Friday, August 10, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing Ushers in Period Of Close Ties Between Myanmar And Thai Defence Forces

Posted: 10 Aug 2018 07:23 AM PDT

YANGON—Relations between the Myanmar and Thai militaries have reached a new high during the tenure of Myanmar's military chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, according to a report published by a Yangon-based independent policy institute.

"A Study on Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing's International Trips" by the Tagaung Institute of Political Studies documents the Myanmar military chief's trips overseas since he assumed the helm of the country's armed forces in March 2011 from Snr-Gen Than Shwe, who had held the position since 1992.

According to the report, the current military chief, 62, has made a total of 46 trips to 23 countries, ranging from neighboring China and India to Asean countries to Russia and western European countries, including Italy, Germany and Austria.

In 2016, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing became the first Myanmar military chief to visit the EU in decades after he was invited to take part in a meeting with the European Union Military Committee (EUMC). The EU and other Western states believe that providing Myanmar's army leaders with exposure to the West, where they can learn about the role and practices of professional armed forces, could have a positive influence.

In April 2017, during his week-long visit to Austria and Germany, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing toured arms companies and met with senior military and defense officials, even reportedly taking a spin in a DA-62 light aircraft in Austria. In Germany, he visited the GROB aircraft factory, taking particular interest in light aircraft for reconnaissance and training.

Despite the welcome he was given previously, the Myanmar military chief was accused by many in the international community of masterminding an "ethnic cleansing" campaign in 2017 following his troops' clearance operations in northern Rakhine State, where nearly 700,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh after the army launched a counter-insurgency against the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army following attacks on security posts. As a result, the EU and US considered imposing sanctions against Myanmar army officials.

"The military's international relations have taken a backseat since August 2017, when the Rakhine crisis happened. Since then, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has made four trips to Thailand, China, Singapore and Nepal," the report says.

After Thailand, China is the country, the military chief has visited most frequently.

He made his first goodwill visit to Myanmar's northern neighbor in 2011, eight months after he became military chief. His fourth and most recent visit there was in November last year.

During his last visit to China, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing met Chinese President Xi Jinping and discussed the Rakhine issue among other topics. While there, he noted that China's "One Belt One Road" policy might be beneficial for Myanmar.

The report says international pressure on the army over the Rakhine issue has forced it to be closer to China despite its previous attempts to strike a balance in its ties with Western countries and China.

"But the military seems to be trying not to have to totally rely on China. Despite the deterioration in relations with Western countries, it seems to be trying as best as it can to build strong ties with Asean, Russia, Japan and India to balance (its dependency on China).

"But it will be interesting for future international relations of the Myanmar military to what extent they can check the Chinese influence," the report said.

Closer to home, ties have never been better with Thailand's military.

Of Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing's 46 foreign trips, Thailand is the country he has visited most — 10 times between 2012 to June 2018.

"Out of the 10, goodwill visits total four, attending meetings three, receiving titles two and attending defence and security shows one," the report says.

Furthermore, the Myanmar military chief has twice been bestowed with Thailand's highest honors: in 2013, he was awarded the Knight Grand Cross, Order of the Crown of Thailand "for promoting friendship between the two armed forces of Myanmar and Thailand," according the state-run Global New Light of Myanmar at the time. Early this year, Thailand awarded him the "Knight Grand Cross First Class of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant" in Bangkok "to show the long and close relations" between the two countries, the Royal Thai Armed Forces said in a statement.

Apart from the awards, the Myanmar military chief has been "adopted" by Thailand's former army chief, Gen. Prem Tinsulanonda, who reportedly knew Min Aung Hlaing's late father—and the two have a "godfather-godson relationship."

Plus, since 2013, Myanmar and Thailand have been taking it in turns to host annual high-level military meetings.

The post Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing Ushers in Period Of Close Ties Between Myanmar And Thai Defence Forces appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Beating Japan in War for Economic Influence in Myanmar

Posted: 10 Aug 2018 06:26 AM PDT

YANGON—While the Japanese foreign minister and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi discussed Rakhine's development in Naypyitaw last week, a Chinese Communist Party provincial secretary met the vice president to discuss increasing investment in agriculture, transport and technology cooperation.

It is not the first time China and Japan have been seen directly competing on Myanmar's economic battlefield.

