AllSBNews: The Irrawaddy Magazine

Tuesday, September 12, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Continue Aid for Displaced Camps: Karen Organization
Govt Eyes Six Billion Dollar Foreign Investment in 2017-18 Fiscal Year
State Counselor Will Not Attend UN General Assembly to Focus on Internal Issues
Myanmar Faces Mounting Pressure Over Refugee Exodus
Muddling Through in Rakhine is Not Enough
The Power Behind the Robe
RCSS, Myanmar Army Agree to Avoid New Clashes
India Wakes up to Multiple Concerns After Violence in Rakhine
Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week

Continue Aid for Displaced Camps: Karen Organization

Posted: 12 Sep 2017 06:11 AM PDT

YANGON — The International Karen Organization (IKO) has called for continued support for thousands of displaced Karen people until a "genuine nationwide ceasefire" is reached.

The group issued a statement supporting internally displaced people (IDPs) after holding its inaugural conference in Melbourne, Australia, on Sept. 6-8.

The statement urged authorities to refrain from pressuring IDPs to return to their homes they once fled because of conflict—especially by ending humanitarian aid.

One of those camps that has felt pressured, E-Tu Hta located on the bank of the Salween River in northern Karen State's Papun Township, is facing an uncertain future, as international funding ends in late September.

According to the local community, pressure has increasingly been applied to the displaced people to return home since the Karen National Union (KNU) signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) in 2015.

About 6,000 people on the border between Shan State and Thailand facing a similar situation are calling for continued humanitarian aid.

International non-government organizations have cited progress in Myanmar's peace process as a reason for cuts to Shan IDP camps.

"IKO delegates decided to find funding among their communities as a short-term solution," IKO central executive committee member Mahn Orlando told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday. "We also call for continued support from international communities."

Children aged six and under at E-Tu Hta receive six kilograms of rice every month while older residents receive 12 kilograms.

E-Tu Hta, which hosts more than 2,000 displaced people, was established in 2006 because of conflict between the KNU and Tatmadaw.

KNU representatives, Karen civil society organizations (CSOs) and displaced villagers urged Myanmar Army troops on 31 July to withdraw from the area surrounding E-Tu Hta so that the displaced people could return to their homes without fear.

On September 4, the Ei Tu Hta IDP support committee also submitted a letter to international donors appealing for the continuation of humanitarian aid, as well as short-term rehabilitation programs such as education and livelihood training.

Fifty-five ethnic Karen delegates from 17 countries, 22 observers and two KNU senior members attended the three-day IKO conference in Melbourne, which reviewed IKO's progress since its formation three years ago.

Karen communities living in Europe, the United States, Canada, and the Asia-Pacific region created the IKO, working with Karen communities and groups inside Myanmar and along its Thailand border to work toward a democratic federal union.

IKO also called on the KNU to review the current peace process in order to achieve a lasting peace and political settlement.

The post Continue Aid for Displaced Camps: Karen Organization appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt Eyes Six Billion Dollar Foreign Investment in 2017-18 Fiscal Year

Posted: 12 Sep 2017 05:58 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Myanmar government is seeking to attract US$6 billion in foreign direct investment (FDI) in the current 2017-18 fiscal year, according to the Ministry of National Planning and Finance.

FDI in the year between Apr. 1, 2017 and Mar. 30, 2017 has so far reached more than $3.5 billion, said director general of the Central Statistical Organization Office Dr. War War Maung, adding that this was an increase compared to the same period last year.

The Myanmar Global Investment Forum 2017 kicked off at the Myanmar International Convention Center in Naypyitaw on Tuesday, organized by the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) and Hong Kong-based Euro Money Institutional Investor (Asia).

The two-day forum is being attended by more than 1,200 local and foreign businesspeople.

"Foreign investors are aware that there are challenges [in investing in Myanmar], but that there are also many opportunities, and they are therefore interested in Myanmar," Dr. War War Maung told reporters.

Yangon Region tops the list of foreign investment in Myanmar, followed by Mandalay and Bago regions and Mon State. Most investment is in the manufacturing industry, followed by the service industry and the telecom industry

Singapore is Myanmar's largest investor, followed by China, Hong Kong and Thailand according to secretary of MIC U Aung Naing Oo.

According to Myanmar officials, the government plans to hold investment annually in order to strike a balance between Myanmar's preferred industries for foreign investment and foreign investors' choices for investment.

Myanmar drew a total of $6.7 billion in foreign direct investment from 138 foreign enterprises in the fiscal year 2016-17, exceeding that year's targeted amount of $6 billion, according to deputy minister for national planning and finance U Hset Aung.

In the 2016-17 fiscal year, transportation and communications industry attracted 46 percent of total foreign investment, manufacturing industry 18 percent, and power generation 14 percent.

Over the last year, Vietnam's investment in Myanmar increased more than any other foreign investor.

Other investors include Canada, Thailand, Samoa, Marshall Islands, Cambodia, Ireland, Lebanon, and France.

From 1988 until March 2017, foreign investment in Myanmar totaled $70 billion across 1,246 projects.

Currently, 966 businesses are still operating with total investment of $60 billion, according to the Ministry of National Planning and Finance.

The post Govt Eyes Six Billion Dollar Foreign Investment in 2017-18 Fiscal Year appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

State Counselor Will Not Attend UN General Assembly to Focus on Internal Issues

Posted: 12 Sep 2017 05:40 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — Myanmar's State Counselor and de facto leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has decided not to attend the UN General Assembly session in order to focus on internal issues, said foreign affairs ministry spokesperson U Kyaw Zeya.

