The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- A Life Dedicated to Promoting and Preserving Kayan Culture
- Boat Builder Floats New Business to Tap Island Tourism Boom
- Criminals at Large
- Rakhine Chief Minister Survives Serial Mine Attacks
- Thousands March in Hong Kong Against China ‘Repression’ after Grim 2018
- Thai Man Kills Six Family Members after New Year’s Party—Police
- Thai King to be Crowned in Ceremonies May 4-6
A Life Dedicated to Promoting and Preserving Kayan Culture Posted: 02 Jan 2019 03:48 AM PST Kayah State in eastern Myanmar is a state lagging behind others in Myanmar in terms of education, health and living standards as a legacy of the flames of civil war which burst along with independence in 1948. Pascal Khoo Thwe, born in Phekon, a small town on the border of Shan State and Kayah State, is famed as the author of "From the Land of the Green Ghosts, A Burmese Odyssey." He is a member of the Kayan Padaung ethnic group whose women are known around the world for their tradition of wearing brass coils around their necks. In his autobiography, Pascal Khoo Thwe narrated his life, the customs and traditions of his ethnic group to the backdrop of civil war and amid the social fabric of Myanmar. The book won the 2002 Kiriyama Pacific Rim Book Prize for non-fiction and it has since been translated into many languages. Pascal Khoo Thwe is currently serving as an advisor to the International Trade Centre in the development of all-inclusive tourism in Kayah State. Recently, he spoke with The Irrawaddy reporter Thazin Hlaing about his views on the development of Kayah State and the tourism industry there. When was community-based tourism (CBT) initiated in Kayah State? It started in 2014 as a three-year project funded by the government of the Netherlands. The project provided basic training in tourism to villages and networked tour guides, hotels and tour operators. Training was also provided regarding preparing safe and clean food and in improving the quality of souvenirs. We linked large local tour companies with international companies—mainly those based in London and Berlin. The three-year project has ended now and [a new three-year project is now] being implemented in Tanintharyi Region now but there will be continued support for Kayah while the project is being implemented in Tanintharyi. Providing assistance for the tourism industry doesn't end with giving training. There is a need to provide technical support for sustainability. We especially focus on providing training for villages that want to engage in CBT. We also provide management training for villages that already offer CBT. Have there been any improvements in Kayah State's tourism sector compared to previous years? Previously, visitors mostly visited Pan Pet [a village in Loikaw Township] because there are Kayan [women] who wear neck rings. But at that time the villagers didn't get any benefits. [Visitors] took photos and left, and only those who had their photos taken got some [money]. Thanks to the CBT supported by the ITC, villagers can now participate. They can work as tour guides and cook [and sell] meals [to travelers]. They can also sell souvenirs to them. There are direct benefits as well as indirect benefits. What do you mean by indirect benefits? What is good for the villagers is that they can now promote their customs and culture. This greatly benefits them. We can't measure it in terms of financial benefits. As our culture is on the verge of extinction, doing this [CBT] makes [Kayan] youths understand [the importance of maintaining own culture]. Foreigners can also provide greater help and have a deeper understanding thanks to CBT. What should be conserved during tourism development in Myanmar, including in Kayah State? There are many things. Particularly, we need to conserve the natural beauty and we should be careful with littering. We need to conserve the flora and fauna. The most important thing is we need to conserve culture and traditions. We can do this, but it is a long-term commitment. Myanmar is lagging behind other countries in terms of the tourism industry. What is the main cause of this? This can be mainly attributed to the government. The previous government didn't work seriously [on tourism] and the current government can't do it properly. This is the very reason. There are policies in place for tourism development, but no [government] can put them into proper practice. The previous government couldn't and the current government can't, though it tries. It is mainly because of the system. We can't blame the people for this. Places which have real potential for tourism development should be utilized. For example, there are islands but as the government and military have occupied them, they can't be used for tourism purposes. There are many areas where foreigners are restricted from travelling too. Have the villages that engage in CBT seen significant development? Development is not that tangible. They need equitable development rather than financial benefits. For example, because of their educational levels, they can't use the provided facilities properly. But there are certain improvements—roads have become better; locals have access to electricity and better health care services. What are the major hurdles in implementing the CBT projects? It is mainly about technique. There is a need to manage things so visitors are able to come. As villagers lack experience, the most difficult thing is to convince them that they can offer CBT without compromising their culture. Which places are major attractions in Kayah State? Foreign travelers mainly visit Pan Pet and Hta Nee La Leh. Both local and foreign travelers visit Pan Pet, Hta Nee La Leh, Htee Koh, Htee Se Kha, and Kyet Gu Cave. It