China and Japan both follow Asian strategies that involve securing supplies of cheap labor, agricultural commodities, and access to ideally situated ports and other strategic locations in Southeast Asia. Myanmar is strategically located in the heart of Asia with China to the north and east, India to the west and ASEAN to the east and south. It has a wealth of unexplored natural resources and its coastlines offer access to the Indian Ocean. For these reasons, it satisfies Beijing and Tokyo's requirements.

After Parliament elected U Win Myint president in March, China dispatched its minister for the International Department of the Communist Party of China to Naypyitaw. The minister became the first high-ranking foreign official to meet the new president.

Chinese Minister of the International Department Song Tao (left) and Myanmar President U Win Myint shake hands in Naypyitaw on Aug. 8. / Htet Naing Zaw / The Irrawaddy

From high-ranking ministers to the secretary of the Jilin provincial communist party committee, a special envoy to the peace process and economic development officials, Chinese officials have visited Naypyitaw at least 18 times to engage the government in different sectors this year.

Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Kono's recent visit focused on development in Rakhine State. He has visited Myanmar twice this year. Other senior Japanese officials have also visited Naypyitaw to discuss financial development and parliamentary engagement.

In February, the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) and the Japan Chamber of Commerce and Industry Myanmar (JCCM) signed their first-ever MoU to increase trade and investment flows between the two countries.

Beijing has shown a desire to increase engagement with Myanmar, given its strategic position within Chinese President Xi Jinping's ambitious USD1 trillion Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to establish a vast global trading network.

Furthermore, while Myanmar faces renewed isolation from the West due to the human rights crisis in western Rakhine State, China has refrained from criticizing Naypyitaw over the issue and blocked a UN Security Council statement about Myanmar's human rights situation.

Apart from major investment in crude oil and gas pipelines, deep seaports and natural resources, China has offered its support by calling for cease-fire agreements, collaborating on the repatriation of refugees from Bangladesh to Myanmar and supporting improved economic conditions in Rakhine.

Japan is involved in working out solutions for the development of the Rohingya community and has promised to help by joining hands with Myanmar. During the Kono's trip, Japan reiterated its support for improving Yangon's rail system and electrification and transportation improvements in Rakhine.

Despite the humanitarian crisis, the country is still viewed as the next frontier for investment opportunities. China and Japan pursue these via development deals in Myanmar; in reality both countries try to match each other in terms of securing infrastructure projects and investment opportunities in Asia and this country has become reminiscent of a Cold War battlefield for them.

China is less popular among Myanmar's people. Its image was badly damaged due to its aggressive exploitation of opportunities under the previous military regime, which involved exploiting natural resources, human rights abuses and land grabbing for projects across the country. While Beijing has tried hard to engage with local people, it is struggling to restore its good name.

An in-depth survey released by the International Growth Center in August said Myanmar people have a more favorable impression of investment projects by Japanese firms than Chinese firms. Japanese projects are regarded far more positively than their Chinese counterparts as they are seen as having fewer negative impacts on local populations.

The survey found that people prefer Japan to China even though firms from both countries have a record of collaborating with military-affiliated local companies and do not directly engage with local communities in their operations.

Myanmar people prefer Japanese investment because it is focused on technological support, job opportunities and loans for small and medium enterprises that contribute to economic development. It has provided assistance building financial markets and technical support for the Central Bank, and helped to develop railways and the health care system.

A jetty for oil tankers is seen on Madae island, Kyaukphyu Township, Arakan State. / Reuters

Many critics have pushed to have Beijing turn over the controversial Kyauk Phyu Special Economic Zone (SEZ) project to Japan during the shareholder renegotiation process, raising concerns over unethical investments and China's history of abusing natural resources across the country under the military dictatorship.

Under the shareholder agreement for the Kyauk Phyu project in Rakhine State, made under then-President Thein Sein, China was to hold an 85 percent stake in the project, and the Myanmar government would hold 15 percent.

But Beijing has made progress in renegotiating the deal with the new chairman of the Kyauk Phyu SEZ, offering assurances that it will not lead to an excessive debt burden on the Myanmar government. Kyauk Phyu is a key strategic project under the BRI, as it will boost development in China's land-locked Yunnan province and provide China with direct access to the Indian Ocean. It would also allow China's oil imports to bypass the Strait of Malacca.

China and Myanmar agreed on a 15-point MoU for the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor and hope to sign an official agreement this year. The corridor will run from China's Yunnan Province to Mandalay in central Myanmar, and then east to Yangon and west to the Kyauk Phyu SEZ.

