The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Buddhists Protest Impending OIC Visit to Burma
• Tensions High at Letpadaung Mine as Police Gather at Protest Camps
• Electricity Rate Hike Delayed Amid Parliamentary, Public Pressure
• In Burma, a Short Reprieve Expected for Newspapers
• The Forgotten General of Burma’s Army
• Migrants Left in Limbo After Burma Postpones Temporary Passports
• Capital-Hungry Burma Firms Cautiously Drawn to Singapore Listings
• Drug-resistant Malaria a Threat to Burma
• Rice Farmers Go Back to School in Kachin State
• US, Britain Sending Warships to Help Philippine Relief Efforts
• Thai Senate Rejects Amnesty Bill as Opposition Mounts
• Govt to Poll Public on Planned Electricity Rate Rise
• Rangoon MPs Urge Govt to Reestablish National Intelligence Bureau
• Protests Planned Against OIC Visit to Burma
• Junta’s Former No. 2 Maung Aye Ailing: Sources
• From Gymnast to Beauty Queen
• Security In, Spitting Out for SEA Games
• Karen State Day Celebrated in Hpa-an
• Chelsea Survive, Liverpool and Saints Shine
• China’s Cautious Land-Reform Tests Cast Doubt on Big Urban Vision

Buddhists Protest Impending OIC Visit to Burma Posted: 12 Nov 2013 04:49 AM PST About 1,000 people, including numerous Buddhist monks, marched through downtown Rangoon on Tuesday to protest against the visit of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). Click on the box below to see more photos.(Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — About 1,000 Buddhists took to the streets of Rangoon on Tuesday afternoon to protest the visit of a delegation from the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) this week, with marchers beginning at Shwedagon Pagoda and concluding their demonstration in the heart of downtown. The protesters included novice monks, their adult counterparts and women, with the crowd marching from the eastern stairway of Shwedagon Pagoda to City Hall near Sule Pagoda, shouting "OIC—we don't want!" "If the OIC comes to offer its support in business, education, or health care, we would accept this. But if they want to intervene, scatter the races and religions of the country, and destroy the sovereignty of the nation, we will never accept them," the monk U Thumingala, secretary of the Protect Race and Religion Organization of Dala Township, told The Irrawaddy. According to reports, an OIC delegation led by Secretary General Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu and seven foreign ministers from the organization's member states will arrive in Burma on Wednesday and is expected to travel to strife-torn Arakan State the following day. Minutes from an OIC Independent Permanent Human Rights Commission meeting on Oct. 31 indicate that the organization hopes that the visit "will contribute to the realization of the rights of the Rohingya," a persecuted Muslim minority numbering some 800,000 in Arakan State. "The Commission decided to send their own fact-finding mission to Myanmar to assess the situation of Rohingya Muslims. It also considered organizing a seminar/workshop on interfaith dialogue regrouping Buddhist and Muslim religious leaders," the official minutes said. Participants of Tuesday's protest march seemed unlikely candidates for any OIC-orchestrated interfaith dialogue. "They will try to interfere in our race and religion," said the monk U Pamaukkha from a monastery in Rangoon's East Dagon Township. "When they arrive here, they will consult with adherents of their religion and report back biased news to the international community. As a consequence, they will try to monitor inside our country." Ye Htut, Burma's deputy minister for information, posted on his Facebook on Tuesday that the government had arranged for the OIC delegation's visit so that the organization could gain an understanding of the real situation on the ground in Burma. The delegation would bear witness to efforts to resolve communal conflicts and rebuild violence-wracked communities in Burma, Ye Htut claimed. The deputy minister said there would be no discussions related to the OIC opening an office in Burma and added that the government would "respond" to any false news or exaggerated claims that might come out of the visit. "We are protesting because we do not want to them to open an office here. If they just visit here, we'll allow it," said Myint Myint Aye, a 50-year-old female protester. There were nationwide protests last year when the OIC attempted to open an office in Burma. Earlier this year, the Burmese government rebuffed calls from the OIC to allow a delegation to visit and discuss the Rohingya. There were also protests in Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State, on Tuesday, and protesters said they planned to protest on Wednesday as well. The 57-member alliance of Muslim countries is planning to investigate the conditions in which displaced Rohingya Muslims in Arakan State are living. Tens of thousands of Rohingya have been living in temporary camps for more than a year, after they fled outbreaks of violence between Buddhists and Muslims in the country's west. Tensions in the area remain high, and human rights groups say the stateless Rohingya continue to face abuses and restrictions. The post