"Under the current circumstances, the State Counselor has domestic issues that need attention and therefore, Vice-President [Henry Van Thio] will lead Myanmar's delegation. National Security Advisor U Thaung Tun will accompany him," he told The Irrawaddy.

The original plan was for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to lead the delegation but that was only tentative, he added.

"The vice president will explain Myanmar's stance at the session," said U Kyaw Zeya.

Reporter U Thiha Thway said it was the right decision to focus on internal security, although he thought her absence might heighten international allegations regarding the situation in Rakhine State.

"Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should closely monitor the circumstances that affect national security. Riots could happen. People are in a panic. She should stay in the country," said U Thiha Thway.

Muslim militants attacked police outposts in Rakhine State on August 25 and Myanmar Army clearance operations followed, with some 370,000 self-identifying Rohingya fleeing to Bangladesh. International pressure has been mounting on Myanmar as a result.

Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, addressing the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva on Monday, said security operations in Rakhine State are "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing."

On Monday evening, Myanmar's Ministry of Foreign Affairs released a statement saying that the government would "provide humanitarian assistance to all the displaced inhabitants without discrimination."

"A government-led mechanism established in cooperation with the Red Cross Movement has already started its humanitarian assistance activities," it read.

"We have to take concrete steps to show how we are solving internal issues to the international community. This is important. Rather than trying to solve it verbally, it is more important to take practical steps to solve it," said political analyst U Maung Maung Soe.

U Maung Maung Soe agreed with the state counselor's decision to remain in Myanmar as the top decision maker, as President U Htin Kyaw has recently undergone surgery for a colonic polyp.

The Myanmar delegation should not confront majority Muslim countries that are rallying to condemn it and should instead seek support from other countries, he added.

The 72nd Regular Session of the UN General Assembly will convene at the UN headquarters from Sept. 12 to 25, 2017, on the theme, "Focusing on People: Striving for Peace and a Decent Life for All on a Sustainable Planet."

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post State Counselor Will Not Attend UN General Assembly to Focus on Internal Issues appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Faces Mounting Pressure Over Refugee Exodus

Posted: 12 Sep 2017 04:37 AM PDT

COX'S BAZAR, Bangladesh — Pressure mounted on Myanmar on Tuesday to end violence that has sent some 370,000 self-identifying Rohingya Muslims fleeing to Bangladesh, with the United States calling for protection of civilians and Bangladesh urging safe zones to enable refugees to go home.

But China, which competes for influence in its southern neighbor with the United States, said it backed Myanmar's efforts to safeguard "development and stability."

The government of Buddhist-majority Myanmar says its security forces are fighting Muslim militants behind a surge of violence in Rakhine state that began on Aug. 25, and they are doing all they can to avoid harming civilians.

The government says about 400 people have been killed in the fighting, the latest in the western state.

The top UN human rights official denounced Myanmar on Monday for conducting a "cruel military operation" against self-identifying Rohingya, branding it "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing."

The United States said the violent displacement of the self-identifying Rohingya from Rakhine State showed Myanmar's security forces were not protecting civilians. Washington has been a staunch supporter of Myanmar's transition from decades of harsh military rule that is being led by Nobel peace laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

"We call on Burmese security authorities to respect the rule of law, stop the violence, and end the displacement of civilians from all communities," the White House said in a statement.

Myanmar government spokesmen were not immediately available for comment but the foreign ministry said shortly before the US statement was issued that Myanmar was also concerned about the suffering. Its forces were carrying out their legitimate duty to restore order in response to acts of extremism.

"The government of Myanmar fully shares the concern of the international community regarding the displacement and suffering of all communities affected by the latest escalation of violence ignited by the acts of terrorism," the ministry said in a statement.

Myanmar's government regards the self-identifying Rohingya as illegal migrants from neighboring Bangladesh and denies them citizenship, even though many of the families have lived there for generations.

Unverified reports from refugees and rights groups paint a picture of widespread attacks on Muslim villages in the north of Rakhine by the security forces and ethnic Rakhine Buddhists, who have put numerous villages to the torch.

Authorities deny that and say nearly 30,000 Buddhist villagers have also been displaced, fleeing to towns to the south.

The exodus seeking safety in Bangladesh shows no sign of slowing with 370,000 the latest estimate, according to a UN refugee agency spokeswoman, up from an estimate of 313,000 on the weekend.

Bangladesh is seeking help as it struggles to cope with the latest influx, who have joined more than 400,000 already there.

Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said Myanmar should set up safe zones to enable the refugees to go home.

"Myanmar will have to take back all Rohingya refugees who entered Bangladesh," Hasina said on a visit to the Cox's Bazar border district where she distributed aid.

"Myanmar has created the problem and they will have to solve it," she said, adding: "We want peaceful relations with our neighbors, but we can't accept any injustice."

"Stop this violence against innocent people."

Myanmar has said those who can verify their citizenship can return but most self-identifying Rohingya are stateless.

The Bangladeshi parliament passed a resolution on Monday urging the international community to mount pressure on Myanmar to resolve the crisis.

Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Geng Shuang told a briefing in Beijing "the international community should support Myanmar in its efforts to safeguard development and stability."

China ally Pakistan, in a speech to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, on behalf of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, called on Myanmar to stop making "unfulfilled promises."

"Discrimination, violence and acts of hatred are intolerable," Pakistan said.

Bangladeshi officials started registering the refugees on Tuesday, taking photographs and fingerprints, in the hope of bringing order to the chaos.

"This is a huge task. The number is increasing every day," Kazi Abdur Rahman, an official in Cox’s Bazar, told Reuters.