can be said that places that are allowed for visiting are mostly visited. There are also [potential] tourist spots in southern Kayah State, but they may not be accessed. Do you think the tourism industry will improve further if travel restrictions are lifted? There may be an increase in the number of visitors, however local visitors tend to litter a lot. It is better not to lift restrictions unless local residents can control the situation. Some of the places are very clean and unspoiled. I don't want to see some visitors littering with beer cans and plastic bottles there. It is important that local residents can properly control the places which are allowed for visiting. Otherwise, it is not fair for them—it is just like allowing other people to litter at their homes. There are concerns that cultures and traditions will vanish as the tourism sector develops. What can be done to prevent this? Rather than suggesting this or that, it should be accepted that the people will act on their own according to the wish of the majority. It is better that the government doesn't intervene. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post A Life Dedicated to Promoting and Preserving Kayan Culture appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Boat Builder Floats New Business to Tap Island Tourism Boom Posted: 02 Jan 2019 02:10 AM PST With tourism booming in southern Myanmar, residents of Myeik in Tannitharyi Region are finding ways to benefit by filling niches in the industry. Ko Thein Zaw Min, managing director of Mergui Dolphins, one of 40 tour companies in the area, has found a way to do this by opening a boat-making workshop. The number of travel and tour agencies in the Myeik (or Mergui) Archipelago has increased since 2015 as growing numbers of domestic and foreign tourists visit some of the area's more than 800 beautiful islands. Ko Thein Zaw Min, 38, is confident that his new boats, which are created from his own designs with the help of experienced engineers and boat builders, will slowly replace the second-hand vessels that operators are currently using to provide package tours of the islands. He has been repairing old boats since 2016, building several smaller ones himself. His first effort was a wooden cruise boat built for political candidates to use in the by-election campaign in 2012. After that, he gradually got involved in the travel industry after being encouraged to do so by friends. His 18-foot fiberglass boats (those used for fishing are 20 ft) are more expensive than local wooden fishing boats, but Ko Thein Zaw Min claims they last for nearly 30 years, compared to three to four years for the wooden variety. Last year he made his first 27-ft speedboat and he plans to make more. Producing his own boats is more cost-effective than restoring old ones. "[When fixing up old boats]we have to buy second-hand boats from Thailand at fixed prices. And we have to pay 25 percent tax to the customs office. They take time to repair. I decided to make my own, so that we could use new boats, and at a lower cost," he explained to The Irrawaddy. Friends and engineers in Yangon and local boat-making experts helped Ko Thein Zaw Min realize his dream. Imported fiberglass is used to make the boats, partly because timber is becoming scarce, he said. "All the materials and engines are bought from Thailand and Japan, and as we use good materials, our finished products are of high quality," explained chief boat maker U Soe from Dawei. U Soe, who worked in Thailand's fishery industry for nearly two decades as a wage laborer, is leading the team that is building the speedboat. Ko Thein Zaw Min's interest in boats and designing them led him to open this small business, but a lack of capital has limited the scale of his efforts. "We have limited capital and hope to get a small and medium-sized enterprise loan from the government, if possible," he added. Ko Thein Zaw Min's first, 27-ft. speedboat is on sale for 35 million kyats (approximately US$22,800), including licenses. He said if there is no buyer, he will use it for his company and make more. The post Boat Builder Floats New Business to Tap Island Tourism Boom appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Posted: 02 Jan 2019 01:51 AM PST When Yangon Chief Minister Phyo Min Thein paid respect to former military spy chief ex-general U Khin Nyunt during a ceremony last weekend, his action quickly drew the ire of many politicians, lawmakers and democracy activists who were at some time in their lives detained and interrogated by military intelligence units for their activism. Under his command, nearly 200 people were mistreated and died in torture chambers and prisons across the country, according to the non-profit Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Despite everything, the former general has never pleaded guilty to the crimes. In the wake of the recent flow of criticism, The Irrawaddy revisits a commentary about the spy chief's arrogance towards atrocities committed by him and his compatriots against Myanmar democracy activists. This story was first published five years ago this month. "Who should I apologize to?" This was the question that U Khin Nyunt, Myanmar's former spy chief, barked at a reporter who asked him if he was responsible for the treatment of thousands of dissidents by units of his Military Intelligence (MI) after the armed forces seized power in 1988. Rather than countering any suggestion that he was guilty of crimes against Myanmar's citizens, the ex-general insisted that the real criminals were those opposed to military rule. "They were guilty and that's why they were punished according to the law at that time," he said. Who, then, should answer for all those thousands of political activists who spent