Monday, September 11, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

‘They Worry About Their Lives’

Posted: 11 Sep 2017 07:12 AM PDT

Since Muslim militants attacked police stations in northern Rakhine State on Aug. 25, some 300,000 self-identifying Rohingya have fled the Bangladesh border while about 30,000 ethnic Arakanese have fled to state capital Sittwe.

Some Arakanese, however, stayed in their villages in Maungdaw and Buthidaung—the two townships hit hardest by the violence.

The 88 Generation Peace and Open Society group's relief team has been providing assistance to those affected people in the area since Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) launched its attacks.

One of the relief team's members, Daw Mee Mee, spoke to The Irrawaddy about her experiences and perspectives of the recent conflict.

Where in Maungdaw did you arrive?

We arrived at Sittwe on September 2 and the next morning continued to Maungdaw, the conflict zone. We requested the security come with us to provide assistance to those trapped villages, as they didn't have much support. We had to wait two nights to get the security, and then went to Kyein Chaung village with five police officers, but they switched with another team of five when we arrived. We slept in Kyein Chaung for the night but then the next morning we did not have any security with us so we returned to Maungdaw.

We heard there are improvised landmines along the road to Kyein Chaung. Did you see the clearing of those mines?

They [the security] cleared the improvised landmines early in the morning. We arrived there in the afternoon, after they did the clearance. On the way to Kyein Chaung, we were only faced with the terrible road and our trucks were bogged down in the mud, but we encountered no mines. On our return journey, we also had to wait for two hours for them to clear mines, so we did not see any. But we saw houses in flames from afar and heard gunfire over night in Kyein Chuang.

Local residents are extremely concerned about their security. What's your assessment of the government's security preparations? And in order to relieve residents' concerns, what should the government do?

We heard about their concerns in Kyein Chaung. When we arrived at the village, at night, shops in front of the police's special branch office were on fire. People were so afraid. We had for big trucks carrying food items, but on our way back, people hurriedly climbed on to those trucks. People also fled from Yan Aung Myint village, where the fighting happened. They wanted to get away from the villages as soon as possible and would not listen to us; we could not deter them. So we brought them with us to Maungdaw.

The public would not be in fear if they were sure they had protection. What we saw was defensive measures instead of prevention from the attacks, and then the clearance operations followed.

According to an officer, a corporal was injured by an improvised explosive device (IED). The security forces told me they could not follow the attackers after encountering the trapped mines. The attackers have complete awareness of the region. Security forces had to focus on taking the injured men to hospital in order to save their lives, so they could not follow the attackers. Local people staying in the village must be freed from fear. When I talked to them, they said they do not worry about their food—they worry about their lives.

Now is very different from the incidents back in 2012. The attacks were an intrusion on our sovereignty. It is very important for our country and for our people.

There are accusations the Tatmadaw planted the mines and set fires. Did local people talk of such incidents? Could they freely talk about it?

Many people say they [militants] burned their own houses and fled. But I did not witness it myself. What we saw were houses in flames.

People are questioning whether Muslim militants could burn their own homes and then flee. What is your view on it?

I could not tell who torched the houses, but what I can surely tell is, there are attacks using homemade bombs, IEDs and shooting. And there is counter shooting. In our country, only the Myanmar armed forces—Tatmadaw and police forces—have arms. Why did the villagers have such weapons, and why did they shot with guns and homemade guns and attacked with trapped mines? Their actions not only target government institutions but also civilians. Burning homes or not, the most important thing is these actions are trying to violate our country's sovereignty.

This interview has been edited for clarity and brevity.

The post 'They Worry About Their Lives' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Mystic ET Dies in Yangon

Posted: 11 Sep 2017 03:44 AM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar's well-known mystic Daw Swe Swe Win—known by her clients as ET—died of natural causes at her home in Yangon's Thingangyun Township early in the morning on Sunday. She was 57.

ET was consulted as a fortune teller or soothsayer by some of Myanmar's—and Asia's—most influential figures, including a number of ruling Myanmar generals and former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

Her family members began to notice her ability to make predictions when she was just nine years old.

A severe fever at the age of 14 left her deaf, mute, and unable to walk unassisted. She rose to fame as a fortune teller and was nicknamed ET by her clients for her resemblance to the main character in Steven Spielberg's movie "ET the Extra Terrestrial" (1982).

She turned 57 on July 5.