The post Myanmar Faces Mounting Pressure Over Refugee Exodus appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Muddling Through in Rakhine is Not Enough

Posted: 12 Sep 2017 03:38 AM PDT

I returned to Myanmar to find the country locked in yet another Rohingya crisis, one that is far more serious this time. Before I left I stated that military administration in Rakhine could be imminent. Then on 25 August there were fresh attacks and the situation blew up again. Security personnel as well as civilians have been killed. On Friday 1 September there was a press conference by the Defence Ministry where the spokesman said that the military had proposed that military administration be installed in north Rakhine but the government of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had turned it down. If military rule had been established and the violence grew worse, the onus would have been on the military. But now she and the National League for Democracy (NLD) government have to bear the blame for not heeding this advice.

The fact of people getting killed and brutalized, whoever they are, is no longer a matter for explanation or blame, much less denial. The inadequacy of such responses stands out. There does not appear to be any well-thought-out approach to the Rohingya issue, much less a national security strategy. Since the beginning of this year there have been calls to convene a meeting of the National Defence and Security Council but the State Counselor was extremely reluctant to do so. More is the pity, I should say.

That independent institution, the Myanmar Armed Forces, has been engaged in counter-insurgency for seven decades now without any signs of adopting a new approach or new tactics. While our country has insurgents, guerillas and terrorists and there is no denying the destruction they may inflict; in almost all cases those combatants move among populations of their own kind. Counter-insurgency and anti-guerilla operations in such settings invariably incur a great deal of collateral damage—a military fact eloquently displayed in the Vietnam War and continuing still in Afghanistan and Iraq. The long conflict in Myanmar is no exception. Surely this classic lesson cannot be lost upon the Myanmar Armed Forces.

Furthermore, fighting such a conflict requires closely-coordinated political, military and development approaches. This applies to other regions and populations in Myanmar as well. And when you look at the critical early-warning and intelligence capabilities, how good are these in northern Rakhine?

Besides heavy and badly thought-out military action, the 'props' that the Myanmar government has are pretty thin on the ground. A Citizenship Law passed during the days of the dictatorship. A border fence. IDP camps which are really concentration camps. Well, the Kofi Annan Commission has released its Final Report, and it has a total of eighty-eight recommendations. I have made a representation to policy-making circles for just a quarter (twenty-two) to be immediately brought to bear.

Volumes have been written about whether the Rohingya 'belong' to Burma/Myanmar. This I would say is quite off the mark. The very issue of 'belonging' reeks of racism. (But a lot of people are happy with racism sadly.) It may have been acceptable in the Ne Win era but continuing it now—in a democratic revival under none other than the NLD—is a sad reflection upon shabby times and a shabbier leadership. The situation is popularly portrayed as an "alien influx" but the reality is that illegal immigration would make up only a small percentage of the present community living in northern Rakhine State. Using British colonialism as the root cause, not only the Rohingya but also other communities elsewhere in the country are seen as not part of Burma/Myanmar. Indeed, many of those people are stateless—a condition which the UN is beginning to look into. All in all, even if people are illegal immigrants they should not be treated this way.

It should be borne in mind that the direness of it all applies to the other 'indigenous' communities too. I don't mean just the Rakhine and the unfortunate Mro, caught up in the deadly racial crossfire. If what we are witnessing is the instrument that the Myanmar state continues to apply, it doesn't bode well for the other ethnic and religious minorities too, I regret to say.

Here I would have to mention the approaches and policies being used by Australia (although you will understand it can never be a direct comparison). The governments in both cases have their positions, or in Myanmar's case there is supposed to be one. For quite some time, Australia has been under criticism for its policies on immigration, asylum-seekers and particularly the offshore processing centers. This censure comes from both within Australia and abroad. There is an ongoing debate on it, and Australians remark upon it publicly as well as privately. But what I am saying is not merely that Australia has better consultation and shaping of its policies, and better resources (both of which are true) but that a constructive public airing and debate is taking place. The levels of polarization and acrimony may vary with those in Myanmar, but everyone is given a chance and the right to contribute. Can we honestly say this is the case in Myanmar?

Coming to the over-riding issue of multiculturalism, both countries pride themselves on it. Australia is putting a lot of effort into pushing for it—and it is repeatedly mentioned that 85 percent of Australians think it is a good thing. Myanmar is vaguely, or should I say incompletely, multi-cultural. This means that diverse cultures are acknowledged but not fully integrated into a 'multi-culture.' In many cases integration is seen as assimilation into the majority Burman/Bamar culture, which has strong Buddhist overtones. The underlying culture upon which a genuine multiculturalism can be built has to be welcoming and tolerant. Burman/Bamar culture is not fully so, but it can (and has to) be transformed. Yes, it is a big task and the fact is that the present state is simply not up to it.

My expectation (and hope) for Myanmar is that as the violence and acrimoniousness dies down, people can engage in a national debate in a sober, serious and far-sighted manner. Without interference and prodding from politicians nursing their own agendas and eyeing the next elections. Yes, civil society is divided too, but voices of sanity and reason and courage are being heard. I tend to believe more in the qualities and strengths of society.

Khin Zaw Win is currently the Director of the Tampadipa Institute, working on policy advocacy and capacity building since 2006. His current engagement includes communal issues, nationalism and international relations. He is also an honorary advisor at the Myanmar Institute for Strategic and International Studies, the Foreign Ministry's think tank. He served under the Department of Health, Myanmar, and the Ministry of Health, Sabah, Malaysia and did the Masters in Public Policy program at the National University of Singapore. He has held a fellowship with the Friedrich Ebert Foundation (New York office) and was also a UK FCO Chevening Fellow at the University of Birmingham. He was also a prisoner of conscience in Myanmar for "seditious writings" and human rights work from 1994 –2005.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

The post Muddling Through in Rakhine is Not Enough appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Power Behind the Robe

Posted: 12 Sep 2017 02:27 AM PDT

This month marks the 10th anniversary of the Saffron Revolution, a series of mass protests led by Buddhist monks against the military government.

