Tuesday, January 8, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Analysis: International Media Injecting Religion into Rakhine Armed Conflict

Posted: 08 Jan 2019 05:55 AM PST

YANGON—Bowing to public pressure, soon after publishing a report on the deadly Jan. 4 attacks by the Arakan Army (AA) in Rakhine State, Reuters news agency removed the word "Buddhist" from the story's headline and lead paragraph. The initial story was headlined: "Rakhine Buddhist rebels kill 13 in independence day attack on Myanmar police posts."

The AA's coordinated attacks on four border police outposts in northern Rakhine State's strifetorn Buthidaung Township left 13 Border Guard Police officers and three AA fighters dead. Though the conflict between the Arakanese rebels and the government is essentially political, Reuters' headline used religious terminology.

Many people disagreed with the agency's use of the Rakhine community's religious affiliation in the headline and the story. It's true that the majority of Rakhine people are Buddhists. But critics voiced concern that emphasizing this in the headline of a story on the armed conflict had potential to fuel international misunderstanding of the situation in Rakhine.

The headline of Reuters' original post on the story about the AA attacks on Jan 4. Right: The story appears with a new headline, some 18 hours later.

In 2017, after security forces' clearance operations against the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in the same area prompted nearly 700,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh, international media indiscriminately mislabeled all Buddhists in Rakhine state as "violent". With the headline "Rakhine Buddhist rebels kill 13 …", did Reuters want to portray Rakhine people as violent? What's more, the heading implies that if Buddhist groups are killing each other, there can be little wonder that the Buddhist majority is intolerant of Muslims.

It needs to be asked why Reuters chose to use a religious term in reference to the ethnic Rakhine. In its reports on other armed groups in Myanmar, it simply refers to, for example, the KIA as "Kachin rebels" and to the KNU as "Karen rebels", rather than calling them "Christian Kachin rebels" or "Christian Karen rebels." For example, a Reuters report on the death of 23 cadets killed by Myanmar Army artillery fire on a KIA training camp in 2014 referred to "Kachin rebels" in the headline, without specifying their religion.

Yangon-based ethnic affairs analyst U Maung Maung Soe openly condemned Reuters on his Facebook page, accusing the agency of religious incitement. He told The Irrawaddy that using religious references in conflict reporting could spark problems.

"Please think about the potential consequences if you say, 'Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslim Rebels Are Fighting' rather than saying 'AA and ARSA', he said.

U Maung Maung Soe was not the only person criticizing Reuters; local media experts disagreed with the agency's decision to insert the religious issue into the news story, saying its reporting did not meet acceptable standards for what is known in the industry as "conflict-sensitive journalism".

Media adviser U Sein Win from Internews Myanmar said that the international community's knowledge of Rakhine State was mostly limited to issues relating to the Rohingya, adding that global audiences were largely ignorant of the ethnic Arakanese (another term for Rakhine). He assumed that Reuters had emphasized "Buddhist" in the headline in order to avoid confusion with the Rohingya, but said that as the conflict is not a religious one, the news agency should not have used the term in that way.

He explained that while it was acceptable to identify a group's religious affiliation in a headline if the issue being reported was related to religion, it is discouraged in conflict-sensitive journalism, as conflicts can be worsened by sensational coverage. He added that an agency was within its rights to use religious descriptions in reports when they appear as part of a name, such as the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA).

"Our choice of words in a report should maintain stability and we journalists have a responsibility not to cause divisions within communities. That is the meaning of conflict-sensitive journalism," U Sein Win said.

When asked if the agency's removal of the word "Buddhist" was prompted by the public perception that Reuters had ignored local and religious sensitivities, the agency said via an email on Monday that, "In keeping with our commitment to the Reuters Trust Principles of independence, integrity and freedom from bias, we updated this story to clarify the context that the Arakan Army insurgency is ethnic, rather than religious."

In fact, Reuters is not alone in using religious terminology in its reporting on the Rakhine conflict. The Wall Street Journal used an even harsher headline: "Buddhist Violence Portends New Threat to Myanmar". In its reporting on fighting between the AA and the Myanmar Army, Al Jazeera has used terms like "Buddhist Rebels" and "Buddhist groups."

But it is Reuters that has attracted the most attention from local netizens, as the agency has been under public scrutiny in Myanmar since last year's arrest of two local reporters who covered a mass killing of Rohingya in Rakhine. Their arrest and reporting sharply divided public opinion. So the agency's lack of local and religious sensitivity could further widen the divisions.

Writing on his Facebook page, Letyar Tun, who works with a media development INGO, questioned Reuters' professionalism.

He said Reuters should have referred to the AA using the ethnic group's own language—the Arakan Army—rather than dubbing them "Rakhine Buddhist rebels".

"As journalists, your most powerful tools are the words you use, along with pictures and sounds. You can use your tools to build peace and understanding instead of fear and myths," he wrote.

The post Analysis: International Media Injecting Religion into Rakhine Armed Conflict appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Analysis: Arakan Army – A Powerful New Threat to the Tatmadaw

Posted: 08 Jan 2019 05:36 AM PST

YANGON—More than nine years after it was formed by 26 Arakanese (Rakhine) youths, the Arakan Army (AA) today is a 7000-member strong army which is gaining progress in its bid to establish a stronghold in its homeland, Rakhine State.

Hundreds of AA troops launched a coordinated attack on four border guard police outposts in Buthidaung Township on Friday. Only after the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) sent reinforcements and attacked from the air, the AA troops retreated.

Thirteen police were killed in the attack during which the AA abducted 18 police and their family members who they later released.

The conflict plays out as Myanmar comes under growing pressure from the international community regarding the exodus of Rohingya from northern Rakhine State into Bangladesh following brutal military clearance operations spurred by serial attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on a number of police outposts in August 2017.