Even though she only received a formal education up to the fifth grade, her clients reported that she was able to write fluently in English.

She issued predictions in writing or through her younger sister Daw Thi Thi Win who read her lips.

She set up the ET Foundation to fund eye surgery for impoverished patients, including cataract procedures.

In May, she requested King of Thailand Maha Vajiralongkorn Bodindradebayavarangkun to grant an amnesty to two migrant workers from Myanmar sentenced to death in Thailand for the double murder of two British backpackers in Koh Tao in 2014.

The two men were arrested in October 2014, one month after the crime took place. On Dec. 24, 2015, it was announced they would receive the death sentence.

In a letter to the Thai King, ET said that Win Zaw Htun and Zaw Lin had been "falsely arrested and convicted" in the murder case, which has been ongoing for nearly three years.

During her career, she refused to predict political results or the results of illegal lottery—locally known as "chel." The policy was written on a sign in her house.

She will be buried on Tuesday at Yayway Cemetery in Yangon, according to family members.

The post Myanmar Mystic ET Dies in Yangon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Karen Govt Mulls Lawsuit Against Organizers of Nationalist Rally

Posted: 11 Sep 2017 01:25 AM PDT

MAWLAMYINE, Mon State — The Karen State government may sue organizers of a nationalist rally on Rakhine State's unraveling conflict held at Taunggalay Ground in Karen State capital Hpa-an, according to the state's Mon ethnic affairs minister U Min Tin Win.

The organizers' application for the event was rejected by the Hpa-an administrator "for certain reasons," minister U Min Tin Win told The Irrawaddy on Monday. The administrator wrote to the state government, advising it to file a lawsuit against the organizers for persisting with the event.

The Karen State Association for Protection of Race and Religion claimed about 40,000 people attended its talks on Sunday. The chapter—known by its Myanmar acronym Ma Ba Tha—has defied a countrywide ban by the State Buddhist Sangha authority from operating under its current name.

Chapter spokesperson Ashin Gambisara said speakers at the event condemned the violence in Rakhine State. They called for an end to perceived oppression of Buddhism and Buddhists and unity among the citizens of Myanmar, he said.

Organizers requested permission for the event, said Ashin Gambisara, adding that authorities "did not reject it but did not like it."

"They cited things like security concerns and H1N1 flu virus, and said they thought it should not be organized. But they didn't say they would not allow it. If they hadn't allowed it, we would not have done it," Ashin Gambisara told The Irrawaddy.

Among the event's four speakers was ultranationalist monk U Wirathu, who the state Buddhist authority banned from delivering sermons for one year, starting from March 10, due to his religious hate speech.

He criticized the National League for Democracy (NLD) government at the event, accusing it of being "pro-Muslim" despite international criticism of its treatment of self-identifying Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine, nearly 300,000 of whom have fled to Bangladesh since Aug. 25 militant attacks on police outposts.

"Its name is National League for Democracy. This is a combination of two things—nationalism and democracy. If it puts all its efforts into nationalism and democracy, Myanmar would be top of Asia. But seeing is believing. Its name includes 'national,' but in its offices, all the staff are foreigners," he told the crowd.

Maung Thway Chun, chief editor of the nationalist group's recently suspended weekly journals, columnist for those publications, U Kyaw Swe, and writer Anyataya Kapiya also spoke at the event.

U Min Tin Win said the event was aimed at attacking a government facing growing crises across the country.

"They said their talks were about the immigration issue in Rakhine State, but they were not. They targeted the government and I think they are sparking one fire after another. It is not what a dutiful Myanmar citizen should do," he said.

After the event on Sunday, Karen State Ma Ba Tha released a statement calling on the government to officially deny self-identifying Rohingya recognition as an ethnicity in Myanmar, and to take prompt actions against Muslim militants in Rakhine.

It also called on the government to recognize the name Ma Ba Tha, allow it to continue publishing weekly journals Aung Zay Yatu and Atumashi, and release detained nationalists.

The state Buddhist authority—known as Ma Ha Na—on May 23 banned the nationalist organization from operating under its current name and also ordered that all signs bearing the name be taken down across the country by July.

Ma Ba Tha then changed its name to Buddha Dhamma Charity Foundation (Central), but the Karen State chapter has defied the ban and continues to operate under the current name.