Many social critics and political monks have long said the generals who kneel down before images of Buddha are the real threat to Buddhism and the Dhamma.

In this cover story first published in the October, 2007 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine, founding editor-in-chief Aung Zaw explains why Myanmar's generals fear the influence of the Sangha.

The Lord Buddha shunned worldly affairs, but in his teachings he stressed the need for good governance and good rulers in the practice of politics.

The Buddha said: "When the ruler of a country is just and good, the ministers become just and good; when the ministers are just and good, the higher officials become just and good; when the higher officials are just and good, the rank and file become just and good; when the rank and file become just and good, the people become just and good."

If these admonitions are followed by the large community of monks—the Sangha—in predominantly Buddhist Burma, the lingering "love lost" relationship between the country's military rulers and its monks should be no surprise.

Over the last two decades, Burma's Sangha community, officially estimated to number around 400,000, has had an uneasy relationship with the ruling generals, who have imprisoned several prominent, politically active monks or pongyis. It is estimated that since the present military regime came to power in 1988, about 300 monks have been defrocked and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment.

Monks, considered "sons of Buddha," are the biggest institution in Burma after the armed forces, which number more than 400,000 soldiers and police.

In their close contacts with the common people and during their morning alms rounds of local households, the monks witness firsthand the suffering and poverty of ordinary Burmese citizens. They have a very clear picture of the deteriorating situation in Burma.

More importantly, they probably have a better network, connections and influence than politically active students, who are constantly watched, imprisoned or forced into exile.

Who could imagine that these monks, living quietly in monasteries and studying Dhamma, would ever plan to rebel against the repressive regime? Yet history has shown that monks have long played a pivotal role in politics and that they would indeed dare such a bold and dangerous undertaking.

The role of political pongyis is controversial and potentially threatening to the ruling elite, although there has been a continuing debate on whether monks really should involve themselves in politics.

The Early Rebellion

Monks were involved in early outbreaks of resistance against British colonization, joining lay people in taking up arms against the British after seeing King Thibaw sent into exile.

Monks have their resistance martyrs—U Ottama, for instance, who led 3,000 rebels in the Salin area a year after the invasion of Mandalay. The rebel monk, also known as Bo Ottama, was captured and hanged by the British in 1889.

Interestingly, historians noted that monks who took up arms voluntarily defrocked themselves first, following the precept forbidding monks to take lives.

Another martyr, Saya San, who was an ex-monk, led a peasant uprising in Tharrawaddy opposing the tax system imposed by the British. Burma's colonial masters sent 10,000 troops to quell the rebellion, capturing Saya San and sending him, too, to the gallows.

One of the top Burmese lawyers who defended Saya San at his trial was Dr. Ba Maw, who later became head of state in Burma's Japanese-backed government.

Not all monks advocated armed struggle. Two who preached nonviolent resistance, U Wisara and another monk named U Ottama, spent many years in prison for their opposition to colonialism and their names have joined the list of independence heroes.

The Irrawaddy magazine's October, 2007 cover story.

U Ottama, a globe-trotting, well-respected monk from Arakan State, was a powerful speaker whose calls for independence were featured in the national newspaper Thuriya. He once famously told the British Governor Sir Reginald Craddock to go home to Britain, in a speech that landed him in prison.

Like U Ottama, U Wisara was imprisoned several times for his public speeches and died in jail in 1929 after 166 days of a hunger strike. His prison sentences included terms of hard labor, and he was also defrocked.

Both monks became an inspiration to activists and students involved in the independence movement.

Scholar Michael Mendelson wrote in his "Sangha and State in Burma," that all politically active monks tended to be labeled by the colonial authorities as "political agitators in the yellow robes." Interestingly, a similar term is used by Burma's current leaders to describe protesting monks.

Historians wrote that the British authorities were surprised to learn the influential role of the Sangha community, and soon after the invasion of 1885 they abolished the position of "Supreme Patriarch," or Thathana-baing.

In former times, Burmese kings appointed Thathana-baing to govern the Sangha community and made them responsible for doctrinal instruction and discipline of all monks. But the position wasn't accepted by the entire Sangha. The progressive Shwegin sect was one group that rejected it. Sectarianism created controversy and bitter rivalry among monks.

During the Kon-Baung period in the 18th century, conflicts arose within the Sangha over how the monastic robes were supposed to be worn, and two conflicting sects arose—the so-called Ton Gaing and Yon Gaing.

The Burmese scholar Tin Maung Maung Than records that the Toun-goo and early Kon-Baung dynasties were drawn into the rivalry by their royal patronage of one party or the other. In 1782, King Bodawphaya intervened in the controversy by siding with Ton Gaing.

One experienced colonial political officer, Col Edward Sladen, conversant with the power of the Sangha, advised British authorities to maintain the Thathana-baingsystem in order to head off conflicts in governing the predominately Buddhist country.

The role of Thathana-baing was undoubtedly a complicated one, involving a direct link between the monarchy and the Sangha. The Thathana-baing wielded influence and could even intervene in state affairs. One respected abbot even persuaded King Mindon to abandon corvée labor for his irrigation projects. It's ironic that the current regime argues that forced labor is a feature of Burmese tradition and a means of making merit.