Under the MoU, the governments agree to collaborate on many sectors including basic infrastructure, construction, manufacturing, agriculture, transport, finance, human resources development, telecommunications, research and technology.

According to longtime Myanmar observer Bertil Lintner, "Myanmar's latest agreements with China will no doubt lead to renewed dependence on Beijing and Japan is eager to counter that."

"But it remains to be seen how much Japan is willing to invest in Myanmar, and how that investment will really counter China's expanding power in Myanmar and the region," he said.

For Myanmar, economic, geographical and political ties with its most powerful authoritarian neighbor, China, are unavoidable. But experts say Japan offers one avenue for balancing out China's influence.

The chairman of the Smart Group of Companies, U Kyaw Kyaw Hlaing said, "We have to learn how to stay safe with the elephant in the room. However, we also need to find a way to balance the power [of China] if we don't have the capacity to resist it."

The U.S. Overseas Private Investment Corporation has warned that Xi's BRI is burdening poor nations with unsustainable debt through large-scale infrastructure projects.

Washington-based BRI monitor RWR Advisory Group reported that since 2013, 32 percent (roughly USD419 billion) worth of projects related to the scheme face "trouble" in terms of debt sustainability, public opposition, performance delays and national security controversies.

In its diplomacy, Japan prefers to move at a slow pace, exercising caution. Throughout Myanmar's military-ruled era, it maintained neutral relations with the country.

When Myanmar began opening its economy in 2010, Japan moved actively to boost development in the country, especially of its railway, road and energy networks.

In 2015, Japanese investment flowed into the financial, development and manufacturing sectors.

In June 2013, the Japan International Cooperation Agency made agreements to extend USD485 million in new ODA loans, including a USD190 million infrastructure investment in the Thilawa SEZ, a 2,342-hectare industrial area outside of Yangon.

Vice President Henry Van Thio cuts a ribbon at a commencement ceremony for Thilawa SEZ Zone B on Aug. 9. / Naing Lin Soe / The Irrawaddy

The SEZ is the first Japan-Myanmar public-private initiative. Japanese firms are interested in investing in the energy sector. One example is a private clean coal project that has started in Myeik.

In addition, Japanese firms are working with Myanmar partners. Daiwa Securities and Japan Exchange Group have invested in the Yangon Stock Exchange, and Mitsubishi and Jalux are involved in renovating and operating Mandalay's airport. In the real estate sector, Mitsubishi is working with Hong Kong, Singapore and Myanmar partners to develop The Landmark Development in downtown Yangon.

Moreover, Japan provided Myanmar with USD1 billion in loans in 2015, USD7.7 billon in aid and loans in 2016 and USD824 million in loans in 2017.

Japanese investment peaked in 2017 at USD1.48 billion, after reaching USD252 million in 2012, USD55 million in 2013, USD1.02 billion in 2014, USD590 million in 2015 and USD280 million in 2016.

However, Japan lags behind China in terms of capital investment as it adheres to its own standards, principles of law enforcement and legal frameworks, experts said.

"China's Myanmar policy is very assertive, almost aggressive, while Japan, as usual, is more cautious," Bertil said.

China has a geographical advantage over Japan. Some experts say China only comes to extract natural resources, whereas Japan mostly focuses on the services sector, the benefits of which will take a long time to materialize.

Japan seems to be waiting to evaluate the return on its investment in the Thilawa SEZ before investing in new projects in Myanmar, experts said.

Myo Min, CEO of the PS Business School said, "Japan goes step by step. They don't take shortcuts. They also follow laws and regulations. They wait for the implementation of the relevant laws before investing."

"So, they normally arrive later than China. If they keep hesitating to invest here, China will cause Japan's economic influence in Myanmar to wane," U Myo Min said.

As of July 30, China was the largest investor in Myanmar, while Japan was ranked No. 10.

"It is time to accelerate Japanese investment in Myanmar to counterbalance China's power in the country," U Myo Min said.

"Otherwise, China will maintain the upper hand in the country, and all the economic reform will be for China's benefit," he said.

The post China Beating Japan in War for Economic Influence in Myanmar appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Lawmakers Consider $34.4M Loan from Italy For Electrification Projects

Posted: 10 Aug 2018 05:09 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — A military representative in the Union Parliament on Thursday called for transparency in the tender selection process for rural electrification projects that would be funded with loans the country is considering borrowing from Italy.