years languishing behind bars? Who was responsible for their torture in interrogation centers and the deaths of so many who succumbed to mistreatment and neglect in Myanmar's primitive prisons? Who was it that created and controlled a vast information-gathering apparatus that made every citizen feel like a prisoner? Of course, the whole system that was in place during the long years of military rule was oppressive. But if we confine ourselves to answering just these few questions, the number of people who can be held culpable will be relatively small. Dozens of MI units harassed, intimidated and detained opposition activists and others regarded with suspicion by the former junta. All of these units reported directly to the Directorate of Defense Services Intelligence (DDSI). And the head of this feared organization was Gen. Khin Nyunt, who rapidly rose to prominence after the 1988 coup, becoming the third-most powerful member of the ruling military council. From 1988 until his purge in 2004, Gen. Khin Nyunt oversaw the arrest of around 10,000 people. Many were subjected to torture and farcical trials that resulted in decades-long prison sentences. Both military and civilian courts were forced to do the bidding of the DDSI. MI units infiltrated almost every organization in the country and maintained networks of spies in almost every neighborhood. Their agents were placed in customs, immigration and police departments, and MI officers even monitored other senior military officials, including top generals. But the main targets of the police state within a state that Gen. Khin Nyunt created were the country's dissidents. "Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt was trying to destroy the [National League for Democracy] by having local authorities intimidate party members, harass their families, and incarcerate those who refused to resign. The intention was to isolate Aung San Suu Kyi and reduce her party's legitimacy," anthropologist Christina Fink wrote in her book "Living Silence," published in 2001. Now a civilian who regards himself as a victim of the former regime—he was sentenced to house arrest after his ousting in October 2004, and released in January 2012—U Khin Nyunt continues to downplay his former role. Last October, respected dissident U Win Tin met the former general who was once his jailer. "Let bygones be bygones," U Khin Nyunt told the NLD cofounder, who spent nearly 20 years behind bars for advocating a peaceful return to democratic rule. Recently, I had a chance to speak with U Win Tin about his experiences in prison. He told me that when he was interrogated in July 1989, his captors put a hood over his head and punched him repeatedly in the face. Even after almost all of his teeth fell out and he had trouble eating, he was denied treatment. "Those guys went overboard," said the 84-year-old, who is still active as a senior member of the NLD. Asked what he thought about U Khin Nyunt's provocative question, he had no trouble providing an answer: "I'll tell you who he should apologize to. He should apologize to former political prisoners, their families and the whole country." Since 1988, at least 160 political detainees have died in custody in Myanmar, including 10 who died while being interrogated, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Among the dead are well-known writer U Thaw Ka, veteran politicians U Sein Win and NLD MP-elect U Tin Maung Win, and student activist Ko Thet Win Aung. U Khin Nyunt's refusal to acknowledge his central role in these and other abuses has complicated efforts to move beyond the pain of the past. "Some former political prisoners have requested acknowledgement and an apology, but Khin Nyunt has asserted that there is no reason to argue about these cases because all was done according to the laws at the time," said Patrick Pierce of the International Center for Transitional Justice. But it is completely disingenuous for someone who was once one of the top generals in the country to act as if he was just following orders. As U Win Tin noted, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, the leader of the former ruling junta, was not solely responsible for the many abuses committed under military rule. "Khin Nyunt and his people were more responsible [for the treatment of dissidents]," he said. "It was their intention to let us die." Indeed, some have argued that U Khin Nyunt was the most powerful member of the ruling regime, at least in the years immediately after it seized power. "As a protégé of U Ne Win, [Gen. Khin Nyunt] came out as the most influential figure in the regime," wrote Maung Aung Myoe in his book, "Building the Tatmadaw: Myanmar Armed Forces Since 1948." One incident in particular demonstrated the extent of his power: the forced retirement of then regime leader Snr-Gen Saw Maung on April 23, 1992, a move that "strengthened [Gen. Khin Nyunt's] position significantly," according to Maung Aung Myoe. Although Snr-Gen Than Shwe assumed the leadership of the regime at that time, he still wielded relatively little actual influence. Over time, Gen. Khin Nyunt sought to increase his power behind the scenes by using his position as spy chief to keep the other generals in check. Under his leadership, officers in the MI were feared by those in the infantry, and the normal hierarchy was subverted. "A captain in the intelligence corps never cared about a colonel in the infantry. The commanding officer of a local intelligence battalion, a major, behaved as if he was of equal power as the regional commander, a major-general, in that region," wrote Maung Aung Myoe. When he was in power, Gen. Khin Nyunt was incorrectly regarded by some foreign observers and diplomats as a "moderate," and when he was eventually sacked, this