Buddhists Protest Impending OIC Visit to Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Tensions High at Letpadaung Mine as Police Gather at Protest Camps Posted: 12 Nov 2013 04:39 AM PST An enormous mining truck of the Chinese firm Wanbao is parked near a Buddhist pagoda that locals claim has been damaged. (Photo: Nyein Pyint Sone / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Tensions are high in villages near the controversial Letpadaung copper mine in Sagaing Division, after local authorities dispatched about 100 policemen and warned several protest camps to disperse, local villagers said on Tuesday. About 150 villagers and several local Buddhist monks have resumed protests against the Chinese-backed mine early this month after a controlled explosion at the mine allegedly led to damage to a local Buddhist pagoda. Ko Min, a protestor from Moegyopyin village, said authorities were warning the protestors, who are camping on several local mountains, to leave the area. "This [Tuesday] morning, Sagaing Division Minister of Security [and Border Affairs] Kyi Naing called the protesting monks to withdraw from the camp," he said. "From witnessing the increase in police and the news from our sources, we believe they plan to use force to drive us away." "More than a hundred of police are located near Leikkun and Inngyin mountains, where the protesting camps are located. We are worried about a brutal crackdown again," Ko Min said. He added that one protestor was detained at Sarlingyi Township police station on Tuesday morning after he alerted the protest camps about the approaching policemen. Ko Min said demonstrations would continue despite the heavy security presence as villagers were determined to "prevent the destruction of religious buildings." In early November, a blast at the Letpadaung mine reportedly caused cracks in the walls of an ordination hall and a pagoda established by a Buddhist monk Letti Sayadaw, who was an influential spiritual leader several decades ago. Government mouthpiece The New Light of Myanmar on Sunday sought to dispel claims that religious buildings had been damaged as a result of mining operations. "Buddhist monks and local people were satisfied with the condition of religious buildings in the Letpadaung copper mine area during a tour of inspection," said the paper, which added, "Besides, there is no evidence that the pagoda and the Sima [ordination hall] were built by Letti Sayadaw." The Letpadaung copper mine in northwestern Burma has long been a source of conflict, as local villagers claim that the mine has polluted their water sources and farmland, while they also feel they received unfair compensation for their loss of farmland to the project. The Burmese public views the megaproject with suspicion as it is owned by China’s Wanbao mining firm and the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd (UMEHL), a huge and secretive Burma Army-owned conglomerate. A parliamentary committee led by opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi reviewed the project earlier this year and said it should continue if the company properly addressed the mine's social and environmental impacts. In July, a new contract agreement was signed between Wanbao, UMEHL and the government, which stipulates that Wanboa and UMEHL will receive 49 percent of the profits, while Burma's government gains 51 percent. The deal represents a huge increase in government revenues. The new contract also states that the project will allocate US $1 million for corporate social responsibility and $2 million for environmental preservation annually, in addition to increasing compensation to affected farmers. Local villagers, however, continue to feel that the huge mine is negatively affecting their livelihoods and complain they have not received adequate compensation yet. They believe that the damage to the pagoda is the latest sign that the firm is neglecting their demands. "We were saddened that the mining company breaks the agreements to conserve these religious buildings. That's why we decided to continue the protest until the authorities fulfill the agreements and follow the recommendation of Letpadaung investigation commission report," a protesting monk named U Sandar Thiri said. Khin San Hlaing, a lawmaker from Sagaing Division who was on the parliamentary commission reviewing the project, said the mining company and local authorities were not implementing the report's recommendations properly. "We've submitted a report to Parliament saying that the mining company is going beyond the report, but it was not discussed yet," Khin San Hlaing said, adding that local authorities were accusing protestors of violating Article 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code that prohibits trespassing. She said she feared violence between authorities might flare up again. "Since there's no transparency and the mining company and the authorities failed to take responsibilities, the unrests in this area will never end." Last year, the project sparked large protests at the mining site and across Burma. On Nov. 29, 2012, police launched a brutal raid on a protest camp, firing phosphorus smoke grenades into the camp that caused severe burns to many