On Thursday, lawmakers debated a proposal from the president to accept 30 million euros ($34.4 million) in no-interest loans from Italy for the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation.

The ministry will use loans to supply electricity to rural villages in remote areas of the country.

"There must be transparency and norms must be met in selecting tender winners. In addition, [the ministry] must make sure the tender winners use quality materials on the project," said military representative Major Tin Lin.

As the loans are intended for the social wellbeing of people in rural areas, the ministry must make sure the money is not wasted and that people get the full benefits, the major said.

The four-year project will supply electricity from solar power and a mini grid to about 10,000 households in over 1,000 villages in Chin State and the Naga Self-Administered Zone in Sagaing Region.

Lawmakers said that in previous rural electrification projects implemented with foreign loans, solar power systems started to malfunction after less than a year, and the concerned departments were slow in replacing the malfunctioning parts with new ones.

Lawmaker U Sein Win, of Maubin Township in Irrawaddy Region, called for transparency in the tender selection process and responsibility and accountability from the concerned departments.

"It is important that people are not burdened by what is supposed to facilitate their social wellbeing. If the new project follows the previous unsuccessful projects, our country will go nowhere," said lawmaker Daw Cho Cho Win of Sagaing Region.

Local residents, however, will have to pay their fair share to get access to electricity. Lawmakers suggested that the government should reduce the price in remote and underdeveloped villages.

They also called for the ministry to review the price rates for electricity in order to avoid creating a burden on low-income residents.

The project will be implemented as part of the National Electrification Project being implemented with $400 million in loans from the World Bank.

Lawmakers will continue their debate on whether or not to approve the loans from Italy next week.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Yangon High Court Sets Date to Review Aung Yell Htwe Murder Case

Posted: 10 Aug 2018 05:06 AM PDT

YANGON— The Yangon Region High Court will review the controversial decision to drop the murder case against the alleged killers of Facebook comedian Aung Yell Htwe on Aug. 29.

The date of the hearing was announced on the High Court's official Facebook page on Aug. 8, a day after the three suspects responded to a summons issued by the court.

The three suspects in the fatal beating of Aung Yell Htwe — Than Htut Aung (a.k.a Thar Gyi), Pyae Phyo Aung (a.k.a Aung Lay) and Kyaw Zaw Han (a.k.a Kyaw Zaw) — were released from jail on July 25 after the Yangon Eastern District Court accepted an appeal from the victim's family asking to settle the case.

Following the intervention of state leaders and with public criticism mounting over the dropping of the case, the Union Attorney General's Office ordered the Yangon Region attorney general to annul the court's decision to dismiss the case and to resume the trial on July 30.

On the same day, the Yangon Region Attorney General U Han Htoo, who had approved the request of the victim's family to abandon the case, addressed the High Court to seek a review of the court's decision.

Daw Nwe Nwe Oo, the media and communications officer and deputy director of the High Court, told The Irrawaddy last week that the court would decide whether to annul the lower court's decision to drop the case after both the Yangon Region attorney general and the defendants present their arguments at the next High Court hearing.

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‘Myanmar’s Education System Should be a System of Many Systems’

Posted: 10 Aug 2018 05:00 AM PDT

Saw Myo Min Thu, known to many as Saw Kapi, is an ethnic Karen born in Taungoo, a town in Bago Region which is home to many members of the Karen community. After he took part in the student protests that rocked the country in August 1988, he fled to the Thai border and then went on the spend over decade in the US studying, working and continuing his activism, alerting the world of the repression and injustices committed by the Myanmar military regime against its people. In late 2012, with a quasi-civilian government in place and Myanmar opening up to the rest of the world, he returned to Myanmar, settling in Yangon and becoming involved in education reform. He was appointed as executive director of Thabyay Education Foundation, a non-governmental organization which has supported thousands of youths from diverse ethnicities with skills in English, leadership and the knowledge necessary for sustainable development of their communities and Myanmar as a whole.

Thabyay's new Peace Leadership and Research Institute targets a different group of people compared to the other programmes which are largely for youth from rural, underdeveloped areas. Why have you made that change?

I made that change because of my own experience of the Myanmar peace process. I realised that political parties, ethnic armed organisations and in some cases even the government and civil society sectors are not equipped with proper and accurate information. Leaders who have to negotiate lack access to those who can support them with information for their negotiation process. Another reason was to tackle the cliché used by the State Councelor, ethnic leaders and everyone who says that young people need to be more involved in the peace process. You cannot just make a statement like that. You should ask, 'How can we open up the way for them?' 'What do we need to do to prepare them so that they can and will be able to meaningfully get involved?' That's that type of thing that we want to do with PLRI.

