Friday, April 27, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

KNPP, Gov’t Agree to Further Peace Negotiations

Posted: 27 Apr 2018 07:14 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand – Formal peace talks between the government and the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) have made progress, with the two sides agreeing to create a mechanism for further negotiations as well as discussing military affairs, negotiators said on Friday.

"We established a mechanism that would actually guarantee peace and sustain peace in [Kayah] State" before signing the NCA, said Shwe Myo Thant, the general secretary of the KNPP.

The government and KNPP met for formal talks for two days on April 26-27 in Loikaw, the capital of Kayah (Karenni) state, and agreed on the implementation of bilateral terms through regular discussions at the state level.

U Kyaw Tint Swe, minister of the Office of the State Counselor and vice chairman of the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC), led the government delegation accompanied by Peace Commission chairman Dr. Tin Myo Win, along with commission members and advisers. The talks were also joined by Lieutenant-General Than Tun Oo, the commander of the Defense Ministry's No. 2 Bureau of Special Operations; Kayah State chief minister L Paung Sho; and Kayah State Security and Border Affairs Minister Colonel Myint Wai.

The KNPP's Peace Negotiation Committee was led by General Bee Htoo, who was accompanied by eight committee members. Absent was Khu Oo Reh, the KNPP's vice chairman and its key peace negotiator, due to the ill health of his father.

According to a joint statement issued on Friday after the formal talks, the two sides "agreed to further talks so that the KNPP can sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA] as soon as possible."

Both sides agreed to the creation of a local monitoring team, reestablishing liaison offices at both the state and Union levels, and regular negotiations at the state level on troop movements of both armed forces, according to the statement.

In his opening speech on Thursday, Gen Bee Htoo said that while the two sides have not yet been able to reach an understanding on signing the NCA, "It is important to keep peace in Karenni State."

The KNPP signed its first bilateral ceasefire in March 1995, but it broke down after three months. It entered bilateral ceasefire agreements in 2012 and 2013, and has since entered negotiations for the nationwide ceasefire, but has yet to sign the pact. It was also a member of the now defunct United Nationalities Federal Council, but two of its UNFC partners – the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) – signed the NCA in February.

The KNPP was believed to be reluctant to sign the NCA as three of its soldiers and one civilian were allegedly murdered by Tatmadaw troops at the regional operation command based in Loikaw in December.

The Tatmadaw is conducting an inquiry into the incident and the KNPP would continue to push for justice for the three slain KNPP soldiers, Shwe Myo Thant said.

He told The Irrawaddy that the negotiators "focused on constructive discussions and would continue to build momentum in trust-building. There was also progress in discussions of military affairs."

"The formal talks were able to build further trust between the KNPP and the government," echoed U Hla Maung Shwe, an adviser to the Peace Commission, referring to the talks on Thursday and Friday.

Although the KNPP has not yet committed to signing the NCA, U Hla Maung Shwe told The Irrawaddy on Friday that "We were able to explain the current process to the KNPP leaders. They accepted when we explained what the government can currently do best to implement the terms of the bilateral agreements. Also we will fully implement those things that the government can do."

The government plans to convene the third session of the 21st-Century Panglong Peace Conference in late May, according to Dr. Tin Myo Win. In his closing remarks on Friday, he said he hoped the KNPP leaders would consider participating in the conference and signing the NCA pact by then.

The post KNPP, Gov't Agree to Further Peace Negotiations appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

German Investor in Ngapali Resort Eyes Legal Action against Ex-Partner

Posted: 27 Apr 2018 06:15 AM PDT

YANGON – A German businessman has filed an initial complaint in Yangon against the owner of Amara Ocean Resort (AOR), located in southern Rakhine State's Ngapali Beach.

U Thet Naing, a lawyer for Philipp Quack, the plaintiff in the case, confirmed that they met with Police Captain Mya Tun Kyaw, head of Yangon's Myo Ma Mingalardon police station, on Wednesday and filed a complaint letter against resort owner Daw Kalayar Moe.

The lawyer declined to provide further information, as a decision is pending on whether to accept the case, and which articles of the criminal code would be invoked.

When The Irrawaddy visited Myo Ma Mingalardon police station to clarify whether the case had been accepted, however, a police lieutenant said no foreigners had opened any cases at the station recently. Capt. Mya Tun Kyaw declined to be interviewed.