of the protesting monks. Work at the mine was subsequently suspended, but resumed in September. The post Tensions High at Letpadaung Mine as Police Gather at Protest Camps appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Electricity Rate Hike Delayed Amid Parliamentary, Public Pressure Posted: 12 Nov 2013 03:44 AM PST Protestors light candles outside the office of the Yangon City Electricity Supply Board (YESB). (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) A planned electricity rate increase that was supposed to take effect this month will be postponed until the 2014-15 fiscal year, Burma's minister of electric power told Parliament on Tuesday, following a public backlash against the proposal. Responding to lawmakers' request late last week for a review of the plan, Minister Khin Maung Soe defended his ministry's rate increase as a bearable burden for Burma's electricity consumers, but nonetheless said the proposal would be delayed. "Minister U Khin Maung Soe said it is a reasonable rate increase, as only about 1,500 kyats [US$1.50] would be added to households' spending over 100 units [per month]," said Phay Than, a Arakanese lawmaker from the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP). Phay Than told The Irrawaddy that "the minister said the ministry would revise the planned electricity rate increase, and he will report to Parliament on their revised plan before the next fiscal year," which begins on April 1, 2014. The current parliamentary session closes on Friday and the next session, during which the national budget will be deliberated, will convene in mid-January 2014. About 30 percent of Burma's 60 million people are connected to the national electricity grid, most of them in cities where the power is used to light homes and fuel industrial processes. "It is not Parliament's decision to make any changes in setting fees higher or lower, but as it has become an issue of public interest, we told the ministry to explain," said Phay Than, referring to a request by the legislature last week on Friday to have the electricity rate proposal reassessed. The parliamentary intervention followed public protests against the rate rise in Rangoon. The ministry announced in late October that the electricity fee would be increased from the current 35 kyats to 50 kyats per unit for households using more than 100 units of electricity. Households that use less than 100 units per month would not see a change in their monthly electricity bill. For businesses, those consuming from 1 to 5,000 units of electricity per month would experience a 35 percent increase and pay 100 kyats per unit. Companies using more than 5,000 units would have seen their electricity bills double as rates were to jump from 75 kyats to 150 kyats per unit. The minister had said that the decision to increase electricity fees was made in order to cover rising power production costs and to help fund an expansion of the electricity grid in Burma, which is far behind its regional neighbors in terms of electrification. "The minister said the ministry is in debt, and charging more to the biggest users will help cover costs to share the electricity to the other states that are paying higher rates per unit of electricity," Phay Than said. In southern Burma's Tenasserim Division and parts of Arakan State in the country's west, electricity rates can range from 300 to 500 kyats per unit per month. Lawmakers on Tuesday also instructed the ministry to review the status of its financial debt and the issue of electricity generation lost during transmission. In a later development on Tuesday, Parliament rejected a request from President Thein Sein seeking approval from the legislature to accept a $156 million loan from South Korea's foreign aid arm, the Economic Development Cooperation Fund (EDCF), which was to be used for development projects of under the ministries of Communication and Information Technology, and Electric Power. "We rejected it [the loan] now, but will discuss it more in the next parliamentary session," Phay Than said, adding that lawmakers turned down the loan because they felt the money was not clearly earmarked for specific purposes. The post Electricity Rate Hike Delayed Amid Parliamentary, Public Pressure appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

In Burma, a Short Reprieve Expected for Newspapers Posted: 12 Nov 2013 03:35 AM PST Rangoon residents read newspaper outside Shwedagon Pagoda. (Photo: Kyal Pyar / The Irrawaddy) KUALA LUMPUR —The global newspaper industry's very existence is threatened by the rise of digital media, editors and commentators said at a regional conference this week. In Burma however, as a post-censorship media landscape begins to take shape, observers say constraints on access to online news sources mean there may be some life in the printed word yet. More than 300 media executives and journalists, representing 115 organizations from 31 countries, met in the Malaysian capital this week for the Digital Media Asia conference, organized by the World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN/IFRA) Asia Pacific. The gathering, which included speakers from the Financial Times, the Globe and Mail, the Economist and the Mainichi