The AA was established in 2009 in Kachin State's Laiza with the support of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and in 2014 it revealed its dream of returning to its homeland of Rakhine State.

The Arakan Army’s military training school is located close to Nan Sam Ran Creek near Laiza in Kachin State. These photos, taken in 2014, depict the life of Arakanese soldiers at the military training school. / The Irrawaddy

It appears that the ethnic armed group has been realizing this dream.

Ethnic affairs analysts estimate that around 3,000 AA soldiers have infiltrated Kyauktaw, Buthidaung, Rathedaung and Ponnagyun townships in northern Rakhine State and Chin State's Paletwa Township.

How has the AA funded a standing army of some 7,000 troops and managed to conduct military operations just a few years after its formation in spite of having no areas in its control?

The AA obtains arms and ammunition from its mentor the KIA and its ally the United Wa State Army (UWSA). It also purchases them on the black market at the Thai-Myanmar border, according to sources close to the matter.

In addition to arms and ammunition made locally by the KIA and UWSA, and China-made weapons, the AA has in its arsenal US-made M60 machine guns whose unit price is around $10,000 on the black market. The M60s are seen in a video commemorating the 9th anniversary of the AA's formation which circulated on social media in April 2018.

According to the video clip, the AA also has Barrett MRAD sniper rifles which have a unit price of over $10,000 on the black market at the Myanmar-Thai border. The sniper rifle is commonly used by the border guard forces of Israel and armed forces in Norway and the Netherlands.

AA snipers during a parade. / AA Info Desk

The sniper rifle is believed to be attributed to the deaths of a number of Myanmar army officials since clashes broke out between the two sides in 2015.

Analysts suggest that the AA might also purchase weapons from Kuki rebels on the Myanmar-India border.

As well as an arsenal of advanced weapons, AA troops appear to be well-equipped with uniforms and ample food rations. The AA also helps with living and health expenses of the troop's family members and is even said to finance members who drop out in order to continue their education.

The AA pays transportation costs for those wishing to join the armed group but cannot afford to travel to Kachin State's Laiza where they undergo military training.

While it's true that a portion of the AA's funding is likely to be provided by their Arakanese supporters, Myanmar's government and military have accused the AA of smuggling drugs to fund its army.

Where does the money come from?

It is a rare case among ethnic armed groups in Myanmar to have established a strong army within nine years and to be able to fund a sophisticated campaign.

For years, Arakanese people have migrated to find employment opportunities and escape the ailing economy of Rakhine State. Many Arakanese who are working abroad contribute at least a few thousand kyats monthly to the AA. Some affluent Arakanese people also make large contributions to the AA on a regular basis. They often contribute cash on special occasions such as the birthdays of family members, in one case witnessed by The Irrawaddy, a wealthy donor contributed more than 10 million kyats.

After the Tatmadaw launched air strikes on the AA's footholds in Chin State's Paletwa in 2017, some rich Arakanese gave money to the AA to help them buy anti-aircraft missiles, the AA's Chief Maj-Gen Twan Mrat Naing once told The Irrawaddy.

Their support is so huge that even the President's Office spokesperson U Zaw Htay on Monday told AA sympathizers to stop their support.

"I want to tell AA supporters to think about whether the AA really can make Rakhine State better. Frankly speaking, please stop your support," he said.

According to U Zaw Htay, the government and Tatmadaw believe the AA mainly gets its funds from drug smuggling, an accusation which AA information officer Khine Thu Kha denied.

The 2017 report compiled by the Kofi Annan-led Rakhine State Advisory Commission states that the AA is linked with drug dealers.

The case in which Lt-Col Aung Myat Kyaw was arrested in Yangon in February 2016 supports the accusation of the government and Tatmadaw. A graduate of the first batch of AA military training and also a close aide of Maj-Gen Twan Mrat Naing, the court heard that he was responsible for the procurement and logistics of arms and ammunition for the AA in preparation for their staging of a revolution in Rakhine.

In early 2015, AA troops marched over land from Kachin State's Laiza to Chin State's Paletwa Township near the Myanmar-India border, leading to clashes with the Myanmar Army. Lt-Col Aung Myat Kyaw was a key player in arranging logistics of arms and ammunition for those troops.

A large number of army rucksacks and backpacks, night binoculars, walkie-talkies, compasses, GPS, and materials and used in the making mines and bombs were seized from a house in North Dagon Township in Yangon where Lt-Col Aung Myat Kyaw was a tenant.

Thousands of anti-aircraft machine-gun bullets, AK47 bullets, shells, and TNT dynamite were seized from a house in Yangon's Hlaingtharyar Township in a follow-up search.

U Wai Tha Tun, a drug dealer who resided with Lt-Col Aung Myat Kyaw in North Dagon Township was also arrested together with over 300,000 yaba tablets.

The AA dismissed claims of their connections to the drug trade and accused the government of deliberately attempting to defame it.

During his trial, Lt-Col Aung Myat Kyaw admitted to cooperating with drug dealers to supply drugs to Rakhine State, and of giving the profits back to the armed group. He bought arms and ammunition with the money allotted by the AA.

According to his testimony, he has transported rocket-propelled grenades (RPG), RPG warheads, TNT dynamites and mines around 30 times either in his own car or by long-distance express buses from the Myanmar-Thai border to Rakhine State's capital Sittwe via Yangon.

He was charged under the arms act and narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances law and sentenced ten years to prison. He was also charged for money laundering as he was found to have bought land along the Yangon-Sittwe Highway and saved over 40 million kyats at banks. He is currently facing trial at Yangon Region Northern District Court for this along with eight other drug dealers.

The government claimed that the four persons suspected of killing former Mrauk-U Township administrator U Bo Bo Min Theik in February 2018 are connected with the AA.

