnapped or gone missing in northern Rakhine in the past nine months, U Thaung Tun told diplomats in Yangon, adding that Muslim militants were targeting Muslim villagers who were perceived to be collaborating with the government.

On June 20, Myanmar Army troops and border police raided a suspected militant training camp in a forest of the Mayu mountain range, resulting in three dead suspected militants and the seizure of 20 dummy guns, two homemade guns and bags of corn seed and rice.

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Language Diversity in Myanmar—A Blessing in Disguise?

Posted: 31 Jul 2017 07:37 PM PDT

My father told me a story that happened to two of his friends on a tram in Warsaw in the 1980s. Both men were from the Podlasie region in northeast Poland and were having a conversation in their local dialect, which is a mixture of Polish, Ukrainian and Belarusian. At some point one of the passengers nearby whispered loudly to his neighbor: "Can you hear them? They must be Russian!"

The nearby passenger's comment is somewhat understandable, because Poland is predominantly a monolingual country and a potential dialect might raise a few eyebrows. Those who speak a dialect always speak the official language of the country, which is Polish. Dialects are not taught at schools, though they sometimes serve as the first language for children in the countryside (at least in some parts of the Podlasie region). In Myanmar, however, it is a well-known fact that citizens speak various languages on an everyday basis and not all local-language speakers are proficient in the official language of Myanmar. As has been suggested in the Myanmar Country Report: Language, Education and Social Cohesion (LESC) Initiative, local-language speakers' proficiency reflects "highly variable rates of knowledge of its standard forms and literacy". It is worth emphasizing that more often than not, in the Myanmar context, we talk about a variety of languages rather than just a variety of dialects. It is not a subtle difference. Local languages in Myanmar are usually not inter-intelligible, for example, Kachin language speakers will not understand the representatives of the Shan linguistic community.

This language variety in Myanmar has been reflected in the country's legislation as well. Article 21 of the Constitution of the Union of Burma from 1974 stipulated that all national races have the right to develop their language, provided that the exercise of this right will not be in conflict with the public interest. The official language at that time was called Burmese. The constitution also mentioned that Burmese language shall be used in the administration of justice. While the use of ethnic languages was possible, in such cases, the support of interpreters would be required. It seems that at that time, there was no strong focus on providing education in the ethnic languages. As Article 152 suggests, "Burmese is the common language. Languages of the other national races may also be taught." So, they can, but they don't have to.

With further research, it becomes obvious that the use of ethnic languages in any public sphere was discouraged. As long as it is accepted that the central organs of the state need to communicate in one language, Article 198 of the same constitution might sound surprising—the use of ethnic languages was also discouraged between the organs of the state at the lowest level. Only "if necessary," could the ethnic languages be used. When thinking about the practical aspect of this law, it seems only natural that lower level officials in the far regions of Shan or Kachin states would speak their mother tongues in such contexts. Even though the constitution from 1974 (and any constitution, in fact) is a far cry from a poetical text, we can read between the lines nonetheless—local languages were merely tolerated in the public sphere and their use was accepted only "if necessary." The Constitution from 2008 seems to put more responsibility on the state to support the cultivation of ethnic languages. Article 22 mentions that the Union shall assist "to develop language (…) of the National races (…)."

The results of the 2014 Myanmar Population and Housing Census show the ethnic and religious variety of Myanmar, yet language is not directly addressed in the questionnaire. It is merely touched upon in question no. 19: "Can (Name) read and write in any language?" where literacy is understood as the ability to read and write in any language. Only in this respect does the questionnaire suggest that there might be more than one language spoken in Myanmar. Nevertheless, from a technical perspective, language variety did play an important role in the preparation of the census. The choice of persons who conducted the national census, recruited (mainly teachers recruited by the Ministry of Education and Township Census Committees) was dictated by their knowledge of local languages and communities. In order to ensure the data quality and gain certainty that the meaning of the census was understood, publicity materials were also translated into a variety of local languages. Despite good intentions, conducting the census in various linguistic communities was not free of challenges. While language identification and diversity even within a community/ethnic group led to problems of final categorization/classification of the ethnicity, not all teachers were proficient in local languages, which resulted in the fact that some replies might have gotten "lost in translation."

Having briefly presented the language policy in Myanmar, I would like to take a step further and throw some light on how its results are represented in the everyday life. It is undeniable that language variety in Myanmar has a direct impact on the educational sector, and in the long-term perspective, on the quality of life of Myanmar citizens. Those who speak Myanmar are usually more likely to succeed in their education. As the quotation below suggests, language is a factor that impacts the overall educational outcomes:

There are multiple and complex, and often context-specific, reasons for children dropping out of school at primary and secondary levels, of which poverty, language difficulties, disability and "lack of interest" are the most common.

This powerful sentence comes from the National Education Strategic Plan 2016-2021 (NESP) which (published in 2017) is a ground-breaking document that introduces a series of serious changes to the Myanmar education system and is supposed to restructure the educational sector within 5 years, with its full implementation in 2030. Also, the Thematic Report on Education (Census Report Volume 4-H) from the 2014 Myanmar Population and Housing Census suggests that a 'language barrier' is a significant factor that causes children from minority groups to drop out of school, especially during the transition from primary to lower secondary school, as well as from lower to upper secondary school. A positive sign is that the NESP encourages the teaching of ethnic languages and their use as the language of instruction. Moreover, it mentions the need to develop the "local curriculum" and textbooks in the local languages at the level of the basic education, which is a big step forward in shaping the inclusive national language policy. Authors of these local languages textbooks are also supposed to receive training on curriculum development.

Fortunately, in addition to the government initiated reports and roadmaps, grassroots initiatives that encourage a better language policy appear in Myanmar as well. For example Myanmar/Burma Indigenous Network for Education was established in 2014 in order to promote the rights to use the native languages as the means of instruction and it unites 22 organizations from Myanmar. There are also voices suggesting the decentralization of the educational system that could give local authorities influence on the curriculum and the language of instruction at schools, as suggested in the Myanmar Country Report. Language, Education and Social Cohesion (LESC) Initiative. Given the efforts of the current government to acknowledge ethnic, religious and cultural diversity, yet with a strong focus on the central role of the Union government in Naypyitaw, this initiative sounds highly unlikely.

Language can be an instrument of exclusion, as the examples from the educational sector have shown. Nevertheless, there is also a possibility that an inclusive approach towards national languages, stimulated by the Myanmar government and locally supported, might contribute to establishing peace in the ethnic -based conflicts in Myanmar. By offering more space to local languages at school, minority children will gain confidence that their language, culture and values matter and are respected. The strength of Myanmar lies in its richness and diversity. It is true that the language situation is complex, but bilingual education in the traditionally non-Myanmar speaking areas is a good introduction to learning foreign languages. On the other hand, learning about minority languages and their users teaches respect and tolerance that can also be transferred on the international level in the future, when kids grow up. Managing a complicated language policy only adds to the challenges that the new Myanmar government is currently facing. Nevertheless, it is a positive sign that language diversity has been addressed as one of the priority topics in the groundbreaking educational reform initiated within the NESP. In the times of democratic reforms and opening up of the country, Myanmar citizens dream of equal opportunities abroad. Therefore, it should not come as a surprise that the current government took the right path in creating equal opportunities in the Myanmar schooling system. After all, equality also begins at home.

Joanna Dolińska is a PhD student from the University of Warsaw researching Altaic languages. This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Myanmar.

The post Language Diversity in Myanmar—A Blessing in Disguise? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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