After independence, however, the influence of Buddhism and the Sangha went into decline, except for a period under the late prime minister U Nu, a devout Buddhist.

U Nu himself was ordained as a monk several times and rarely exploited Buddhism for his own political ends. Under his government, the Sixth Great Buddhist World Council was held in 1954, and he also created the Buddha Sasana Council.

Tin Maung Maung Than noted in his book, "Sangha Reforms and Renewal of Sasana in Myanmar: Historical trends and Contemporary Practice": "Because of various Gaing and sectarianism U Nu failed to take effective reforms in spite of institutionalization of Buddhism within the state superstructure and notwithstanding the holding of the Sixth Buddhist Synod in 1954."

U Nu also attempted to legalize Buddhism as the state religion in 1961. The attempt was considered to be a misguided policy, and it anyway failed to materialize as U Nu was ousted by Gen Ne Win one year later.

Ne Win regarded monks as a potential opposition and he developed a different strategy to control them. In the mid-1960s, his regime called a Sangha conference to issue monks with identification cards. Young monks and abbots stayed away from the gathering.

It wasn't until 1980 that Ne Win succeeded in containing the monks by establishing a "State Sangha Nayaka Committee," after a carefully orchestrated campaign to discredit the Sangha. Part of the campaign was to discredit a famous monk, Thein Phyu Sayadaw, who was accused of romantic involvement with a woman. He was defrocked.

Before the campaign, intelligence officers and informants of the government infiltrated the temples as monks and gathered information about monks and abbots.

Some well-known abbots, including Mahasi Sayadaw, an internationally respected monk who was invited by U Nu in 1947 to teach Vipassana meditation, were also targeted in the campaign.

Anthropologist Gustaaf Houtmann wrote in his paper "Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics" that the regime had "distributed leaflets accusing Mahasi of talking with the nat spirits, and it was claimed that the Tipitaka Mingun Sayadaw, Burma's top Buddhist scholar, had been involved in some unsavory incident two years after entering the monkhood." Both monks were victims of their refusal to cooperate with the regime.

A number of scholars and historians noted, however, that some abbots accused and charged by the government were indeed involved in scandals and had romantic relationship with women or nuns.

The regime's campaign sometimes took bizarre forms. Rumors were circulated, for instance, suggesting that one Rangoon monk, U Laba, was a cannibal. Several famous abbots were implicated in scandals and were either defrocked or fled to neighboring Thailand. Ne Win successfully launched a "Sangha reform"—also known as "Cleaning Up the Sangha."

The government managed to get some recognition from elderly Buddhists by forming the Sangha Committee. But Ne Win did not pretend to be a devout Buddhist. He rarely participated in Sangha meetings and held few religious ceremonies during the 26 years of his rule. Unlike current leaders, he was rarely seen with monks.

During the 1988 uprising, however, his government asked the Sangha Committee to help restore order, and senior monks appeared in live television broadcasts appealing to the public for calm.

In August, 1988, days after the massacre in Rangoon, monks expressed sorrow for the loss of life, but—to the surprise of many—they also appealed to the regime to govern in accordance with the 10 duties prescribed for rulers of the people. The appeal failed to calm the public mood, but the message did remind many Burmese of the "10 duties of rulers"—the monks were telling Ne Win to be a good ruler.

On August 30, the Working People's Daily reported: "1,500 members of the Sangha marched in procession through the Rangoon streets and gathered in front of the Rangoon General Hospital emergency ward, where they recited "Metta Sutta" in memory of rahans [monks], workers and students who fell in the struggle for democracy." Many young monks were among the demonstrators.

For many Burmese, the struggle for democracy is not yet over and the discord between the Sangha and the ruling generals remains strong.

Unlike Ne Win and U Nu, the generals who came to power in 1988 openly and audaciously schemed to buy off the Sangha community. They have also claimed to be protectors of the Sangha, although their motive is to gain political legitimacy.

Aside from holding numerous merit-making ceremonies, offering hsoon and valuable gifts to monks, the military leaders are launching well-publicized pagoda restoration projects throughout Burma. Nevertheless, confrontations between rebellious monks and the authorities continue.

In Mandalay in 1990, troops fired on the crowds, killing several people, including monks. Angered by the military's brutality, Mandalay monks began a patta ni kozana kan, refusing to accept alms from members of the armed forces and their families.

The same action has now been taken by monks in several provinces after authorities beat protesting monks in Pakokka, central Burma.

"Patta ni kozana kan" can be called in response to any one of eight offences, including vilifying or making insidious comparisons between monks, inciting dissension among monks or defaming Buddha, the Dhamma or the Sangha.

A "patta ni kozana kan" campaign can be called off if the offended monks receive what they accept as a proper apology from the individuals or authorities involved. This procedure involves a ceremony held by at least four monks inside the Buddhist ordination hall, at which the boycott would be canceled.

Some monks in Burma may believe that the "patta ni kozana kan" of 1990 is still in effect, since they haven't yet received any proper apology—only a harsh crackdown. At that time, monks refused to attend religious ceremonies held by military officials and family members.

In one incident, the Mandalay Division commander at the time, Maj-Gen Tun Kyi, who later became trade minister, invited senior monks and abbots to attend a religious ceremony but no one showed up. Military leaders realized the seriousness of the boycott and decided to launch a crackdown.

In Mandalay alone, more than 130 monasteries were raided and monks were defrocked and imprisoned. As many as 300 monks nationwide were defrocked and arrested.

Former political prisoners recalled that monks who shared prison quarters with them continued to practice their faith despite being forced to wear prison uniforms and being officially stripped of their membership of the Sangha.