Daw Kalayar Moe told The Irrawaddy on Friday evening that she had also made inquiries at the police station and was told that police have no idea about the case.

Quack is acting as plaintiff on behalf of Dr. Jens Ehrahrdt, chief executive officer of DJE Kapital group based in Germany, according to sources close to Ehrahrdt. The company provides in-house financing and asset management to businesses. Quack confirmed meeting with the police captain but declined to offer details.

Daw Kalayar Moe declined to comment when contacted by The Irrawaddy on Friday.

In 2009, Daw Kalayar Moe, her then husband Gerald Schreiber, and another German investor, Eva Felten, jointly inked an agreement to develop a project on a profit-sharing basis on a 17-acre plot of land on Ngapali Beach, as well as a 6-acre freshwater dam located in Gaw village, a few miles from Thandwe Airport. The contract is recognized under the German Civil Code.

Under the terms of the agreement, Daw Kalayar Moe and Schreiber each held a 25-percent stake in the project, while Felten held 50 percent. With Myanmar under military rule at the time, foreign investment was generally considered to highly risky. Furthermore, majority property ownership by foreigners is legally prohibited in Myanmar. Therefore, the parties agreed to register the company under the name of a Burmese citizen, and Daw Kalayar Moe acted as the owner.

In June 2011, Felten sold her 50-percent stake to Ehrahrdt for US$2.8 million. "Contracts show that in the same year, Ehrahrdt lent the project an additional US$1.4 million to fund the completion of the resort's construction."

Daw Kalayar Moe and Schreiber's marriage ended acrimoniously and they obtained a divorce from a court in Munich, Germany in 2012. The division of their assets became the subject of a protracted legal dispute, partly because all their properties in Myanmar were registered under Daw Kalayar Moe's name.

Daw Kalayar Moe refused to return Schreiber and Ehrahrdt's shares of the Ngapali investment, or to sell her 25 percent stake. In 2013, Ehrahrdt sued Daw Kalayar Moe in a court in Munich and the judge ruled in his favor. Daw Kalayar Moe was fined 15,000 euros and sentenced to three months in prison as she failed to present detailed information about the AOR project. She later appealed the decision to a higher court, according to Schreiber. The outcome of the appeal is pending.

In an interview with The Irrawaddy at her residence in Yangon on April 9, Daw Kalayar Moe acknowledged the Munich court's decision, but said the decision was unfair and accused the court of being biased in favor of a German citizen. She declined to provide or show any documents relating to the AOR investment that she had signed.

Although the Munich court ruled against Daw Kalayar Moe, the decision has no effect in Myanmar. The plaintiff in the Myanmar case, DJE group, has filed an initial complaint against her but has yet to formally open a criminal case against her in Myanmar yet.

"In 2012, after Amara Ocean had just opened [in Ngapali Beach], we found out that Kalayar was cheating us. She was cheating foreign investors, plus her own husband," Schreiber said.

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Police Officers Promoted, Transferred Amid Reuters Arrest Scandal

Posted: 27 Apr 2018 05:50 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — More than 50 police officers were promoted or transferred in a mass reshuffle this week in the wake of explosive court testimony accusing a brigadier general in the force of setting up two Reuters reporters for arrest in December.

Police sources said Home Affairs Minister Kyaw Swe presided over the promotion of five officers to brigadier general and at least 12 to colonel at a ceremony in Naypyitaw on Thursday. They said another 38 officers have been transferred without promotions.

"I have to move to Shan State as a police brigadier general. The officers promoted to brigadier generals are police Colonel Win Bo, police Colonel Zaw Tun Aung, police Colonel Soe Naing Oo and police Colonel Thet Wai," Kachin State police chief Zaw Khin Aung, who was promoted to brigadier general himself, told The Irrawaddy.

"Since we were promoted, the junior officers will also be promoted to take over our positions," he added.

Brig. Gen. Zaw Khin Aung was transferred from Naypyitaw to Kachin State in October 2017. His move coincided with the arrest of ACE hotel owner Phyo Ko Ko Tint San at the Naypyitaw International Airport for weapons possession, prompting speculation that the transfer was related.

Col. Htet Lwin will be transferred from Naypyitaw to Kachin State to replace Brig. Gen. Zaw Khin Aung. Col. Myo Swe will be transferred from Yangon to Naypyitaw to replace Col. Htet Lwin.