In 2014, you wrote an article for the Irrawaddy in which you discussed the importance of deeds over words for the government. Do you think that today the deeds of the government have caught up with their words?

I wrote that article in response to another article about having sensitivity around the use of certain words in the peace process. I wrote it because I didn't want people to focus on words only because deeds are also very important. Until now, all leaders involved in the process are caught up in the war on word choice and it takes their focus away from what is really going on on the ground in terms of real actions. For example, we would like to see clear evidence of, say, the presence of the Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) troops being reduced by a certain number; clear evidence of improvement of livelihoods, incomes, or economic situation; clear evidence of the number of schools that have been built; these kind of tangible, real numbers and deeds that I think up until now, we don't see a lot of. I'm not saying there is a complete absence of deeds but there is not enough to the extent that would make Myanmar people hopeful.

What are your views on the current education system and the changes, small or large, that have happened since the National Education Amendment Law was passed in 2015?

I believe it brings both opportunities and challenges. For challenges, as we are trying to move forward, the education system should give more authority at state and region levels as well as the private education sector and thereby the goal would be achieved through the combined efforts of the government, private education sector and ethnic education sector. However, the law in essence tells us that education in Myanmar will remain highly centralised. In terms of opportunity, by the time we are able to implement this education strategic plan, our education system will be compatible with other countries at least in terms of system. Currently, Myanmar high schools go up to 10th standard, or 11th grade, while other countries have a 12-grade system and a university entrance exam which we don't have.

Talking about the Ministry of Education, what are your comments on their systems, practices and policies? What aspects would like to see improved?

The Ministry of Education is the second-largest ministry after the Ministry of Defence. There are close to 500,000 staff and teachers so it will take a while for the ministry to implement changes around the whole country. That is the very reason the system needs to be decentralized. The ministry is too big and it is taking on a lot of responsibilities that it cannot handle. Being such a convoluted ministry is a big weakness of the Ministry of Education itself. Another thing is that only about 50% of teachers going into the education sector get training prior to the start of their service. That has to be increased. Worse is that, in rural areas they don't even have teachers: sometimes they appoint teachers who then don't even go to school to teach and still the ministry can't force them. I think that's a huge thing that needs improvement.

What kind of education system do you see working for the whole country?

I think Myanmar's education system should be a system of many systems. Because of the nature of our country and because we have multiples of ethnic people in the country, it is important that we set up a system of many systems that allow different ethnic nationalities to create their own and also be part of the broader system of education in Myanmar. That's a very fundamental step that they need to take at the very beginning. A more modern curriculum that encourages critical thinking and the use of technologies, creativity and all the 21st century literacy skills

What are your biggest personal achievements since coming back to Myanmar?

Instead of thinking about achievements, I feel very rewarded when I see the young people at our own graduations; when I see those who came through our one-year program start something even bigger and better than what we do here, in their own regions. In some cases, they are very creative in terms of the type of programs they design for that particular area. I feel like their achievement is my achievement or my achievement is their achievement too. We want to see more of those cases and the country needs to have more of those kinds of achievements.

What personal ambitions do you have for your future?

My desire is to see a private not-for-profit institution that can bring together ethnic nationalities from all over the country, to learn together for the development of their country. It can be a university, institute or college.

The post 'Myanmar's Education System Should be a System of Many Systems' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Sittwe Bombing Suspects Get Six Months for Illegal Border Crossing

Posted: 10 Aug 2018 03:25 AM PDT

YANGON — A court in Rakhine State on Wednesday sentenced two men arrested as suspects in a trio of bomb explosions in the state capital, Sittwe, in February to six months in prison for illegally crossing the border.

After the hearing in Sittwe, the two suspects, Ko Than Shwe and Ko Maung Myint Kyi, told reporters that they were wrongly sentenced on trumped-up charges after police could find no evidence against them for the bombings.

"They ceaselessly interrogated me about the explosions. I said I knew nothing and they asked me to say something, anything. They even asked me to talk about my wife if I had nothing to say," said Ko Than Shwe.

"They asked me to say that I had gone to the border and said that it had nothing to do with the bombing. I was forced to say so and asked to sign. Then I was charged and sentenced to six months in prison," he said.