The suspects said they traded approximately 4.4 million methamphetamine pills between December 2016 and November 2017, and confessed to buying M-16 assault rifles, pistols and several magazines and rounds to supply the AA.

The ethnic group denied their claim, saying that it never uses M-16 assault rifles.

Leaders of some of the ethnic allies of the AA also denied accusations that the AA is involved in drug dealing.

The UWSA, the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) have always denied their own involvement in the drug trade despite the fact that large amounts of drugs are produced in their regions.

Why is the AA popular among the Arakanese?

Since 1962, the Arakanese people have had few strong representational organizations.

Being a small force, the Arakan Liberation Party and its armed wing the Arakan Liberation Army, which were established before the AA, never managed to win much support from the Arakanese people.

But the AA has managed to revive a patriotic fervor in the Arakanese and rekindle their hopes of self-determination reminiscent of the golden days of the mighty Arakanese Kingdom.

Prominent Arakanese political figure Dr Aye Maung, who is currently facing trial for high treason, told The Irrawaddy in 2016 that he supports the AA.

AA chief Maj-Gen Tun Myat Naing would be one of the persons who will shape the future of Rakhine State, according to Dr Aye Maung.

It is indisputable that the AA has won popular support among Arakanese people. The Irrawaddy has even witnessed some Arakanese parents encouraging their children to join the AA. As well as the ordinary Arakanese people, most Arakanese politicians accept the AA too.

Why is the AA warring against government troops?

Having been established in Kachin State's Laiza, the AA gathered their feathers and learned to fly from the KIA. Their cause is, like other ethnic armed groups, self-determination and greater autonomy.

AA leaders could not start their revolution in Rakhine State, but have been planning to return to their homeland since 2014.

AA cadets receive their military rankings during their passing out ceremony. / AA Info Desk

Although the government has invited the AA to join peace talks, the Tatmadaw repeatedly refused to hold talks with them between 2015 and 2017, on the grounds that the armed group was established after the 2008 Constitution was adopted, while most other ethnic armed groups were born at the time of independence.

Several active and retired military officers, on condition of anonymity, have said that there is no seat for the AA at the peace talks since it was founded so recently.

Tatmadaw spokespersons have said they would not hold peace talks with the AA as it launched attacks since 2015 after the country had a democratically elected government.

On Dec. 21, the Myanmar Army declared a four-month unilateral ceasefire in five military regions saying it would hold talks with non-signatories of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement during the ceasefire period.

However, they have been criticized for excluding Rakhine State which is overseen by the Tatmadaw's Western Command.

The Tatmadaw cited threats of attacks by ARSA as their reason for excluding Rakhine State from the ceasefire. The AA's information officer Khine Thu Kha later said that if the Tatmadaw has genuine willingness, it could also announce a ceasefire where military tensions are running high with the AA and at the same time exclude areas where ARSA is active.

He said the Tatmadaw excluded Rakhine State because it wants to launch large-scale attacks on the AA while halting its military operations in northern areas of Myanmar.

The post Analysis: Arakan Army – A Powerful New Threat to the Tatmadaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Mon Community Leaders Building Drug-Treatment Center for Youth

Posted: 08 Jan 2019 02:34 AM PST

Mon community leaders plan to build a rehabilitation center for drug-addicted youth in Ye Township, Mon State, Mon sources said.

The New Mon State Party (NMSP) donated 3 acres of land to house the care center. Committee members used a bulldozer to begin clearing the land, and started work on laying water pipes. They said they hoped to complete the structure soon.

A 45-person committee comprising 15 members of the NMSP, 15 Mon Buddhist monks and 15 other members of the local community will operate the center as long-term project.

"After we build the center, we will take care of [drug addicts] for free here. When they get better, we will even educate them," said Nai Tin Shein, a leading member of the working committee.

"It is a long-term project. We do not have enough money, but will keep working on this project. We will rely on donations from the Mon community. The NMSP will provide medics to take care of patients," he said.

The project needs funds to cover staff's salaries and the cost of medicine. Mon Buddhist monks and community leaders have offered to cover those costs.

"Projects like this are really the responsibility of the government, but they don't do it. So, we have to help our ethnic people," Nai Tin Shein said.

Illegal drugs—particularly methamphetamines—pose a serious threat to the community in Mon, with addiction becoming an increasing problem among youth. Families of drug addicts don't know where to send their loved ones in order to start a new life. Therefore, Mon leaders felt they had to do something to save the community, according to committee members.

"It is mainly youths that are at risk from illegal drugs in our community. They are the future Mon leadership. Therefore, we must help them. If we do not, this disease will get worse," Nai Tin Shein said.

He said one reason for the problem was that many Mon youth were unemployed despite having graduated from university. Seeing no future for themselves, some turned to methamphetamine use.

The center currently under construction is some distance from other Mon townships including Mudon, Thanbyuzayat, and Moulmein, but Nai Tin Shein said most communities balked at the idea of allowing a center for drug addicts in their midst. Therefore, the committee had to build it in an NMSP-controlled area.

Nai Tin Shein said the Mon State government had failed to take care of substance abusers. He said that hundreds of ethnic Mon were addicted to illegal drugs and in need of treatment, but the only public facility was a small treatment room at Moulmein Hospital.

The new center will offer free treatment and facilities to drug addicts including food, medical treatment and a hostel. It will also provide education about the dangers of illegal drugs.

The Mon community's business, education and many other sectors have been badly affected, said Nai Aung Htoo, another committee member.

The illegal drug situation in the Mon community was already at a crisis level, he said, adding that the problem had spread to public schools.

He also criticized police, saying their crackdown on illegal drugs in Mon State targeted only drug users, while drug traffickers escaped arrest.