Brig. Gen. Win Bo will be transferred from Chin State to the No. 3 Security Police Command, while Brig. Gen. Zaw Tun Aung will move from the highway police force to the No.1 Security Police Command. Brig Gen. Soe Naing Oo will remain at the Criminal Investigation Department, and Brig. Gen. Thet Wai will stay with the aviation police force.

"I'm being promoted to police colonel and have to remain with the anti-human trafficking police force. Lieutenant Colonel Htoo Aung from the aviation police force and two others from the maritime police force are also being promoted to police colonel," Col. Thet Naung told The Irrawaddy.

The promotions and transfers come less than a week after police Captain Moe Yan Naing told a court in Yangon that two detained Reuters journalists who helped expose the massacre of Rohingya villagers last year by soldiers and civilians in Rakhine State were set up on orders from his superior, Brigadier General Tin Ko Ko.

But the officers recently promoted and transferred have no known connections to the case, and Brig. Gen. Tin Ko Ko was not among them.

"There have been promotions and reshuffles like this inside the police force before and it’s not special. But it is important to put the right person in the right place," said a retired police officer who now lives in Yangon.

"When transforming the police force to make it a trustworthy organization, there must be enough and effective police personnel at the ground level who always have to interact with the people," he added.

The post Police Officers Promoted, Transferred Amid Reuters Arrest Scandal appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

KNLA and Tatmadaw Clash Near Site of Planned Hatgyi Dam

Posted: 27 Apr 2018 05:15 AM PDT

A clash broke out yesterday between the Myanmar Army and the Karen National Liberation Army in territory held by the KNLA near the site of the planned Hatgyi Dam project in the Mae Tha Wor area, according to Karen sources.

The KNLA reported that two Myanmar Army soldiers were wounded when a landmine was detonated, but this could not be confirmed at press time. The KNLA said it suffered no casualties.

Padoh Mann Mann, a KNLA leader, told The Irrawaddy today that the fighting erupted at noon when the Myanmar Army entered an area held by KNLA Brigade 7.

"We heard that they have begun operations to secure the area as part of their preparations to build Hatgyi Dam," Padoh Mann Mann said.

He said that the Myanmar Army, or Tatmadaw, had deployed many troops from their Brigade 4 as well as men from Brigades 2, 5, 6 and 7. Fighting had also broken recently between the Myanmar Army and KNLA Brigade 5 in Papun District.

"We cannot trust the situation because they have deployed a lot troops. We are worried more fighting could break out soon," Padoh Mann Mann said.

The Myanmar Army says it wants to rebuild an old road in an area held by KNLA Brigade 5, however the KNLA is opposed to the project as it believes that the road is being restored to serve military purposes.

Some 2,000 Karen IDPs from at least five villages have fled from the fighting in Papun District since it broke out last month. They continue to hide in the jungle as they do not feel it is safe to return to their homes.

The KNU, which is the political wing of the KNLA, has actively participated in the national peace process with the government and the Myanmar Army since it signed a ceasefire in 2012. The group also signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015, and has joined the Panglong Conference.

There has been relative peace and some local development in Karen State since the KNLA signed the NCA. The Karen have waged a decades-long civil war with the Myanmar Army and thousands of Karen refugees still remain on the at Thai-Myanmar border in camps unable to return home.

Despite the ceasefire, fighting has broken out sporadically between KNLA units and the Tatmadaw and many ethnic Karen are not happy with the current peace deal with the central government.

Under the NCA, the Myanmar Army needs to seek permission before entering KNLA-controlled areas or to undertake local development projects. According to the KNLA's Facebook page, the Tatmadaw did not inform the KNLA when they entered the area where the fighting broke out yesterday.

The post KNLA and Tatmadaw Clash Near Site of Planned Hatgyi Dam appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Push to Refer Tatmadaw to ICC Could Harm Stability: USDP

Posted: 27 Apr 2018 04:33 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW – Attempts to refer Myanmar's military leaders to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague pose a serious threat to the country's stability and transition to democracy, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) said on Thursday.

"Attempts to refer the military to the ICC will only create a situation that could affect [national] stability. Removing the military entirely from the country's politics would make things worse for the country," USDP spokesman Dr. Nanda Hla Myint told The Irrawaddy.

In the wake of armed clashes in Kachin State's Tanai Township that have trapped many villagers inside the conflict zone and forced thousands to flee, some Kachin groups have urged the UN to refer the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) to the ICC.