On Feb. 24 three bombs exploded around Sittwe, going off in front of the Sittwe Court, in front of the Land Records Department, and in the backyard of an outspoken state government secretary, Tin Maung Swe.

Police arrested nine local residents in connection with the explosions, but they could not find enough evidence to bring them to trial after holding them on remand for 30 days.

According to police procedure, suspects cannot be held on remand for more than 30 days, so five of the nine were released on March 26. The court extended the remand for the four others — Ko Than Shwe and Ko Maung Myint Kyi on charges of illegally crossing the border and the rest on terrorism charges.

Rakhine State police chief Colonel Aung Myat Moe told The Irrawaddy that police only bring suspects to trial with evidence.

"We initially arrested nine and conducted interrogations, and we charged [the four] for illegally crossing the border and bombing according to our findings. It is the court that made the decision. We police only act according to police procedures," the colonel said.

Ko Maung Myint Kyi denied involvement.

"We were not allowed to sleep all day, all night. We could no longer endure [the interrogations] as the days passed by. They asked me to say something if I didn't know about the bombings. They said that I'd be punished if I said nothing," he told reporters.

The two suspects charged with terrorism are still on trial.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Youth Summoned For Wa State Army ‘Peace Event’

Posted: 10 Aug 2018 02:54 AM PDT

YANGON — The United Wa State Army (UWSA) has summoned youths to perform at an upcoming event to mark the 30th anniversary of the signing of a truce with the union government.

Nyi Rang, the UWSA's liaison officer in Lashio Township, Shan State, said the armed group would use about 500 youths for a military parade and for traditional cultural music and dance performances at the event.

The armed group will select 40 to 50 youths, both male and female, aged around 20, from each of the 10 townships under its control for the event, he told The Irrawaddy.

April 17 next year marks the 30th anniversary of the signing of a truce between the UWSA and the government.

The youths will be camped for about nine months to undergo the necessary training to perform at the event, said Nyi Rang.

According to Article 56 (f) of the Constitution, six townships in Shan — Hopang, Mongmao, Panwai, Namphan, Metman and Pangsang (Pankham) — constitute the Wa Special Region.

Besides those townships, the UWSA has since July also summoned participants for the event from four other townships — Mongton, Monghpyak, Longtan and Hothauk.

According to Nyi Rang, applications are welcome from members of all 17 tribes living in the self-administered Wa Special Region and are not limited to those from the Wa ethnic group.

However, his statement differs from information shared by lawmaker U San Win Aung, who represents Mongton Township in the Shan State Parliament.

"According to an external relations officer of Wa [Special Region], the group isn't summoning people of other tribes. There are Shan, Lahu and Lisu people living in our township. They can't touch them. The group only invites applications from its own people," said U San Win Aung.

Shan, Lahu, Lisu and Wa people live in separate villages in Mongton Township. Service in the UWSA is compulsory for Wa men and women when they reach the age of 18 for three years.

Some young people have already fled to China upon hearing reports of the UWSA's plan to recruit youths for the anniversary event.

"They've come and taken my daughter. I'm worried that she will be asked to serve as a permanent soldier. I dared not tell them not to take her. I was afraid because they were armed," said a Monghpyak resident on condition of anonymity.

Nyi Rang denied the claims of conscription and said the UWSA only gathers those who are willing to take part in the event. He said the group would send them back to their homes afterward and that it was up to the individuals to join the armed group permanently.

The UWSA said it has verbally invited State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Myanmar military chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing to attend the event in Panghsang, where its headquarters are located.

The UWSA split from the Communist Party of Burma in April 1989 and signed a ceasefire with the then-military government's State Law and Order Restoration Council on April 17, 1989. The truce turns 30 years old next year.

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Thailand’s ‘Jet Set’ Monk Sentenced to 114 Years in Prison

Posted: 09 Aug 2018 11:10 PM PDT

BANGKOK – A former Thai Buddhist monk who provoked outrage with his lavish lifestyle was sentenced on Thursday to 114 years in prison after a court found him guilty of fraud, money laundering and computer crimes.

Wirapol Sukphol, who was seen in a YouTube video in 2013 holding wads of cash on a private jet, returned to Thailand in July 2017 after being extradited from the United States, where he had fled.