The Irrawaddy was not able to reach Hpa-an Township administrator U Myo Min Tun for comment on Monday.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Karen Govt Mulls Lawsuit Against Organizers of Nationalist Rally appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thoughts on Rakhine State 

Posted: 11 Sep 2017 01:08 AM PDT

Today it is extremely hard, almost impossible, to obtain credible information on the situation in Rakhine State. There are no impartial witnesses in the field. Reliable journalists have difficulty knowing the truth, as they are escorted by Myanmar security forces to selected locations, their interlocuters unable to speak freely. Disinformation reigns.

For the time being, I have not yet found a single article or TV report that has satisfied me. The context lends itself to extreme, emotional, passionate, irrational attitudes, that make it impossible to understand the reality on the ground.

Having said this, in brief, an attack by the ARSA (Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army) on some 30 security force outposts has recently triggered a new cycle of violence. The attack occurred just after a Kofi Annan-led advisory commission delivered its final recommendations to improve the situation in Rakhine State.

The reaction of government security forces was immediate. Disproportionate or not, their clearance operations led some 300,000 members of the local Muslim community to flee their homes and seek refuge in Bangladesh.

Ethnic Rakhine, Hindus and other groups fled to the south, fearing ARSA. The situation isn't black and white. There have been reprehensible acts on both sides. But widespread accusations of Muslim villagers burning their own villages before fleeing them are hardly plausibly. Those displaced to Bangladesh are not warmly welcomed and they do not seem to be willing to remain there long-term.

But in this context, it is advisable at this time not to qualify the situation as genocide or ethnic cleansing against the Muslim community – which the government does not recognize as an ethnic nationality but as a group of interlopers from Bangladesh. It is important to try to diffuse the tension and anger in the region, and use language that will not rile either side.

The international community should accept the fact that this Muslim community [that identifies as Rohingya] is not recognized as an ethnic nationality of Myanmar. Having said that, those who have lived in the country for generations should have the right to quickly become permanent residents and then citizens. If there are doubts regarding residency or the desire to integrate into Myanmar society, there should be a probation period established.

In the prevailing context, it is absolutely necessary for all of the victims, residents, the Myanmar government and the international community that the conflict zone is accessible to an international and credible organization whose mandate matches the needs of the current situation.

Today, only the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) with support from the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) is in a position to fulfill this task. It is extremely urgent that the government and other concerned parties give the green light to the Geneva Institution for relief and protective actions for all civilians who are victims of the conflict in Rakhine State.

Aung Ko Ko is a pseudonym – he is a seasoned Myanmar observer with extensive knowledge of ethnic issues and conflict in the country, who has lived in Myanmar and the surrounding region for 24 years.

The post Thoughts on Rakhine State  appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

One Arrested as Police Disperse Nationalist Mob in Magwe Division

Posted: 10 Sep 2017 11:09 PM PDT

MANDALAY – One man was arrested in Magwe Region's Taungdwingyi after a nationalist mob – some armed with swords – attacked a mosque and property owned by Muslims before being dispersed by riot police with rubber bullets on Sunday evening.

"The situation in Taungdwingyi is now under control and security forces are deployed," said a statement released by the government's Information Committee on Sunday, adding that some 21 army and 30 police from Magwe Division base were deployed to maintain order.

Hnin Ko Ko Lin, 30, was arrested for his part in stoning the house of butcher Ko Jinner in Ohn Taw Quarter No. 1 in the town at 8 p.m. on Sunday, the statement said, adding that police were searching for more culprits and that they would be dealt with "according to the law."

According to locals the nationalist mob was at times 400 strong and some carried swords and bamboo rods.

"The mob start stoning the house of a Muslim man and other shops along the Taungdwingyi-Magwe road while cursing and singing nationalist songs," a local Muslim resident told The Irrawaddy on the condition of anonymity.

They later began attacking a mosque in Shwe Kyar Inn quarter before being dispersed by police, he said.

"We do not know why the mob gathered like that. My family is hiding somewhere safe, as we are afraid to stay in our home," he added.

Local police told The Irrawaddy they are still investigating how the mob gathered. According to the Information Committee Hnin Ko Ko Lin said he was acting because of the "disappointing situation in Rakhine State."

Violence is sweeping Rakhine State after deadly attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on 30 police outposts on Aug. 25.

Subsequent attacks, violence, and government security operations have killed hundreds, displaced thousands of ethnic Arakanese and Hindu according to the government and sent nearly 300,000 self-identifying Rohingya Muslims fleeing across the border to Bangladesh, according to the UN.