Several monks, including the highly respected Thu Mingala, a Buddhist literature laureate, and at least eight other respected senior abbots, were arrested. Thu Mingala was sentenced to eight years imprisonment.

Apart from being stripped of their robes, imprisoned monks in Mandalay were forced to wear white prison uniforms and were taunted with nicknames instead of being addressed with their true titles, according to former political prisoners.

Tens of thousands of monks took part in the Saffron Revolution.

One year later, in 1991, the then head of the military junta, Snr-Gen Saw Maung, suffered a nervous breakdown and retired for health reasons. Buddhist Burmese still say this was punishment for his maltreatment of the monks.

The 1990 crackdown divided the Sangha community. The late Mingun Sayadaw, who was secretary of the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee, was ridiculed by young monks for not supporting the boycott campaign. He was at one time called "senior general Mingun Sayadaw," and when he visited one temple in Mandalay young monks reportedly saluted him.

Today, while rebellious monks are prepared to go to prison, many senior monks and abbots are allowing themselves to become government tools by accepting gifts and large donations from the generals. By cuddling up to the ruling generals, these elderly abbots can no longer speak for the Sangha community at large, let alone comment on the suffering of the Burmese people. The divisions between abbots and young monks have inevitably widened.

The generals, on the other hand, won't give up easily. In one spectacular bid to win the hearts and minds of the people, they borrowed a Buddha tooth relic from China and toured the country with it and also held a World Buddhist Summit.

In 1999, military leaders renovated Shwedagon Pagoda, after the Htidaw, the sacred umbrella, had been removed amid reports of minor local earthquakes. Local people said the spirits of Shwedagon had been upset with the removal of the Htidaw. Restoration of the pagoda complex did nothing to help the generals' image, though.

The generals have also applied "divide and rule" strategies in dealing with the Sangha community and the opposition.

In 1996, the regime accused the National League for Democracy of infiltrating the Sangha with the aim of committing subversive acts against the authorities. The generals obviously did not want to see opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi developing too close a relationship with the monks.

In an attempt to neutralize the political role of Suu Kyi, the government sent a famous, London-based monk, Dr. Rewatta Dhamma, to visit the detained opposition leader in 1995. Claiming to be a peace-broker between Suu Kyi and the generals, the monk shuttled between her and top leaders. But his mission failed and he returned to London. Skeptics believe the generals had merely used U Rewatta in a bid to persuade Suu Kyi to relinquish politics.

Ironically, the regime leaders publicly accused Suu Kyi of being a communist and of sacrilege because she had said in a campaign speech that "any human being can become a Buddha in this life."

Soon after her release from her first term of house arrest in 1995, Suu Kyi immediately traveled to Karen State, followed by infuriated intelligence officers. She went there to make an offering to "Thamanya Sayadaw."

Traditionally, temples have provided hiding places for activists, and in 1988 monks offered shelter to fugitives from the intelligence authorities.

At one time, the regime even placed restrictions on opposition members, preventing them from ordaining as monks. Like universities and schools, politically active monasteries are under heavy surveillance.

The widely respected abbot Bhaddanta Vinaya, known as Thamanya Sayadaw because he lived on Thamanya Hill, was involved in projects to help villagers in the area, work that was shunned by the generals.

He was revered not only for the mystical powers he was said to possess, but also because of his refusal to kowtow to the regime leaders. He once famously refused to accept the gift of a luxury vehicle from the then powerful intelligence chief Gen Khin Nyunt.

Khin Nyunt could not buy Thamanya.

It may indeed be wrong to assume that Burma's regime leaders are devout Buddhists. The generals and their families seem to place more trust in astrology and numerology than in Buddhist ritual. They treasure white elephants and lucky charms and are constantly seeking advice from astrologers.

Birds of a feather, such as the generals and their chief astrologers, not only flock together but fall together, too. Ne Win's family astrologer, Aung Pwint Khaung, was arrested in 2002 when the former dictator and his family were charged with high treason.

Khin Nyunt's chief astrologer, Bodaw Than Hla, was imprisoned after the former Prime Minister and Military Intelligence chief was toppled in 2004.

Many Burmese may find it hard to believe that their military leaders are actually preserving Buddhism. Even when they are building pagodas and erecting Buddha images, the projects are based on astrological predictions and readings.

Who, for instance, advised Ne Win to ride a wooden horse on his aircraft and to ask the pilot to circle his birthplace nine times? Who advised him to issue banknotes in denominations of 45 and 90 kyat?

Who advised Khin Nyunt to dress up in women's clothing, complete with the signature flower that Suu Kyi wears, in order to steal power from "the Lady"? Who told Than Shwe to move his capital to central Burma?

It certainly wasn't a belief in Buddhist tenets. Nor does Buddhism permit the military to beat, defrock, imprison and kill monks.

The decline of Buddhism and the rise of militarism in Burma are a source of concern for the people of Burma. Thus, it is no surprise to hear social critics and political pongyismaintain that the generals who kneel down before images of Buddha are the real threat to Buddhism and Dhamma.

The post The Power Behind the Robe appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

RCSS, Myanmar Army Agree to Avoid New Clashes

Posted: 12 Sep 2017 12:45 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South (RCSS/SSA-S), one of the signatory groups of the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), and the Myanmar Army have reached an agreement to avoid further clashes between the two sides.

The RCSS/SSA-S delegation led by its chairman Gen Yawd Serk held separate talks with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the deputy commander-in-chief of the Myanmar Army in Naypyitaw on Monday.

The meeting with military leaders focused on easing military tensions and rebuilding mutual understanding, according to Lt-Col Sai Mein of the RCSS/SSA-S.