According to U Thein Tun Oo, the director of the Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies, the proposal is an effort to clamp down on the military, which he said is country's only strong institution. If the effort succeeded, the country's defense and security could be seriously affected, he said.

"Frankly, this is inference. Their ambition is to weaken the only remaining organization which has real strength. If the situation continues like this, the political situation will be harmed, especially while military officials and government authorities are trying to build unity," U Thein Tun Oo said.

Government officials have said in the past that attempts to take action against the military were not useful in advancing the country's transition to democracy.

"Given the country's history and political situation, we cannot deny the military its role. Any democratically elected government that wants to build a sustainable democracy in a country must join hands with its military," said Dr. Nanda Hla Myint, the USDP spokesman.

National League for Democracy central committee member Monywa Aung Shin said he did not support the several attempts that have been made to refer the military to the ICC by activists both in and outside of the country. He said such efforts accused the military of responsibility for abuses without evidence, and warned activists not to raise the issue of the ICC lightly.

"We have to investigate first to find the root causes [of abuses]. [State Counselor] Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has already said that. We have to investigate. When there is armed conflict, there are many effects but we should not blame one side. If there is concrete evidence everyone will accept it," Monywa Aung Shin said.

Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing, commander-in-chief of the military, said on April 18 that the military handled the incident in Inn Din village, in Rakhine State's Maungdaw Township, in accordance with the Geneva Conventions.

Seven military officials and soldiers involved in the killing of civilians in Inn Din village were sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment with hard labor, according to a military statement issued on April 11.

The post Push to Refer Tatmadaw to ICC Could Harm Stability: USDP appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Pair Behind 2016 Yangon Bombings Get Lengthy Jail Terms

Posted: 27 Apr 2018 04:19 AM PDT

YANGON — The Yangon West District Court on Wednesday sentenced two men to lengthy prison terms for the 2016 bombings of the Yangon Region Parliament compound and a city shopping center.

Authorities found an exploded bomb between the pipes leading to the toilet of the Immigration and Population Department inside the Parliament compound on Nov. 25, 2016. Another bomb was found unexploded 10 feet away on the same day.

The court sentenced Khin Maung Shwe, also known as Ko Shwe or Yacob, and Soe Win, also known as Mohammad Ali, to 10 years in jail with hard labor under Section 3 of the Explosives Act for planting the improvised bombs, which were made from M-150 energy drink cans filled with explosive.

Khin Maung Shwe was also sentenced to an additional 10 years in jail with hard labor for two bomb explosions eight days earlier at Yangon’s Ocean Shopping Center, one in the car park and another in a men’s toilet.

Two other suspects, Soe Min Zaw, also known as Tharnge, and Yasin, also known as Kyaw Gyi, were acquitted.

The November 2016 incidents were among a series of explosions to hit the country’s commercial capital that month. Other locations included the Capital Hypermarket in Dawbon Township and near the South Dagon Township Immigration and Population Department.

The post Pair Behind 2016 Yangon Bombings Get Lengthy Jail Terms appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Family of Boy Allegedly Beaten by Monk Files Charges with Police

Posted: 27 Apr 2018 04:16 AM PDT

The family of a boy who was hospitalized after being allegedly beaten by a Buddhist monk in Madaya Township has filed charges over the incident, police said.

The attack, which was caught on video, has caused outrage among many members of the general public after the footage was posted on Facebook.

Police Lieutenant Naing Lin, an officer from Madaya, a small town in Pyin Oo Lwin District, Mandalay Region, told The Irrawaddy that the father of the victim had visited police to report how his son, who is in the eighth grade, was severely beaten by a monk at a township monastery.

"He charged that the monk beat his son in violation of Article 325," which refers to voluntarily causing grievous harm, the police officer said.

Lieutenant Nain Lin said that when the boy, who was identified as Wai Phyo Naing, recovers and is released from hospital, the police will interview him to find out what happened. The police have already sent letters to the Ministry of Religious Affairs and township authorities and asked them to let the police take action against the monk, Ashin Soe.

"Based on legal procedures, if we find the monk has violated the law, we will take action against him," Lieutenant Naing Lin said.

U Zaw Min Lwin, a Lower House lawmaker from Madaya Township, also confirmed that the father had sought to bring charges against the monk under Article 325.

He said he visited the hospital yesterday to see the victim, who was recovering from his injuries.