The post Mon Community Leaders Building Drug-Treatment Center for Youth appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative—A Bargaining Chip for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

Posted: 08 Jan 2019 01:46 AM PST

Years after the launch of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and several meetings between top officials from China and Myanmar, the government formed a steering committee for the implementation of tasks relating to the BRI in late November 2018. The committee is chaired by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, with and Vice-President U Myint Swe serving as vice chairman and other ministers and regional chief ministers as members of the committee.

I here argue that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's motivation for forming the steering committee and taking on the role of chairperson is to use the BRI as a bargaining chip for her political goals.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) party came to power with a campaign slogan "Time for Change," and she was keen to make unprecedented reforms in Myanmar. People piled tall hopes on her when they voted in the 2015 general election and the following by-elections.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, however, faces a major obstacle in her efforts to make changes in Myanmar. She herself has admitted that, according to the 2008 Constitution, she cannot control the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) meaning it does not comply with or listen to her.  The Tatmadaw holds the ultimate political power in Myanmar as granted by the Constitution and it can reject any reforms that may negate their interests or benefits.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself appears to understand that influencing the Tatmadaw can only be possible through China as Beijing firmly shields the Tatmadaw from international punishment.

With the plight of the Rohingya leading to Myanmar's spurning by the West, which coincides with an ongoing and fierce civil war and human rights abuses, Myanmar appears helpless in international politics. In response, China stepped in to show its "paukphaw" or brotherhood in a crisis. China diplomatically protects Myanmar from any scrutiny or punishment meted out at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC).

For instance, China along with Russia blocked a short UNSC statement expressing concern on the situation of human rights in Myanmar after a 15-member body met to discuss the situation in Rakhine State in March 2017. China again boycotted talks on a British-drafted resolution at the UNSC which was considering action to push Myanmar to work with the UN to address the Rohingya refugee crisis in December 2018.

On the other hand, China wants to speed up its ambitious BRI projects in all designated countries, especially Myanmar as China is keen to gain access the Bay of Bengal in the Indian Ocean, bypassing the Malacca Strait as an energy conduit.

As the Myanmar saying goes "make yarn while the moon shines," Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has grabbed a rare chance by forming the steering committee and taking the leading role which she can use as a bargaining chip.

In the run-up to the formation of the committee, on Nov. 6, 2018, she met Song Tao, Minister of the International Department of the Communist Party of China. Just two weeks later, on Nov. 16, she met Chinese Premier Li Keqiang. On Nov. 26, she received Ning Jizhe, deputy head of China's National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC).

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi kicked off Myanmar's involvement in the BRI project by attending the opening ceremony of the Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation held in Beijing in May 2017 and is expected to attend the next Belt and Road Forum planned to be held in Beijing in April.

It appears that the State Counselor wants to achieve peace in Myanmar while she still has power. She wants to speed up the peace process and gain peace before the next general election in 2020. It was she who initiated the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference aimed at ending conflict, though despite three rounds of talks being held so far, no tangible results have been achieved.

She also wants to amend some articles of the 2008 Constitution, if not all. The Constitution grants 25% of the seats in central and state legislatures to the Tatmadaw as well as the control of three powerful ministries—Defense, Home Affairs and Border Affairs.

With the formation of the steering committee, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi appears to be using the BRI as a bargaining chip, and it could even be said that she has set a secret agenda with China to push the Tatmadaw.

On Dec. 21, the Tatmadaw declared a four-month unilateral ceasefire, despite not covering the Western Command in Rakhine State where it is currently in conflict with the Arakan Army. A week later, it transferred control of the powerful General Administration Department (GAD) to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's civilian government. Perhaps these moves made in recent weeks by the Tatmadaw exemplify the progress of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's efforts.

China also appears to be taking a role in pushing the non-signatories of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA)—particularly the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC)—to sign it. The FPNCC comprises of seven powerful ethnic armed groups—the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Shan State Army (SSA), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Arakan Army (AA).

The Northern Alliance, a three-member group consisting of the AA, the MNDAA and the TNLA has already expressed interest in joining the peace process. These groups are expected to meet the government's Peace Commission in Kunming, China in the coming week.

Once the faltering peace process embarks on the right track, Aung San Suu Kyi will then be able to push for the amendment of the Constitution. So far her bargaining chip has worked. Only time will tell whether she can achieve peace and amend the Constitution in the very near future.

Joe Kumbun is the pseudonym of an analyst based in Kachin State.

The post China's Belt and Road Initiative—A Bargaining Chip for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Frustrated Farmers Give Melons Away as Border Checkpoint Remains Shut

Posted: 08 Jan 2019 12:01 AM PST

MANDALAY—Melon growers gave away around 50 tons of watermelons in Sagaing Region's Monywa on Monday in a protest against the closure of a key border checkpoint for fruit exports in the Muse border trade zone on the Myanmar-China border.

Melon and cantaloupe growers from Butalin Township organized the protest, one of its leaders, Ko Thitsar, told The Irrawaddy.

Local melon exporters have suffered serious losses as their produce has been left to spoil at the border since the Myanmar Army closed the Jin San Jiao Gate on the evening of Dec. 26 for security reasons. The timing couldn't have been worse for the farmers, with seasonal demand for melons and cantaloupes now at peak level.

"We gave away our fruit to the public, as it would have gone off at the border anyway," Ko Thitsar said.

Protesters have demanded the immediate re-opening of the gate and called on the government to help establish a system that allows melon and cantaloupe growers to sell their produce on the Myanmar side of the border.

Border traders are frustrated that the Commerce Ministry has not made an official statement about the gate closure.

"It is time we growers speak up. We submitted a letter [to authorities complaining about the closure] last month. But as there are two governments [the elected government and the military], we don't know what will happen," melon grower Ko Tun Win of Butalin Township told The Irrawaddy.

Some smaller fruit trucks have been using the Pansai gate, which Chinese authorities re-opened on Dec. 28. However, the 10-mile road from Muse to the gate is just 8 feet wide and not suitable for 12-wheeled trucks.