ARSA announced a month-long unilateral ceasefire, starting on Sunday, to enable aid groups to help ease the humanitarian crisis gripping Rakhine.

On Saturday, the government also requested the public not send "online and SMS attack warnings," after rumors spread of further ARSA attacks, and announced that it would take legal action against those instigating public panic.

Sunday's statement said security forces had been deployed in other cities to maintain order.

On Sunday, opposition party the Union Solidarity and Development Party held a meeting in Yangon titled "Discussion on the Rakhine Issue that is Threatening National Security,"

In Karen State, nationalists led by firebrand Buddhist monk U Wirathu gathered to condemn ARSA's attacks that they called the "oppression of race and religion."

The post One Arrested as Police Disperse Nationalist Mob in Magwe Division appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Letting Go of the Tiger’s Tail

Posted: 10 Sep 2017 08:28 PM PDT

The Irrawaddy revisits this story from September 2007 to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Saffron Revolution, a series of nationwide monk-led protests against the former military regime that ended in a violent government crackdown.

Have you ever caught hold of a tiger's tail? If not, Myanmar generals can report what it's like—they've probably had some experiences to share with you.

Myanmar's Gen Ne Win, who staged a military coup in 1962, once caught hold of a tiger's tail and never let it go.

The general, who introduced the "Burmese way to Socialism" and self-imposed isolation to the country, soon realized the failure of his nationalization policy.

In 1965, three years after the coup, he famously told journalists and officials: “It was like having caught hold of a tiger’s tail." Then he added: “But there was nothing else to do but hang on to it.”

Today, the tiger is reawakening as the monks march out of their monasteries and members of the everyday public join them in the streets in what is looking like a repetition of the 1988 uprising.

But, the demonstrations this time are different to those of 1988. They started simply enough when members of the 88 Student Generation group staged a march in Yangon on August 19. Predictably, the generals cracked down again, arresting and imprisoning more than 400 activists.

But, the 88 Student Generation leaders’ demonstration touched a public nerve. They had stood up for everyday citizens, outraged over the sudden, steep hikes in fuel and commodity prices. The generals made a serious political blunder, and when 13 of the group's leaders were manhandled, imprisoned and some were reportedly tortured more fuel was added to the fire.

Enter the monks, who for years had remained silent in their monasteries. When they took to the streets, and were also subsequently manhandled and brutally beaten in Pakokku on September 5, the brutality of the authorities infuriated the Sangha who demanded an apology from the regime only to be met by silence.

What has happened since is a casebook study on street-politics, which some observers say indicates a controlling strategy behind the present demonstrations. Over the past week, the monks have sent clear symbols to the outside world and to the people of Myanmar.

First, they marched to religious pagodas not to public buildings, thereby claiming the highest moral ground and making it harder for the military to intervene.

Second, they marched to the Chinese Embassy where they paused to chant the “Metta Sutta,” the Buddha’s words on loving kindness, thereby sending a signal to those who support the junta.

Third, they marched to the home of opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who appeared before them, symbolically uniting with the monks.

And now the monks have asked the students and public “to join hands.”

A new tiger had been unleashed, one that will be harder for the junta to control.

Now the tiger's tail is being held by junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe and his cronies. If they fail through fear to let go of it they'll probably see history repeating itself.

The wave of protests led by thousands of monks has shaken a once confident regime that hijacked Myanmar's political legitimacy and took control of the country at gunpoint. Myanmar is clearly a political time bomb that can explode anytime.

The regime has lost all public confidence in its own plan to bring stability to the country through the mechanism of the National Convention tasked with drafting guidelines for a new constitution.

The determined monks' peaceful marches have stolen the regime's show and injected new energy into the fragile opposition movement.

What about the international community, however?

We continue to see selfish, opportunist and ill-informed neighbors who are quick to exploit Myanmar's resources but reluctant to support moves towards political change and democracy.

The UN and the West continue to adopt a policy of "closely watching" events in Myanmar. UN special envoys continue to fly in and out of Myanmar with no tangible results. By mixing small doses of good news with a bounty of bad they are only doing the Myanmar people a disfavor by equating one with the other.

The monks, activists and their supporters are the true heroes in the current stage of Myanmar history.