The incident occurred after Wai Phyo Naing entered the monastery grounds to collect mangos with a friend. Teasing his friend he said his words were like those "from an angel that came from the mouth of a dog," using an old Burmese saying for bad people who say good things.

His friend complained to Ashin Soe, who was staying at a temple inside the monastery grounds. Ashin Soe and several monks then grabbed Wai Phyo Naing.

Video footage that was widely shared on Facebook shows Wai Phyo Naing holding a small bag of mangos as he is hit by the monk.

"Words from an angel coming out of the mouth of a dog. He said that at our monastery. You all heard it, right?" Ashin Soe says to the monks in the footage before he launches into his assault of Wai Phyo Naing.

He then asks the other monks to join him in beating the boy. One monk tries to stop Ashin Soe from hitting the boy, but Ashin Soe punches Wai Phyo Naing in the face. He then drags the youth around by his hair, further torturing him.

"This is a monastic area. Why, why, would you come here and say these things," Ashin Soe says, before kicking the boy in the head and in his back.

Ashin Soe also hits the victim around the head with a stick several times. Despite the victim apologizing, Ashin Soe continues to strike him.

Many people who saw the video expressed outrage. The footage was posted on April 21 on the same day that Wai Phyo Naing was attacked.

Some Facebook users demanded that the authorities take action against Ashin Soe, who they called a bad monk. Some said the monk's violent actions had tarnished the image of Buddhism. Others asked what type of monk would beat a boy. According to the principles of Buddhism, monks should show compassion, and they are forbidden from killing, beating or torturing other humans or animals. But, noted several of the Facebook users, some monks who had behaved badly in their lay lives, continued to do so in the monkhood.

In Myanmar, any male can enter the monkhood and stay at a monastery near their village or township. Buddhism is reflected in much of the culture of Myanmar, and remains the dominant religion in the country.

Some families send their sons who are addicted to drugs or alcohol to join the monkhood in the hope that they will shed their bad habits.

The post Family of Boy Allegedly Beaten by Monk Files Charges with Police appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

28 Seek Hospital Treatment After Yangon Landfill Fire

Posted: 27 Apr 2018 04:01 AM PDT

YANGON — A total of 28 people have been treated for smoke inhalation at the Hlaing Tharyar General Hospital after inhaling noxious smoke and fumes from the Htein Pin dumpsite fire that has been burning since Saturday.

The Ministry of Health and Sports stated that from Tuesday to Thursday, 19 people had been admitted to the hospital, while 19 had been treated as outpatients. One patient with lung problems was referred to Yangon General Hospital.

The ministry stated that out of 19 inpatients, 14 had been diagnosed with high levels of carbon monoxide.

The foul-smelling smoke from the blaze reached several townships across the city, but particularly affected nearby residents, raising public health concerns.

Over the past few days, more than 90 people who live near the site have been treated at temporary clinics for symptoms such as eye irritation and coughing, while many firemen battling the fire have also been treated for respiratory problems and minor injuries.

Hlaing Tharyar General Hospital superintendent Dr. San Lwin Oo said that on Friday, 12 people were still hospitalized related to the fire – including three children – while the others had been released.

"We have been treating patients for smoke exposure. Most of the patients are elderly people who have received treatment for other problems before," he said.

The Yangon regional government imported 1,800 gallons of bio-foam, a fire suppression agent, from Thailand to use to cut down on the smoke. It stated on Thursday evening that more 5,000 gallons of the foam will be imported for the blaze, as it received donation money from KBZ's Brighter Future Myanmar Foundation for this purpose.

The post 28 Seek Hospital Treatment After Yangon Landfill Fire appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Selling the Country to China? Debate Spills Into Malaysia’s Election

Posted: 27 Apr 2018 12:43 AM PDT

KUANTAN, Malaysia — When Malaysia’s political parties unfurled their election flags and banners this month, Prime Minister Najib Razak’s critics sniggered on social media that the manufacturer named on banners of his ruling coalition was Chinese.

Mahathir Mohamad, who heads an alliance hoping to oust Najib, has seized on popular disquiet about Chinese investment pouring into Malaysia and turned it into an election issue.

Najib, he says, is selling Malaysia out to China.

This could matter for Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and for Malaysia’s economy because Mahathir, who was the country’s prime minister for more than two decades, has vowed to reconsider Chinese contracts if the opposition wins on May 9.