Previously, around 500 trucks ferrying watermelons and cantaloupes traded at the Jin San Jiao gate daily. But the number has declined to around 200 because of the traffic congestion along the route to Pansai, and because Chinese officials are taking longer to inspect Myanmar exports.

Most of the brokerages in Muse have stopped accepting fruit shipments due to the closure. However, growers are taking risks and still attempting to export their crops as it is now the harvest season.

The post Frustrated Farmers Give Melons Away as Border Checkpoint Remains Shut appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

President Convenes Top-Level Security Meeting in Wake of AA Attacks

Posted: 07 Jan 2019 11:02 PM PST

President U Win Myint led a high-level coordination meeting on national security and current international relations on Monday afternoon in Naypyitaw, following the Arakan Army (AA)'s attacks on four police outposts in Rakhine State's Buthidaung Township on Jan. 4, which left 14 police officers dead.

All 11 members of the National Defense and Security Council—the president; State Counselor and Minister of Foreign Affairs Daw Aung San Suu Kyi; both of the Union vice presidents; the speakers of both houses of the Union Parliament; the Army chief; the deputy Army chief; and the ministers of Home Affairs, Defense, and Border Affairs—were present, together with the ministers of the Office of the State Counselor; the Office of the Union Government; Investment and Foreign Economic Relations; and International Cooperation, according to the President's Office.

The government avoided describing the gathering an official NDSC meeting due to the presence of the additional Union ministers from new ministries formed under the NLD, as well as the chairman of the Peace Commission and chief of Military Security Affairs.

President's Office spokesman U Zaw Htay said the meeting focused on developments in the security situation in the wake of the Tatmadaw's declaration of a four-month truce and the AA's attacks on the police outposts, which came as Myanmar marked its Independence Day.

He said the AA's actions did nothing to help the government's efforts to develop Rakhine State and reduce conflict in the area.

"The leaders reviewed the [AA] attacks on the police stations and decided what steps to take, in terms of both an immediate response and a long-term plan," U Zaw Htay said.

"Following the attacks, the President's Office has instructed the Defense Ministry [which oversees the Army] to increase troop deployments in the areas where the police stations were attacked on Friday and to use aircraft if necessary. The Tatmadaw is following these instructions, as well as carrying out military operations against AA insurgents," the spokesman said.

He accused the AA of "taking advantage" of the fact that Rakhine State is being watched closely by the international community in the wake of military operations against the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, which conducted deadly coordinated attacks against security forces in 2016 and 2017.

The government's Peace Commission has been holding informal talks with the AA, which—along with two others groups, the Ta'ang Nationalities Liberation Army and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army—pledged a month ago to enter political negotiations and give up its armed struggle.

The Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw)'s unilateral ceasefire announced on Dec. 22 did not apply to its Western Military Command in Rakhine State, apparently intensifying the current armed conflict between it and the AA.

The post President Convenes Top-Level Security Meeting in Wake of AA Attacks appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Four Decades on, Cambodia Reflects on its ‘Killing Fields’ Nightmare

Posted: 07 Jan 2019 09:59 PM PST

PHNOM PENH—At the height of Pol Pot’s genocidal Khmer Rouge “killing fields” regime which devastated Cambodia for more than three years from 1975-79, Srey Heng overcame her crippling hunger by catching and eating frogs, snails and insects.

“I was just skin and bones,” said Srey Heng, who was conscripted by the Khmer Rouge into a mobile labor unit for children, and forced to dig canals.

Thousands of Cambodian survivors of the Khmer Rouge marked the 40th anniversary of their demise in a commemoration in Phnom Penh on Monday.

About 60,000 people gathered at a stadium in the capital, where dancers and performers held banners and waved flags in scenes reminiscent of an Olympic opening ceremony.

The event was organized by the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), whose Prime Minister Hun Sen has led the Southeast Asian country for more than 33 years.

The 66-year-old, a former member of the Khmer Rouge, came to power under a government installed by Vietnam, which invaded Cambodia at the end of 1978 and captured Phom Penh on Jan. 7, 1979, ending Khmer Rouge rule and forcing its leader, Pol Pot, into hiding.

Much of the event was dedicated to the achievements of Hun Sen, who has come under fire from rights groups for his intimidation of political opponents and for winning a widely criticized general election last July.

Songs praising the prime minister as a “peaceful and loyal statesman” echoed through the stadium. Traditional dancers performed in honor of his policies.

Outside, survivors like Srey Heng, now a street vendor selling water and soft drinks, cast a more somber figure compared with the scenes inside.

“Many of my relatives died under Pol Pot because they were hungry, Srey Heng said.

“I don’t even know what happened to the others”.

'Chaos'

An estimated 1.7 million people died at the hands of the extremist, communist regime.

Most victims died of torture, starvation, disease, or exhaustion in labor camps. Others were beaten to death during mass executions.

Seang Tharuon, 69, lost 11 siblings and both her parents during the killings. She was forced by the Khmer Rouge to marry her husband.

Like many others, Seang Tharuon was evacuated from Phom Penh by the Khmer Rouge at the start of its nightmarish rule. She walked for more than 100 kilometers (62 miles) from the countryside back to the capital when the regime fell in 1979.

“We mainly had gruel to eat, and they would let us eat rice once a month,” Seang Tharuon told Reuters as she bought drinks from Srey Heng’s stall outside the stadium.

In downtown Phnom Penh, former Khmer Rouge soldier Prum Punly balanced on one leg as he fed birds by the river.

He lost his other leg to a landmine while fighting against US-backed Cambodian government forces in 1975, as the Khmer Rouge came to power:

“I was too young to understand politics,” the 67-year-old said.

“It was chaos.”