"We agreed that clashes between the two sides impact civilians and that we should try harder to avoid them," he told reporters in Naypyitaw.

"The two sides agree to cooperate in order to not burden the people," he added.

Despite the RCSS/SSA-S's signing of the NCA, there have been frequent skirmishes between the two sides. There were clashes in March, April and July this year, and joint ceasefire monitoring committees at the national and state levels have not been able to address the problem.

Fresh tensions arose between the Myanmar Army and the RCSS/SSA after a planned meeting of the Committee for Shan State Unity (CSSU) in Thailand's Chiang Mai had to be canceled due to objections from the military attaché in the Myanmar Embassy in July.

The CSSU is a coalition of Shan political parties, civil society organizations and two armed groups—the RCSS/SSA-S and the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-N).

"We were blocked by the military while the CSSU was trying to hold talks. That is like blocking the NCA path," Lt-Col Sai Mein told reporters.

"We agreed [at Monday's meeting] that dialogue is important to ease tensions and build mutual trust between us," he said, adding that the meeting was "fruitful."

The Monday meeting was the first between Gen Yawd Serk and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi since she assumed office.

The State Counselor's Office issued a press release that the meeting at the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) focused on building understanding and trust in the NCA-based peace process, development, education, health and combating drugs in ethnic regions.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post RCSS, Myanmar Army Agree to Avoid New Clashes appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

India Wakes up to Multiple Concerns After Violence in Rakhine

Posted: 11 Sep 2017 07:29 PM PDT

The situation in northern Rakhine State has gone from bad to worse with a sea of people (UN estimates of some 300,000) fleeing to Bangladesh to save their lives and that of their children. The violence there has engulfed the entire region and threatens to cause ongoing communal disturbances. There have been conflicting stories in the media and it is difficult to assess the true situation on the ground.

However, what we do know is if the specter of violence is not contained soon it could throw Myanmar's neighbors into a deep crisis, with the potential for communal violence looming. The question being heard in Indian media is, "Is India equipped to handle a problem of this magnitude if it does occur?"

India is already feeling the pinch and there is a deep division across the country between those that want the 40,000 self-identifying Rohingya Muslims to return to Myanmar and those that want them to stay. The battle has reached India's highest court, the Supreme Court, with a group of activists pleading for them to be given asylum, while others oppose the petition on grounds including that it violates international human rights conventions. A counter petition has been filed by a Hindu group in the same court.

As a decision is anticipated, arguments outside of the court seem to lean heavily against the self-identified Rohingya. The reasons being cited are many, starting with the fact that India has not signed the 1951 UN Refugee Convention and therefore, is not obliged to accept the migrants. Though India has accepted refugees in the past, the case of these particular Muslim migrants is embroiled in controversy. Concerns over national security have been cited by government officials and civil society.

A few of the prominent examples that are being played out in Indian media are an attack in and around the Mahabodhi temple in Bodh Gaya on July 7, 2013, which was influenced by the Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) and the Indian Mujahideen. The arrested suspect Mohammed Umair Siddiqui, a member of SIMI and the Indian Mujahideen, stated that the attack was targeted at international Buddhist tourists to avenge the killings of Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar. The incident that preceded the Bodh Gaya blasts and threatened to escalate into communal riots was the protests at Azad Maiden in Mumbai on August 11, 2012, organized to condemn communal riots in Rakhine and in the Assam State of India.

That incident of violence saw the death of two people, with the protesters targeting police and media persons, setting vehicles afire, smashing cameras and chanting provocative slogans. After the incident, the spotlight was on clerics in mosques and Muslim leaders for claims that they built the anger that caused violence to erupt, impacting several other cities in India. Social media was flooded with (mis)information and misleading pictures of the Rakhine and Assam violence, and SMSes and MMSes designed to make Muslims in India feel hunted and victimized were spread in the run up to the protest day. A state of high alert was issued throughout Mumbai and most cities in the country were left shaken by the incident.

Sultan Shahin, a senior Editor of the New Age Islam in India, said in a recent discussion on the self-identified Rohingya: "The concern expressed by Indian security forces is quite legitimate in view of what happened in the past and in view of what has happened in Myanmar itself recently." He went on to add, "It is natural that any forces in the world like Al-Queda and ISIS would want to make use of them [the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army – ARSA], especially in the current situation where so many people are fleeing to Bangladesh."

Meanwhile, other arguments in favor of the deportation of the self-identified Rohingya from India include the recent alert by intelligence agencies in India and Bangladesh that have warned of increasing radicalization of Rohingya Muslims by Pakistani-based terror groups. The Indian establishment and most Indians have been alarmed perhaps because the support for the self-identified Rohingya has come from none other than Hafiz Saeed, co-founder of the Laskhar-e-Toiba and the prime accused in the 2008 Mumbai terror attack in which 164 civilians including six American citizens were killed.

Given that there have been incidents in which self-identified Rohingya are linked with attacks or groups carrying out attacks, alarm is natural. It is not Islamophobia, which may be used as an argument by some. The issue is complex, certainly where ARSA – which the Myanmar government recently branded a terrorist organization – is involved. But no government wants to be caught with their guard down.

A number of Indian media outlets have highlighted that Ata-Ullah, who leads the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), was born in Karachi and formed Harakah al-Yaqin, which claimed responsibility for attacks on border guard posts in Myanmar on Oct. 9, 2016. He has been linked with the Lashkar-E-Toiba, Jaish-e-Mohammad and Pakistan-based groups, and it has been reported that records of his recent telephone conversations with some Muslim men in India have led the Home Ministry to take a firm stand on the issue of deportation. Times Now, a leading Indian television program, has quoted Indian intelligence agencies as saying that Ata-Ullah "has vowed to fight 'oppressors' in the Indian subcontinent," and also that "he has been hiring Rohingya immigrants."