was seen as confirmation that he was a "softliner." Nothing, however, could have been further from the truth. The reality was that he had spread his tentacles into every corner of the regime's affairs, and was a central player in all of its often brutal activities. He victimized not only dissidents but also any group that he saw as a threat to the junta's hold on power. Thus he was instrumental in shutting down the country's universities, reopening them only after they had been relocated to remote, ill-equipped campuses where students could no longer organize protests, or get a meaningful education. The people of Myanmar suffered terribly under Gen. Ne Win, the dictator who seized power in 1962 and was finally forced to step down in 1988, but many now have worse memories of the years when his protégé, Gen. Khin Nyunt, still wore a uniform. For all he has done, U Khin Nyunt and his key subordinates deserve to face justice. Unfortunately, under the current delicate political circumstances in Myanmar, that is unlikely to happen. But until he makes amends to all those whose lives he has ruined, U Khin Nyunt will never find the peace he seeks through meditation and donations to pagodas. If justice doesn't extract its due, karma certainly will. Kyaw Zwa Moe is the editor of the English-language edition of The Irrawaddy. This story was first published in the January 2014 print edition of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Criminals at Large appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Rakhine Chief Minister Survives Serial Mine Attacks Posted: 01 Jan 2019 10:24 PM PST SITTWE—Rakhine State Chief Minister U Nyi Pu has escaped uninjured following an attack on his convoy in which three mines were remotely detonated in northern Rakhine State on Tuesday evening. The convoy which included a vehicle with the chief minister on board was traveling from Kyaukphyu through Ann when the mine blast occurred near the village of Pi Pin Yin on the outskirts of Mrauk U Township. According to the state information department, no one was injured "No one was injured, but a vehicle was slightly damaged," U Maung Maung, head of the state's information department told The Irrawaddy. This is the second attempted attack on U Nyi Pu—in December 2017, a roadside mine exploded not long after his motorcade passed by a spot on the Ann-Myebon Highway in Rakhine State. One army truck from an unidentified unit was hit by the blast, which resulted in four soldiers sustaining minor wounds. Unconfirmed reports say that three mines exploded one after another as the convoy passed the attack location and one vehicle with a district administrator on board was damaged. The Mrauk-U Township Police Force and the township administrator confirmed the mine explosions, but said that they still do not know further details. Northern Rakhine State has been in a state of suspense for a number of weeks as the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) continue to launch attacks against each other, causing hundreds of villagers to flee for their safety and with reports of the Tatmadaw using villagers as human shields. Late last month, the AA sent warning letters, each accompanied by a bullet round and the official AA stamp, to a local police station and a village administrator in Buthidaung Township, which is one of the armed group's active areas. The letters threatened immediate action against anyone who attempts to disrupt the AA's movement calling for a federal state. On Wednesday morning, AA spokesperson U Khine Thukha told The Irrawaddy that his group had nothing to do with the mine attack on the chief minister's convoy as the AA has never targeted civilians. He remarked that the attack could have been masterminded by the Myanmar military who may have targeted civilian government members in order to open army front lines in Rakhine State. "Information about a chief minister's trip is normally not in the knowledge of ordinary people. It is only known by some of those in [the chief ministers'] inner circles and military intelligence units," said U Khine Thukha. The post Rakhine Chief Minister Survives Serial Mine Attacks appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Thousands March in Hong Kong Against China ‘Repression’ after Grim 2018 Posted: 01 Jan 2019 08:44 PM PST HONG KONG—Thousands of demonstrators marched in Hong Kong on Tuesday to demand full democracy, fundamental rights, and even independence from China in the face of what many see as a marked clampdown by the Communist Party on local freedoms. Over the past year, countries such as the United States and Britain have expressed concerns about a number of incidents they say have undermined confidence in Hong Kong’s freedoms and autonomy under Chinese rule. These include the jailing of activists, a ban on a pro-independence political party, the de facto expulsion of a Western journalist and barring democracy activists from contesting local elections. The New Year’s day march included calls to restart stalled democratic reforms and to fight “political repression” from Beijing. “Looking back at the year that passed, it was a very bad year… The rule of law in Hong Kong is falling backwards,” said Jimmy Sham, one of the organizers. Organizers said the march drew 5,500 people, revised down from an earlier estimate of 5,800, while police said 3,200 people were on the streets at the march’s peak. The former British colony returned to Chinese rule in 1997 under a “one country, two systems” formula, with the promise of a high degree of autonomy and universal suffrage as an “ultimate aim.” While authorities have clamped down hard on the city’s fringe, pro-independence movement, that didn’t deter around 100 independence activists from joining the