The post Four Decades on, Cambodia Reflects on its ‘Killing Fields’ Nightmare appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

INSIGHT—Chinese Tech Investors Flee Silicon Valley as Trump Tightens Scrutiny

Posted: 07 Jan 2019 09:19 PM PST

SAN FRANCISCO—New Trump administration policies aimed at curbing China’s access to American innovation have all but halted Chinese investment in US technology startups, as both investors and startup founders abandon deals amid scrutiny from Washington.

Chinese venture funding in US startups crested to a record $3 billion last year, according to New York economic research firm Rhodium Group, spurred by a rush of investors and tech companies scrambling to complete deals before a new regulatory regime was approved in August.

Since then, Chinese venture funding in US startups has slowed to a trickle, Reuters interviews with more than 35 industry players show.

US President Donald Trump signed new legislation expanding the government’s ability to block foreign investment in US companies, regardless of the investor’s country of origin. But Trump has been particularly vocal about stopping China from getting its hands on strategic US technologies.

The new rules are still being finalized, but tech industry veterans said the fallout has been swift.

“Deals involving Chinese companies and Chinese buyers and Chinese investors have virtually stopped,” said attorney Nell O’Donnell, who has represented US tech companies in transactions with foreign buyers.

Lawyers who spoke to Reuters say they are feverishly rewriting deal terms to help ensure investments get the stamp of approval from Washington. Chinese investors, including big family offices, have walked away from transactions and stopped taking meetings with US startups. Some entrepreneurs, meanwhile, are eschewing Chinese money, fearful of lengthy government reviews that could sap their resources and momentum in an arena where speed to market is critical.

Volley Labs Inc., a San Francisco-based company that uses artificial intelligence to build corporate training materials, is playing it safe. It declined offers from Chinese investors last year after accepting cash from Beijing-based TAL Education Group as part of a financing round in 2017.

“We decided for optical reasons it just wouldn’t make sense to expose ourselves further to investors coming from a country where there is now so much by way of trade tensions and IP tensions,” said Carson Kahn, Volley’s CEO.

A Silicon Valley venture capitalist told Reuters he is aware of at least ten deals, some involving companies in his own portfolio, that fell apart because they would need approval from the interagency group known as the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS). He declined to be named for fear of bringing negative attention to his portfolio companies.

CFIUS is the government group tasked with reviewing foreign investment for potential national security and competitive risks. The new legislation expands its powers. Among them: the ability to probe transactions previously excluded from its purview, including attempts by foreigners to purchase minority stakes in US startups.

China is in the crosshairs. The Asian giant has been an aggressive investor in technology deemed critical to its global competitiveness and military prowess. Chinese investors have bought stakes in ride-hailing firms Uber Technologies Inc. and Lyft, as well as companies with more sensitive technologies including data center networking firm Barefoot Networks, autonomous driving startup Zoox and speech recognition startup AISense.

A dearth of Chinese money is unlikely to spell doomsday for Silicon Valley. Investors worldwide poured more than $84 billion into US startups for the first three quarters of last year, exceeding any prior full-year funding, according to data provider PitchBook Inc.

Still, Chinese funders are critical to helping US companies gain access to the world’s second-largest economy. Volley’s Kahn acknowledged that rejecting Chinese investment may make his startup’s overseas expansion more difficult.

“Those of us who are operators and entrepreneurs feel the brunt of these tensions,” Kahn said.

It is a radical shift for Silicon Valley. Money has historically flowed in from every corner of the globe, including from geopolitical rivals such as China and Russia, largely uninhibited by US government scrutiny or regulation.

Reid Whitten, an attorney with Sheppard Mullin, said that of the six companies he recently advised to get CFIUS approval for their investment offers, only two have opted to file the paperwork. The others abandoned their deals or are still considering whether to proceed.

“It is a generational change in the way we look at foreign investment in the United States,” Whitten said.

Critical technologies

The decline in Chinese investment comes amid heightened tensions between Beijing and Washington. Trump has blasted China for its enormous trade surplus and for what he claims are its underhanded strategies to obtain leading-edge American technology.

The nations have already levied billions in tariffs on each other’s goods. And Trump is considering an executive order to bar US companies from using telecommunications equipment made by China’s Huawei and ZTE, which the US government has accused of spying.

CFIUS is emerging as another powerful cudgel. Led by the US Treasury, it includes members from eight other government entities, including the departments of Defense, State and Homeland Security. The secretive committee does not disclose much about the deals it reviews. But its most recent annual report said Chinese investors made 74 CFIUS filings from 2013 to 2015, the most of any nation. The president has the authority to make the final decision, but a thumbs-down from CFIUS is usually enough to doom a deal.

Washington demonstrated its tougher stance even before the new law was passed, when Trump in March blocked a $117 billion hostile bid by Singapore-based Broadcom Ltd. to acquire Qualcomm Inc. of San Diego. CFIUS said the takeover would weaken the United States in the race to develop next-generation wireless technology.

A White House spokeswoman did not respond to a request for comment.

In November, CFIUS rolled out a pilot program mandating that foreign investors notify the committee of any size investment in certain “critical technologies.” The scope of that term is still being defined, but a working list includes artificial intelligence, logistics technology, robotics and data analytics – the bread and butter of Silicon Valley.

Research firm Rhodium predicted that up to three-quarters of Chinese venture investments would be subject to CFIUS review under the new rules.

Just the threat of that scrutiny has caused some Chinese investors to reconsider.

Peter Kuo, whose firm, Silicon Valley Global, connects Chinese investors with US startups, said his business has slumped dramatically. In 2018, he said not a single Chinese investor took a stake in the companies he shopped to them.

“CFIUS didn’t kill our organization, but it hampered a lot of startups, and most of them are American startups,” Kuo said.

Safe side of the fence

Some security experts applaud what they call long-overdue protections for US startups.