They are also realists, understanding full well that there is no easy shortcut or quick fix to cure Myanmar's ills. Yet they also know best how to confront the regime and solve the country's problems.

They know Myanmar cannot afford to lose many more years. Their message to the generals is: let go of the tiger's tail.

The post Letting Go of the Tiger’s Tail appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Changing The Lives of Displaced Children

Posted: 10 Sep 2017 06:28 PM PDT

At a camp for internally displaced persons (IDP) in Kachin State's Kutkai Township in 2016, humanitarian aid worker Lamai Mai Mai noticed 3-year-old Gun Mai was being teased by other children for covering his mouth all the time.

She found out that Gun Mai was born with a cleft palate.

Mai Mai felt heartbroken by what she saw and, by sharing a photo of the boy on her social media pages, she managed to find funding for his medical treatment in less than a week.

After seeing her post, other residents and aid workers of IDP camps contacted Mai Mai requesting help for children suffering from cleft palates and lips—birth defects that occur when a baby's mouth does not form properly during pregnancy and commonly called orofacial clefts.

This was how 39-year-old Mai Mai came to work treating IDP children with these problems. In the last year, she has helped 11 children access treatment.

"They have all had their cleft lip operations, and are just waiting for their cleft palate operations," she said.

Mai Mai is also a founder of the National Ethnic Youth Conference, which gathered 800 youth delegates from 27 ethnic tribes in Myanmar in August 2016, aiming to foster understanding and trust and build a peaceful, federal union in Myanmar.

She is also a founding member of the Kachin Youth Organization and helped organize the National Ethnic Youth Alliance meeting in July 2016. Mai Mai teaches Myanmar youth about federalism, democracy, citizenship.

On March 16, 2017, Mai Mai was recognized as a "Woman of Change" by the US Embassy to Myanmar.

A fellow organizer of the National Ethnic Youth Conference and president of the Naga Youth Council Athong Makury said Mai Mai is "ready to face challenges, she is compassionate and committed to her people."

Lamai Mai Mai (right) visits a disabled child in Lashio, Shan State in March 2017. (Photo: Supplied)

As a formerly displaced person who spent almost four years in Mai Jay Yang camp on the border of China in Kachin State she said, "I know how difficult IDP life is, I know the on-the-ground situation and the particular needs of IDPs."

"Life in the IDP camp is a struggle, filled with fear and insecurity," Mai Mai said as she reflected on the event.

Mai Mai has worked to help young Kachin people fight drug addiction and find jobs since 2002.

In late 2010, Mai Mai was working with jobless youth in Kachin Independence Army (KIA)-controlled areas. As she returned from a trip to China, she was accused of being a human trafficker by Myanmar authorities and evaded arrest by hiding in an IDP camp.

Mai Mai worked with civil society organizations to help some of the 100,000 vulnerable people displaced in northern Shan State and Kachin State in 2011 when a 17-year ceasefire between the Myanmar Army and the KIA broke down.

International and local aid groups provide the basic needs of IDPs including rice, oil, and shelter, she said, but often fail to provide adequate medical provision.

She found lots of disabled children suffering in camps in need of specialists support.

Incidences of cleft lips and palates occur in every 800 to 1,000 births, meaning an estimated 6,000 children are affected each year, according to a lecture by surgeon Dr. Thi Ha Myint Wei in January 2016.

Experts believe orofacial clefts may be caused by insufficient nutrient, drug and alcohol usage, cigarette smoking, or taking certain medication during pregnancy.

A doctor from Lashio in northern Shan State visiting an IDP camp said malnutrition and insufficient maternal health education were to blame.

Only a handful of practices in large towns and cities can perform the necessary surgical procedure to correct them, he said, adding that it's not just the costs of surgery that leaves families out of pocket, but also traveling and daily expenses during hospital stays.

Mai Mai is currently collecting data on orofacial clefts and other disabilities affecting children in IDP camps to be passed to the Social Welfare Ministry and the local authorities, Mai Mai told The Irrawaddy.

"As far as I know, there was no a specific organization or groups supporting these issues in IDP camps and nearby villages until now," Mai Mai said.

"I've decided to help as much as I can."

She told The Irrawaddy that she can't afford to do it alone. She is busy asking camp leaders, local communities, and authorities to help tackle the problem.

"This issue is important," Mai Mai stated, "children are our future."

The post Changing The Lives of Displaced Children appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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