Wirapol, formerly known by his monastic name Luang Pu Nenkham, was expelled from the monkhood in 2013 after the video surfaced. He was accused of having sexual intercourse — a grave offence for monks — with an underage girl, among other charges.

He later fled to the United States.

A criminal court in Bangkok sentenced Wirapol to 114 years in prison, though he will only serve 20 years because Thai law stipulates that is the maximum for someone found guilty of multiple counts of the same offence.

“He committed fraud by claiming to have special power to lure people in and he also bought many luxury cars, which is considered a money-laundering offence,” an official at the Department of Special Litigation told Reuters.

The official declined to be identified because he is not authorized to speak to the media.

“The court found him guilty of multiple offences, which resulted in a 114-year jail term when combined, which means he will actually serve 20 years in jail,” he said.

Neither Wirapol nor his lawyer were available for comment.

Wirapol faces separate charges of child molestation and child abduction. A verdict in that case is expected in October.

Wirapol’s high-profile case highlighted a series of sex and money scandals that have rocked Thailand’s Buddhist clergy in recent years, resulting in calls for reforms of religious institutions.

The military government that came to power after a 2014 coup has stepped up efforts to clean up Buddhism by arresting monks involved in corruption scandals and through the introduction of a bill that reduces the influence of Buddhism’s Sangha Supreme Council ­— the governing body of Buddhist monks.

The post Thailand’s ‘Jet Set’ Monk Sentenced to 114 Years in Prison appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China’s State Firms Cementing Lucrative Role in South China Sea, New Research Shows

Posted: 09 Aug 2018 10:31 PM PDT

HONG KONG/SHANGHAI — Beijing’s giant state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are playing an increasing role in China’s build-up in the South China Sea and could seek to cement their dominant position in coming years, according to new research.

The work by academic Xue Gong and published by Singapore’s ISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute this week sheds light on a little-examined element of rising tensions across the vital trade route, showing extensive work by Chinese SOEs in developing infrastructure and tourism, as well as oil and gas, some in hotly disputed areas.

Some experts and regional diplomats believe the strong commercial presence could further complicate any future regional solution should Beijing, which research shows has encouraged firms to operate, protect them politically and militarily.

China’s state-owned enterprises operated in a complex and often opaque environment, serving national strategic interests as they sought new opportunities, Gong told Reuters.

“They cannot operate independently, but they are ultimately opportunists and when the policy environment is favorable, then they will go for it. And we have seen signs of that behavior in the South China Sea,” said Gong, who is based at Singapore’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies.

“If the Chinese government can maintain an upper hand and leverage while achieving stability, there might well be greater opportunities.”

China’ Foreign Ministry did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

While the research notes the difficulty in obtaining financial information, it suggests turning China’s seven reefs and cays in the Spratlys archipelago into man-made islands was a multi-billion dollar effort.

It cites state media estimates that building up Fiery Cross Island alone, now home to a 3-km runway and military facilities including missile and radar installations, cost around $11 billion.

The ongoing buildup of the seven islands deep in the maritime heart of Southeast Asia has alarmed the United States and other regional powers.

China’s so-called nine-dash line claim covers much of the South China Sea, overlapping claims of Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan.

Digging in

Gong’s research shows how China Communications Construction Corporation (CCCC) and its subsidiaries seized on policies advocated by President Xi Jinping in 2012 to expand its maritime capabilities via the South China Sea, in part by developing some of the world’s largest dredgers.

CCCC planned to list its dredging operation in 2015, but its application later lapsed, according to the Hong Kong stock exchange.

CCCC has formed new units centered on the Paracels, which China disputes with Vietnam, that are eyeing expansion in tourism, logistics, fishing as well as ongoing construction business, according to the paper.

It has earmarked $15 billion for investment across various sectors — a plan that “stems from the fact that it has quietly benefited from land reclamation in the South China Sea through implementing national tasks,” the research states.

CCCC also collaborated with other state firms, including China Travel Service Group (CTSG), to develop a nascent cruise ship and tourism industry in the Paracels after state leaders in 2012 overcame earlier reluctance to back such moves.

CCCC, which has units listed in Hong Kong and Shanghai, did not respond to requests for comment. China National Travel Service, which oversees CTSG after a series of mergers, did not respond to requests for comment.

More than 70,000 tourists have traveled on four cruise ships that ply the South China Sea since the Paracels route was opened in April 2013, the Hainan Maritime Safety Administration said in January.