“What we are concerned about is a limited number of bad actors who are phenomenally clever about how they can access our intellectual property,” said Bob Ackerman, founder of AllegisCyber, a venture capital firm based in San Francisco and Maryland that backs cyber security startups.

Rhodium calculates that, on average, 21 percent of Chinese venture investment in the United States from 2000 through 2017 came from state-owned funds, which are controlled at least in part by the Chinese government. In 2018, that figure surged to 41 percent.

But some tech industry players say Washington is casting too wide a net in its zeal to check Beijing.

“A lot of innocent business people are getting” caught up in the administration’s spat with China, said Wei Guo, the China-born founding partner of Silicon Valley firm UpHonest Capital, whose funding comes mostly from foreign investors with ties to China.

Adding to Silicon Valley’s anxiety, the Federal Bureau of Investigation has taken a more active role in policing Chinese investment.

Two industry veterans, a startup adviser and a venture capitalist who declined to be identified because of the sensitivity of the matter, told Reuters they were recently cautioned by the FBI not to pursue deals with Chinese investors. The two people did not name the Chinese entities of interest to the FBI, but said the deals concerned US companies building artificial intelligence and autonomous driving technologies.

Whether any of this deters China from reaching its goal of dominating advanced technologies remains to be seen. China can still invest in US technology through layers of funds that obscure the money source. And Chinese investors are redirecting funds to promising companies in Southeast Asia and Latin America. US startups, meanwhile, are rewriting deal terms to avoid a CFIUS review. Strategies include adding provisions to prevent foreign investors from obtaining proprietary technical information, and denying them board rights, veto rights or additional equity in future rounds, attorneys told Reuters.

“People are rightfully concerned about making sure they are on the safe side of the fence,” said Jeff Farrah, general counsel of the National Venture Capital Association.

The post INSIGHT—Chinese Tech Investors Flee Silicon Valley as Trump Tightens Scrutiny appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

With Farms Atop Malls, Singapore Gets Serious About Food Security

Posted: 07 Jan 2019 08:50 PM PST

SINGAPORE—Visitors to Singapore’s Orchard Road, the city’s main shopping belt, will find fancy malls, trendy department stores, abundant food courts—and a small farm.

Comcrop’s 600-square-metre (6,450-square-foot) farm on the roof of one of the malls uses vertical racks and hydroponics to grow leafy greens and herbs such as basil and peppermint that it sells to nearby bars, restaurants and stores.

The farm’s small size belies its big ambition: to help improve the city’s food security.

Comcrop’s Allan Lim, who set up the rooftop farm five years ago, recently opened a 4,000-square-metre farm with a greenhouse on the edge of the city.

He believes high-tech urban farms are the way ahead for the city, where more land cannot be cultivated.

“Agriculture is not seen as a key sector in Singapore. But we import most of our food, so we are very vulnerable to sudden disruptions in supply,” Lim said.

“Land, natural resources and low-cost labor used to be the predominant way that countries achieved food security. But we can use technology to solve any deficiencies,” he said.

Singapore last year topped the Economist Intelligence Unit’s (EIU) Global Food Security Index of 113 countries for the first time, scoring high on measures such as affordability, availability and safety.

Yet, as the country imports more than 90 percent of its food, its food security is susceptible to climate-change and natural resource risks, the EIU noted.

With some 5.6 million people in an area three-fifths the size of New York City—and with the population estimated to grow to 6.9 million by 2030—land is at a premium in Singapore.

The country has long reclaimed land from the sea, and plans to move more of its transport, utilities and storage underground to free up space for housing, offices and greenery.

It has also cleared dozens of cemeteries for homes and highways.

Agriculture makes up only about 1 percent of its land area, so better use of space is key, said Samina Raja, a professor of urban and regional planning at the University at Buffalo in New York.

“Urban agriculture is increasingly being recognized as a legitimate land use in cities,” she said.

“It offers a multitude of benefits, from increased food security and improved nutrition to greening of spaces. But food is seldom a part of urban planning.”

Supply shocks

Countries across the world are battling the worsening impacts of climate change, water scarcity and population growth to find better ways to feed their people.

Scientists are working on innovations from gene editing of crops and lab-grown meat, to robots and drones to fundamentally change how food is grown, distributed and eaten.

With more than two-thirds of the world’s population forecast to live in cities by 2050, urban agriculture is critical, a study published last year stated.

Urban agriculture currently produces as much as 180 million metric tons of food a year—up to 10 percent of the global output of pulses and vegetables, the study noted.

Additional benefits, such as reduction of the urban heat-island effect, avoided stormwater runoff, nitrogen fixation and energy savings could be worth $160 billion annually, it said.

Countries including China, India, Brazil and Indonesia could benefit significantly from urban agriculture, it said.

“Urban agriculture should not be expected to eliminate food insecurity, but that should not be the only metric,” said study co-author Matei Georgescu, a professor of urban planning at Arizona State University.

“It can build social cohesion among residents, improve economic prospects for growers, and have nutritional benefits. In addition, greening cities can help to transition away from traditional concrete jungles,” he said.

Singapore was once an agrarian economy that produced nearly all its own food: there were pig farms and durian orchards, and vegetable gardens and chickens in the kampongs, or villages.

But in its push for rapid economic growth after independence in 1965, industrialization took precedence, and most farms were phased out, said Kenny Eng, president of the Kranji Countryside Association, which represents local farmers.

The global food crisis of 2007-08, when prices spiked, causing widespread economic instability and social unrest, may have led the government to rethink its food security strategy to guard against such shocks, Eng said.

“In an age of climate uncertainty and rapid urbanization, there are merits to protecting indigenous agriculture and farmers’ livelihoods,” he said.

Local production is a core component of the food security roadmap, according to the Agri-Food and Veterinary Authority (AVA) of Singapore, a state agency that helps farmers upgrade with technical know-how, research and overseas study tours.