march, holding up banners and chanting for the city to split from China. China considers Hong Kong to be an inalienable part of its territory, and denounces “separatists” as a threat to national sovereignty, even though the movement has not garnered much popular backing in the city. “There will be continuous suppression on the Hong Kong independence movement, but the movement will grow stronger and stronger,” said Baggio Leung, an independence leader who said several of his members had been harassed by purported “triads” or gangsters, before the march. Last year, in an unprecedented move, Hong Kong authorities banned a political group, the Hong Kong National Party, for its pro-independence stance on national security grounds. A western journalist, Victor Mallet, was also effectively expelled from Hong Kong, soon after he hosted a talk at a press club by the head of the National Party. Mallet’s visa denial, which the government has so far refused to explain, was criticized by some foreign governments and the American Chamber of Commerce. Some protesters carried “wanted” posters of Hong Kong’s top legal official, Theresa Cheng, criticizing a decision to drop a corruption investigation into Hong Kong’s former pro-Beijing leader Leung Chun-ying, without a satisfactory explanation. “I’m afraid the pressure will continue,” said Joseph Cheng, a veteran rights campaigner and retired professor who was raising money for a “justice” fund for activists facing hefty legal fees for several trials. “We’re going to face a few difficult years, but we must stand firm… Unlike in mainland China, at least we can still protest.” The post Thousands March in Hong Kong Against China 'Repression' after Grim 2018 appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Thai Man Kills Six Family Members after New Year’s Party—Police Posted: 01 Jan 2019 08:24 PM PST BANGKOK—A Thai man shot and killed six family members, including his two young children, before killing himself after a New Year’s party, Thai police said on Tuesday. Sucheep Sornsung, 41, came home from the party and started to quarrel with his family before the shootings, the police said. The incident took place in southern Chumphon Province. The victims included his 6-year-old daughter and a 9-year-old, as well as two men and two women aged between 47 and 71, who were family members of Sucheep’s wife, who survived. One man was injured and survived the shooting. “The (suspect) went to a party with his friends then came home to see his wife’s family and they started arguing before he used his gun to shoot them,” Police Major General Saharat Saksilapachai, commander of Chumphon provincial police, told Reuters. “According to witnesses, the man did not drink a lot and we suspect that his rage came from old problems with his wife’s family,” Saharat said. The police said Sucheep had a drug-related criminal record and had previously been jailed but there was no history of violence against his family. Thailand has a high rate of gun ownership and gun-related death, but mass shootings are rare. According to 2016 data from the University of Washington, Thailand had the highest reported rate of gun-related deaths out of 10 countries in Asia. It was about 50 percent higher than the Philippines, which was second on the list. According to Thailand’s Interior Ministry, there are more than 6 million registered firearms in the country of 69 million people. But there are also many unregistered guns in circulation. The post Thai Man Kills Six Family Members after New Year’s Party—Police appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Thai King to be Crowned in Ceremonies May 4-6 Posted: 01 Jan 2019 08:08 PM PST BANGKOK—Thailand’s king will be officially crowned in elaborate ceremonies on May 4-6 as the latest ruler in the centuries-old monarchy, the royal palace said on Tuesday. King Maha Vajiralongkorn, 66, has been serving since shortly after his father died in 2016 following a 70-year reign. “His Majesty deems it fit to hold the coronation ceremony per royal traditions for the good fortune of the nation and the kingdom, to be enjoyed by the hopeful people,” a palace statement said. In the three-day coronation, the king will be officially crowned on May 4 and a celebration procession will be held on May 5. The king will meet the public and foreign dignitaries on May 6, the palace said. Vajiralongkorn, also known by the title King Rama X, became Thailand’s constitutional monarch two years ago following the death of his revered father, King Bhumibol Adulyadej, on Oct. 13, 2016. His official coronation has been delayed until after a year-long mourning period for Bhumibol, who was cremated in October 2017 in a grand royal funeral in Bangkok. King Bhumibol was revered by Thais during his seven decades on the throne and the deep relationship between the monarchy and the military helped facilitate a smooth royal transition following his death. Since then, Vajiralongkorn has overseen sweeping changes to royal affairs, including the running of palace finances, which were formerly managed by the government. Thailand has been a constitutional monarchy since 1932, but the king remains supremely regarded as the spiritual protector of its people and culture. The kingdom is due to hold elections on Feb. 24, and the current election timeline means the coronation will likely take place before a new government is formed. The elections are meant to restore democracy after a 2014 military coup ousted an elected prime minister, though changes to the constitution in the interim ensure the military will retain a great deal of control. The post Thai King to be Crowned in Ceremonies May 4-6 appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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