The Indian news media has also run repeated stories on how various terror groups – in particular, Zakir Musa who leads the Hizbul Mujahideen in Kashmir – have been inviting self-identified Rohingya to join them "in fighting for Islam." With no proper official estimates of the number of Rohingya in India, the apparent increase and the fact that many have made their way to Kashmir have seemingly worried the Indian establishment.

The debate over a home for the self-identified Rohingya in India has given rise to some thorny issues. In a recent television discussion, Anand Narasimhan, editor of Times Now, challenged the very narrative of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and the UNHCR, which have cited "humanitarianism" and "human rights" to prevent the Indian government from deporting the Rohingya from India. He said, "when Indians don't have the right to go and settle down everywhere in the country, how will we settle this group (of self-identified Rohingya)." Many states in India by law do not allow land rights or settlement rights to other Indians.

The issue of the Kashmiri Pundits who have been driven out of their homes in Kashmir and living in tents as internally displaced people has also dominated the debates over whether to allow the self-identified Rohingya to remain in India. The issue of detecting "foreigners" (Bangladeshis) who entered Assam after 1971 and possibly pushing them back has also resurfaced, making the issue even more complex. The question that is being asked by all is, "Should not every displaced person, refugee and asylum seeker be treated equally or should there be a different measuring stick in the case of Rohingya, and if so, why?"

The Assam local Parliament (called the Legislative Assembly) was rocked on Sept. 6, 2016, when legislators staged a walk out over the issue of the self-identified Rohingya. The legislators demanded that they be taken in on humanitarian grounds. The question posed to the group was, "Shall we not speak out against the atrocities and slow genocide of religious minorities since the last two decades in Bangladesh and in Pakistan?" Also, the other question to ask is how about those who are unable to include their names in the National Register of Citizens (NRC), which is being updated in Assam to detect "illegal migrants," from Bangladesh?

It would seem indisputable that if the self-identified Rohingya have human rights, so do other religious minorities in Bangladesh and Pakistan. Ironically, the situation on the ground is different, and when it comes to accommodating persecuted religious minorities from Bangladesh and Pakistan, there is an uncomfortable silence from the same group that is voicing support for the self-identified Rohingya.

This has perhaps led many in India from various ideologies and religious beliefs to question the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) and Muslim nations about refusing to accommodate the self-identified Rohingya. Senior Supreme Court Advocate and a Kashmiri Muslim Shabnam Lone said on Indian television, "Shame on the Islamic countries" while also adding that, "India is not Pakistan, Bangladesh or Indonesia. India is a pluralistic country, a land of tolerance."

Countries like Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia have in the recent past asked the Rohingya to return to Myanmar after seeking asylum, on one pretext or another. OIC Secretary General Yousef bin Ahmad Al-Othaimeen, has been quoted in the Indian media as saying, "Take them back, they are your people, rehabilitate them. It is your responsibility." This statement was made a day before the Indian Ministry of Home Affairs issued an advisory on Rohingya deportation.

So as India gears up to face the challenge posed not just by the dilemma of whether to deport the self-identified Rohingya, but also by the threat of a growing insurgency in its eastern frontier, the question perhaps is one of "tolerance versus terror," as has been articulated by a cross section of the social and political class in India. The jury is out on this.

Bidhayak Das is a veteran journalist who has also spent more than a decade working on promoting democracy in Myanmar. He is currently working as an independent consultant on elections, media and communications.

The post India Wakes up to Multiple Concerns After Violence in Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week

Posted: 11 Sep 2017 06:24 PM PDT

Myanmar Democracy Film Festival

Five films including "Demo Yakkwak" and "Thara Sawhtee" will be screened at 48 cinemas in Yangon and across Myanmar as part of the democracy-themed film festival

Sept. 15-21. Cinemas across the country. Free admission on opening day.

AFF U 18 Championship

Myanmar will play against Vietnam on Wednesday in the final match of Asean Football Federation Under 18 Championship Group B.

Sept. 13, 6 pm. Thuwunna Stadium. Tickets 1,000-3,000 kyats.

Charity Musical Concert

More than 20 vocalists will perform at this charity event, with proceeds going to shelter for the elderly Thanlyin Mediation Center.

Sept 16. 7 pm. National Theater, Myoma Kyaung Street. Tickets 5,000-10,000 kyats.

K-Food Fair

A Korean feast for foodies with performances by singers Ni Ni Khin Zaw and Ar-T, cooking demonstrations by Korean chefs, traditional Korean dancing, games and more.

Sept 16-17. All day. Junction City.

Everybody's Night Out Hip Hop Style at Yangon Yangon

There will be 20 percent discount on bottled drinks with a DJ playing hip-hop and R&B. Happy hour is 5-7 pm.

Sept 14. Yangon Yangon Rooftop Bar, Sakura Tower. Free admission.

Freestyle Open Mic

Enjoy rap, hip-hop, break-dancing and beat boxing at this event, and even take to the stage yourself.

Sept 17. 7 pm. 7th Joint Bar & Grill, corner of Mahabandula Road and 47th Street. Free admission.

Mergui Archipelago Uncovered

Marine consultant and yachtsman John Farrell who has worked around Mergui Archipelago for the past decade will talk about the flora and fauna of the area.

Sept 14. 6.30-8 pm. Pansuriya, 102 Bogalayzay Street, Botahtaung Township.