“Coming in here, buying land, developing luxurious towns, is not beneficial for us,” the 92-year-old former leader said of China’s investments in a recent interview with Reuters. “Quite definitely, we will review.”

Najib has repeatedly shrugged off Mahathir’s barbs on China, saying that allowing foreign direct investment does not amount to selling the country’s sovereignty.

A senior leader in the ruling coalition, commenting on the banners made in China, said: “The opposition are doing the same thing … because simply it is cheap and efficient.”

A Nomura report this month on the Belt and Road Initiative showed that Malaysia is one of the largest beneficiaries of Chinese investment commitments in Asia, securing $34.2 billion of BRI-related infrastructure projects.

There have been concerns in some BRI host countries, such as Sri Lanka and Pakistan, about rising debt levels, over-reliance on China and the environmental impact of mega-projects. Critics also say some projects give China access to strategic locations and trade corridors that could hurt the sovereignty of nations.

Objections to Chinese investments in Malaysia, however, have focused on the presence of thousands of Chinese workers, heavy dependence on Chinese materials, and limited opportunities for local companies.

For instance, the $100 billion township project by Chinese developer Country Garden in the Iskandar Malaysia special economic zone of Johor state, has ruffled feathers in a bastion of support for Najib’s United Malays National Organization (UMNO).

Johor locals complain that large numbers of Chinese people have been allowed to own properties in the project, which is called Forest City. Last year, Chinese nationals accounted for about 70 percent of apartment buyers there.

Other grievances over Forest City have included environmental damage, a property market glut, and the impact of land reclamation on the local fishing industry.

“Chinese Tsunami”

Najib’s Barisan Nasional (BN) alliance, dominated by UMNO, is widely expected to defeat Mahathir’s Pakatan Harapan coalition in the election, but will most likely be relying on the country’s majority Malays to do so.

Malaysia’s own economically powerful ethnic Chinese voted heavily for the opposition at the last election in 2013, handing the UMNO-led coalition its first-ever loss of the popular vote. Najib called it a “Chinese tsunami.”

This time, Najib needs to win comfortably to avoid a leadership challenge. To do that, he will need to reassure voters angry over the cost of living and corruption as well as fend off opposition attacks over Chinese investments.

“Please do not support and believe in what they are saying,” Najib said at a community event in Kuala Lumpur this week. “If you do, this would only hurt our economy.”

Ties between Malaysia and China have flourished under Najib, who visited Beijing in both 2016 and 2017.

The prime minister is under a cloud over a long-running scandal at state fund 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) but Chinese state-linked firms have purchased power assets and real estate linked to 1MDB, helping resolve some of its debt issues.

Najib has consistently denied any wrongdoing over billions of dollars that went missing from 1MDB but at least six countries, including the United States, are investigating transactions related to the fund.

In Kuantan, a laid-back coastal town with tropical beaches, China’s shadow is looming large.

Chinese firms are leading the construction of a 3,000-acre industrial park, which is rising out of sight behind what locals call a “Great Wall,” and they have taken a 40-percent stake in the operator of a deep water, multi-cargo port nearby.

Meanwhile, China Communications Construction Co. Ltd. is building a 55 billion ringgit ($14 billion) rail line that will link Malaysia’s east coast on the South China Sea to Kuala Lumpur and the strategic shipping routes of the Strait of Malacca in the west.

Left Out

But local entrepreneurs feel left out of the bonanza.

“To me, the China investments here look fishy and don’t seem to benefit the locals as we hoped for,” said Syed Heider, a Kuantan-based building materials supplier who recently switched allegiance from Najib’s BN to the opposition. “Of 10 people that I know, eight people have already swung to Pakatan.”

At a recent groundbreaking ceremony in Kelantan state, the northern end of the rail line, Najib said Malaysia would have been “stupid” not to work with China because it offered a loan for 85 percent of the project value with a grace period of seven years.

Stressing the development potential for one of the country’s less developed states, he said the link would create 80,000 jobs and the project operator would be obliged to give at least 70 percent of these to local workers.

Noting that less than 20 percent of the east coast line’s workers are Chinese, Minister of International Trade and Industry Mustapa Mohamed told Reuters that China and Malaysia are trying to avoid a repeat of Forest City’s tensions.

“In hindsight, the Forest City experience taught them some lessons, and us as well … policymakers have learned quite a bit from this and now the Chinese understand the importance of respecting local practices,” he said.