Some 680 commercial flights landed on the expanded runway at Woody Island, where Sansha City is now the administrative hub of China’s South China Sea operations, in the year ended December 2017.

Energy push

The Singapore research also details how China National Offshore Oil Corp (CNOOC) lobbied for funding and greater Chinese involvement in the South China a decade ago after facing criticism from scholars concerned about activities by rival claimants.

CNOOC later earmarked $32 billion for exploration and built a giant deep-water drilling rig that was placed off central Vietnam in 2014, sparking tensions with Hanoi.

According to its first-quarter filings of listed unit CNOOC Ltd., which is in charge of all the group’s exploration and production business, the South China Sea’s share of the company’s total oil and gas output rose to 45 percent — up from 43 percent last year. That was second only to its Bohai operations off north China. CNOOC’s latest annual report listed eight new discoveries in the South China Sea, out of a total of 19 struck offshore China in 2017.

Some players like CNOOC “appear more skillful and effective in mobilizing resources to influence state policy, while some actors, such as enterprises in the tourism industry, respond only when the state provides incentives,” Gong noted.

In a statement to Reuters, CNOOC Ltd. said it had a deep-water development strategy for the South China Sea and planned to extend investment on future exploration and development.

“All oil and gas companies among the globe are welcomed to jointly invest and operate in offshore China and to achieve success together with the company,” CNOOC Ltd. said.

A host of other state firms are reportedly eyeing slices of the South China Sea, from nascent nuclear energy programs, telecommunications, fisheries and banking. Ian Storey, a South China Sea expert at ISEAS, said the work showed “Beijing is incentivizing companies to become major players in the South China Sea.”

“This is something that China can do that the other claimants cannot do, particularly on this scale,” he said.

“The dispute is absolutely no closer to resolution, either a legal or a political resolution, and the role of China’s state-owned enterprises only highlights that.”

The post China’s State Firms Cementing Lucrative Role in South China Sea, New Research Shows appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Paper Rebuts Trade War Criticism, Says ‘An Elephant Can’t Hide’

Posted: 09 Aug 2018 09:35 PM PDT

BEIJING/SHANGHAI — China’s top newspaper rebutted growing criticism in government circles that Beijing should have taken a lower profile to head off its trade war with the United States, saying on Friday that, like an elephant, China cannot hide its size and strength.

The growing trade conflict is causing rifts within China’s Communist Party, with some critics saying that an overly nationalistic Chinese stance may have hardened the US position, sources close to the government have said.

The ruling Communist Party’s official People’s Daily took direct aim at those it said were naysayers in an unusually public rebuttal to a debate that has been happening largely behind closed doors in policy-making circles in China.

While condemnation of the White House has come at home and abroad, there are those who have spread “specious” views on the internet, it said in a lengthy commentary.

“One of these puts the blame on China, saying that ‘China’s strategy is too confident and high profile, incurring a one-two punch from the United States,'” it said.

“Another of these criticizes China saying that it shouldn’t strike back,” the paper said. “The meaning is — as long as China caves in, the United States will raise its hand high in mercy, and the Sino-US trade war won’t happen.”

However, it was absolutely not the case that China brought this upon itself, the commentary said.

History showed that the United States had always gone after countries, such as the former Soviet Union, Britain or Japan, that were perceived as threatening its global dominance. That had brought China into the firing line with its enormous and growing economy, the People’s Daily said.

“After more than a century of hard work, China has returned to the center of the world stage, and this is the basic fact we must observe in the China-US trade friction,” the paper wrote.

“Such a large size, such a heavy thing, can’t be hidden by ‘being low key,’ just like an elephant can’t hide behind a sapling,” it said.

China said this week it would slap additional 25 percent tariffs on $16 billion worth of US imports in retaliation against levies on Chinese goods imposed by the United States.

The move was the latest round in escalating tit-for-tat trade tensions, with US President Donald Trump aiming to pressure Beijing to make concessions.

The People’s Daily said Beijing was emerging as an “unprecedented opponent” for the United States.

“No matter what China does, in the eyes of the United States, China’s development has already ‘damaged the supremacy of the United States,'” it wrote.

“Against this kind of ‘opponent,’ the United States must adopt two methods — first, use the opponent to encourage itself and exhort mass political support for ‘making America great again,’ and second, curb the opponent’s supremacy at every level,” it said.

The post China Paper Rebuts Trade War Criticism, Says ‘An Elephant Can’t Hide’ appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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