Given its land constraints, AVA has also been looking to unlock more spaces, including underutilized or alternative spaces, and harness technological innovations to “grow more with less,” a spokeswoman said by email.

Intrinsic value

A visit to the Kranji countryside, just a 45-minute drive from the city’s bustling downtown, and where dozens of farms are located, offers a view of the old and the new.

Livestock farms and organic vegetable plots sit alongside vertical farms and climate-controlled greenhouses.

Yet many long-time farmers are fearful of the future, as the government pushes for upgrades and plans to relocate more than 60 farms by 2021 to return land to the military.

Many farms might be forced to shut down, said Chelsea Wan, a second-generation farmer who runs Jurong Frog Farm.

“It’s getting tougher because leases are shorter, it’s harder to hire workers, and it’s expensive to invest in new technologies,” she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

“We support the government’s effort to increase productivity through technology, but we feel sidelined,” she said.

Wan is a member of the Kranji Countryside Association, which has tried to spur local interest in farming by welcoming farmers’ markets, study tours, homestays and weddings.

Small peri-urban farms at the edge of the city—like those in Kranji—are not just necessary for food security, Eng said.

“The countryside is an inalienable part of our heritage and nation-building, and the farms have an intrinsic value for education, conservation, the community and tourism,” he said.

At the rooftop farm on Orchard Road, Lim looks on as brisk, elderly Singaporeans—whom he has hired to get around the worker shortage—harvest, sort and pack the day’s output.

“It’s not a competition between urban farms and landed farms; it’s a question of relevance,” he said.

“You have to ask: what works best in a city like Singapore?”

The post With Farms Atop Malls, Singapore Gets Serious About Food Security appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

N.Korea Leader Visits China after Warning of Alternate Path to US Talks

Posted: 07 Jan 2019 08:37 PM PST

BEIJING—North Korean leader Kim Jong Un is visiting China at the invitation of Chinese President Xi Jinping, only days after warning he may take an alternative path if the United States does not ease sanctions and pressure on his isolated country.

The visit, confirmed by North Korean and Chinese state media, will likely lead to Kim’s fourth summit with Xi in the last year and comes amid plans for a second summit with Trump aimed at denuclearizing the Korean peninsula.

Kim held three summits last year with Xi, his most important ally, before and after summits with Trump and South Korean President Moon Jae-in.

“Kim is eager to remind the Trump administration that he does have diplomatic and economic options besides what Washington and Seoul can offer,” Harry J. Kazianis, Director of Defense Studies at the US-based Centre for the National Interest said in an e-mailed statement.

“In fact, during his New Year’s Days speech, Kim’s ‘new way’ that he referred to may well have been a veiled threat to move closer to Beijing. That should make America quite concerned.”

Kim left for China on a private train on Monday afternoon accompanied by his wife, Ri Sol Ju, and senior North Korean officials, including Kim Yong Chol, a major negotiator, and Ri Yong Ho, North Korea’s state-run KCNA news agency said.

“He was warmly seen off by leading officials of the Party, government and armed forces organs at the railway station,” KCNA said in its report.

China’s official Xinhua news agency also confirmed that Kim is visiting from Monday to Thursday at Xi’s invitation.

A green train with a yellow stripe similar to the one Kim took to Beijing last year arrived at a station in the Chinese capital on Tuesday morning amid heightened security, though it was not immediately clear if Kim, his wife, and North Korean officials were aboard. A motorcade with heavy security later drove through central Beijing.

The visit coincided with what South Korean officials say is Kim’s 35th birthday on Jan. 8.

Kim’s visit to North Korea’s most important economic and diplomatic ally, which was first reported by South Korean media, follows reports of advanced negotiations for a second summit between Washington and Pyongyang aimed at resolving the standoff over North Korea’s nuclear program.

Kim said in a New Year speech last week he is ready to meet Trump anytime to achieve their common goal of denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. But he warned that he may seek an alternative path to a summit with Trump if US sanctions and pressure against the country continues.

'Good partner'

In an interview with CNBC on Monday, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo praised China’s support for resolving the North Korean crisis and said he did not think the US trade dispute with Beijing would affect this.

Kim’s visit comes as a US delegation opened a second day of talks with Chinese counterparts in Beijing aimed at ending the bitter trade war between the world’s two largest economies.

“The Chinese have been very clear to us that these are separate issues,” Pompeo said.

“Their behavior has demonstrated that as well and we appreciate that. China has actually been a good partner in our efforts to reduce the risk to the world from North Korea’s nuclear capability; I expect they will continue to do so.”

Shi Yinhong, an international relations professor at Renmin University in Beijing, said Kim’s trip would have no direct influence on the progress of trade talks.

“From the other prospective, this is something that can indirectly be used to show the United States that China is not playing without any cards in hand,” Shi said.

He added that Kim would “certainly call on Xi Jinping to give North Korea more economic assistance.”

South Korea’s foreign ministry said it was aware of Kim’s planned visit and hopes Kim’s latest visit and summit with Xi would contribute to the shared “strategic goal” of achieving complete denuclearization and lasting peace on the Korean peninsula.

While there were no details released about the possible agenda in China, Kim has been seeking relief from international sanctions, a peace declaration to formally end the 1950-1953 Korean War, and more economic investment.

Ties between China and North Korea, which had frayed as Pyongyang stepped up its provocations through a series of missile and nuclear tests, warmed over the last year as Kim engaged with Beijing as well as Seoul and Washington.

Neither KCNA nor Xinhua provided further information on Kim’s itinerary, though South Korea’s Hankyoreh newspaper said on Monday that he will meet with China’s Xi for a fourth summit.

The post N.Korea Leader Visits China after Warning of Alternate Path to US Talks appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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