The post Selling the Country to China? Debate Spills Into Malaysia’s Election appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

EU Extends Myanmar Arms Embargo, Prepares Individual Sanctions

Posted: 26 Apr 2018 10:32 PM PDT

BRUSSELS — The European Union on Thursday extended its arms embargo against Myanmar, following human rights violations in the country, and was preparing sanctions against individual army officials.

The embargo includes arms, other equipment that could be used for repression, the provision of military training and products used to monitor communications, the Council of the European Union said.

The Council added it had agreed on a framework for personal sanctions against officials of the Myanmar Armed Forces and the border guard police, should human rights violations in the country continue.

These personal sanctions could include travel bans and asset freezes, the Council said.

The EU accuses Myanmar of “serious and systemic” human rights violations in a military operation in the country’s northwest last year that sent nearly 700,000 Rohingya Muslims fleeing to neighboring Bangladesh.

The move follows similar measures by the United States and Canada.

Two Reuters journalists were jailed while reporting the army crackdown on the Rohingya and remain in prison in Yangon, where they face up to 14 years in jail for violating Myanmar’s Official Secrets Act.

Senior UN officials, Western nations and press freedom advocates have called for the reporters’ release.

The post EU Extends Myanmar Arms Embargo, Prepares Individual Sanctions appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Smiles and Long Handshakes Mark Start of Summit Between Leaders of Rival Koreas

Posted: 26 Apr 2018 09:59 PM PDT

SEOUL — The golden doors on the stately North Korean building swung open and leader Kim Jong Un, in a black Mao suit and surrounded by a gaggle of officials, began to descend the steps toward the border.

Not since the 1950-53 Korean War had a North Korean leader set foot on South Korean soil.

With a smile, Kim stretched out his hand toward a waiting, and smiling, South Korean President Moon Jae-in, who stood between the squat, light blue buildings that straddle the border at Panmunjom.

The village is one of the few places where there are no high barbed wire fences or minefields between the two countries, separated by a conflict that ended with a truce, not a treaty, meaning they are still technically at war.

Grasping hands across the border, the two men greeted one another.

“I was excited to meet at this historic place and it is really moving that you came all the way to the demarcation line to greet me in person,” Kim said.

“It was your big decision to make it here,” said Moon, dressed in a dark suit and light blue tie, who invited Kim to step over the line in the pavement, which he did.

That’s something Kim’s grandfather, the North Korean regime’s founding leader Kim Il Sung, or father Kim Jong Il, never achieved.

The two previous summits between leaders of the Koreas, in 2000 and 2007, were in Pyongyang, the North’s capital.

Shaking hands again, Moon, 65, and Kim, 34, turned to face photographers on the North and then the South before Kim grabbed Moon’s hand and, in an unplanned move, invited him to step across the border into the North, where they stood face-to-face to talk a bit more.

The scene unfolded in simple, even run-down surroundings, where a concrete slab marks the border and paint is cracking on the low wooden huts.

The apparent warmth between the men was in stark contrast to the tension between the two countries last year amid North Korean weapons testing.

Since January, however, ties have thawed, including having their Olympics sports teams march together under a common flag at February’s winter games in South Korea.

After being led along a red carpet by South Korean honor guard in traditional blue, yellow and red outfits, the two men entered the Peace House on the South side, where they were expected to discuss denuclearization and cultural exchanges.

Minutes before Kim entered Peace House, a North Korean security team conducted a sweep for explosives and listening devices, as well as sprayed apparent disinfectant in the air, on the chairs, and on a guest book Kim was to sign.

Kim’s written message in the guest book sounded hopeful.

“A new history starts now,” he wrote. “An age of peace, from the starting point of history.”

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Ethnic Groups Have Lost Faith in the NLD

Posted: 26 Apr 2018 09:07 PM PDT

The country is becoming more divided between the Burman and the other ethnic groups under the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. There are several reasons why.

Since the NLD government came to power, the Myanmar Army has launched a string of military campaigns in Kachin State and northern Shan State despite the ongoing peace process at the national level.

It prompts the question, why is the Myanmar Army launching more offensives now than during the reign of the former military-installed government of U Thein Sein?

U Thein Sein was from the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). The Myanmar Army and USDP acted as one and yet the Myanmar Army rarely attacked the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) or the Arakan Army (AA), although it did launch several offensives against the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) during Thein Sein's five years as president.

According to a leaked paper from the six monthly meeting of the Tatmadaw, the Ministry of Defense has instructed the army's ground forces to focus their attacks on the KIA and TNLA to destroy their military capability.

The Myanmar Army has followed up on this order by launching a wide-ranging offensive in Kachin this year. The KIA and the Kachin people feel that the campaign is intended to eliminate the Christian ethnic Kachin who have a strong armed wing and a close-knit community in northern Myanmar.

At the same time, the Myanmar Army has launched a parallel campaign against the TNLA. Only this week, an army convoy of 60 trucks arrived in Lashio with plans to move further north to Namkham and Muse where the KIA and TNLA have bases.

The Myanmar Army has applied a different approach to dealing with the TNLA, using the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), a signatory to the NCA, as a proxy to attack the TNLA. According to TNLA leaders, the Myanmar Army has helped deploy troops from the RCSS, whose stronghold is in southern Shan, in the north of the state to attack TNLA positions.

The TNLA has used guerilla tactics when it attacked the Myanmar Army but a more defensive strategy when engaging with the RCSS. The TNLA this year has suffered heavy casualties and the loss of military material in attacks against the RCSS to maintain its control of some areas. In March, for example, the TNLA engaged in firefights with the RCSS around Kyaukme, causing hundreds of IDPs to flee the area.

This strategy has allowed the Myanmar Army to sit back, arms folded and watch the fighting between the TNLA and RCSS. On occasion it has brought in its long-distance artillery to shell the TNLA to support the RCSS, forcing the TNLA to open two fronts.

The civil war in Myanmar has raged for decades but one thing that is different now is the reaction of the general public. In the past, protests were held to demand the government and Myanmar Army stop its offensives against the ethnic groups. But this time there has been almost no show of public support for the Kachin, even when the Tatmadaw's attacks have resulted in the deaths of civilians from air strikes or from artillery bombardments.

Why don't members of the public criticize the Myanmar Army? Many people are apparently worried that their criticism will damage the relationship between the NLD government – which still has the support of the majority of the people in the country — and the Myanmar Army. Some supporters of the NLD have argued that the civilian government is not mature yet, and it was not the right time to criticize it.

This is why some Kachin civil society organizations have appealed to the International Criminal Court to take action against the Myanmar Army for killing civilians and causing thousands of local Kachin to flee while also blocking UN agencies from delivering aid to Kachin IDPs.

The Myanmar Army has used all its resources in the military offensive in Kachin including air strikes, ground force assaults and 120 mm long-distance artillery. Some KIA leaders and Kachin community leaders feel that Myanmar Army is acting as if it is locked in battle with a foreign enemy. But the ethnic Kachin are citizens of Myanmar and the KIA is fighting for equal rights for the ethnic Kachin.

When the other ethnic groups look at the situation in Kachin state, they increasingly view the NLD and Myanmar Army as one and the same. Both are Burmese. The NLD government keeps silent when the Myanmar Army attacks the Kachin.

But, who voted for the NLD?

I am an ethnic Mon person who told my family to vote for the NLD. Similarly, people from other ethnic groups who wanted to see the country amend the 2008 Constitution gave their votes to the NLD. We all believed the NLD was only party that would dare to challenge the Myanmar Army.

However, shortly after taking power, the NLD, which had told the country's ethnic groups it would run the country as democracy under a federal system with equal rights for all, tried to name a bridge in Moulmein after Gen Aung San. Many ethnic Mon, including members of my family, were outraged. Ethnic Mon today no longer view the NLD as a party that will help them attain equal rights. It is just a party that tries to rule and manipulate the ethnic minorities to service its own purposes.

The story in Kachin State is the same, only more extreme. When the country went to the polls, the KIA leaders reportedly told ethnic Kachin to vote for the NLD. The Kachin also had high expectations of the NLD, but no one from the party has spoken out to condemn the actions of the Myanmar Army, which launched yet another big military offensive against the KIA today.

The NLD has built statues of Gen Aung San in Myitkyina despite ethnic local Kachin opposition. It has erected statues of Gen Aung San in other ethnic areas as well including Mon State. Such actions have resulted in more disappointment in the NLD government.

The installation of statues of Gen Aung San is not a minor issue. Gen Aung San is a hero of the Burmese, but not for all ethnic people. Some Mon are worried that the statues are intended to be a signal that all the ethnic areas will one day belong to the Burmans.

The post Ethnic Groups Have Lost Faith in the NLD appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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