Shimbun, as well as Internet firms Google and Yahoo, inevitably involved discussion of the crisis in print media, a sector ravaged by falling readerships and advertising revenues in recent years. Speaking at the conference, Warren Fernandez, editor of Singapore's the Straits Times, compared the gradual, but quickening, decline of newspapers to a Tsunami. "It comes slowly at first, then suddenly,” he said. He said while print readerships had almost completely collapsed in Western countries, in Asia there was some resilience. Even so, the Straits Times is moving to a paid-for digital content model. Digital subscriptions, which cost 2 Singaporean Dollars (US$1.60) a month and are mostly taken out by readers using tablet devices, are up to 18,000 at the Straits Times, said Fernandez. "I believe we have to make a transition," he said. For Burma's media, censorship has only recently been lifted, and the dominance of state-owned media is being rolled back after a quasi-civilian government took power in 2011. The first private daily newspapers in decades were licensed earlier this year and the weekly journal market is thriving. Meanwhile, despite limited access to the Internet in the country, free online news sources have grown in popularity. One attendant of the conference was Myat Swe, a.k.a. Sonny Swe, who co-founded the English-language Myanmar Times and recent became CEO of former exile media group Mizzima. Sonny Swe told The Irrawaddy that he thinks, for now at least, print media will remain dominant in Burma. "In Burma, publishers can survive for longer than in other regional countries because the newspaper market is still strange for readers," he said. "They have not been free for more than 50 years." Although mobile phone and Internet access are expected to boom in coming years—two international firms are set to launch affordable SIM cards with 3G technology next year—Sonny Swe said newspapers could retain a strong place in the market for another decade. "The main thing for the digital media market is we need very good infrastructure in our country. Compared to even regional countries, we're still behind them," he said. Myint Kyaw, a freelance journalist and member of the Myanmar Journalist Association, agreed that significant digital media market would take time to emerge in Burma. "Burma will take at least 10 years to change to digital because online media is only used by people like tycoons, NGOs, government officials, politicians and people in the media industry," he said. "It means very limited users here. Internet connectivity is also still poor, so the print market will still go on, against the global trend." Pichai Chuensuksawadi, editor-in-chief of the English-language Bangkok Post newspaper, said much depended on how fast Burma's telecommunications infrastructure can be improved. "I think print will survive for a while, but it depends on how much the young generation uses new media in Burma," he said. "It also depends on the penetration and use of smart phones. If penetration and usage is high, then newspapers may be in trouble." The post In Burma, a Short Reprieve Expected for Newspapers appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

The Forgotten General of Burma’s Army Posted: 12 Nov 2013 03:28 AM PST   Col Smith Dun (1906-1979). (Credit: Thant Myint-U / Facebook) By YAN PAI / THE IRRAWADDY Monday would have marked the 97th birthday of Gen Smith Dun, the first commander-in-chief of Burma's army, if he were still alive. Unfortunately, 2013 instead marks the 34th anniversary of his death. Known as the "four-foot colonel" for his small stature, Dun was born to an ethnic Karen family in Bassein or Pathein, the capital of Irrawaddy Division, on Nov. 11, 1906. He was enlisted in the Indian Army in November 1924, initially with the 10th battalion of the 20th Burma Rifles. After receiving his military training, he served with the 2nd battalion 20th Burma Rifles. In 1932, when the Indian Military Academy (IMA) was established, he was selected to attend the IMA where he earned the first Sword of Honour, an award given to the best cadet of each year's intake. During World War II, the then Col Smith Dun parachuted into the Japan-occupied Irrawaddy Delta and led Karen guerillas fighting against the Imperial Japanese Army. When Burma proclaimed its independence from British in 1948, Dun was promoted to the rank of general and appointed as the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. It was not only because of the key role he played in the early years of the country's struggle for independence, but also to foster confidence between different ethnic groups and the majority Burmans in a future union that would include all ethnic minorities. Besides, even Bo Let Ya, the first Minister of Defense after independence and one of  those most trusted by independence architect Gen Aung San, recognized the loyalty of Karen military leaders such as Gen Smith Dun and Bri-Gen Saw Kyar Doe, the Deputy Chief of Army Staff in 1948. However, that confidence was shaken in 1949 when Karen insurgents began their war for independence from Burma. A fierce fight known as the Battle of Insein broke out between the Burman-led government and Karens in Rangoon's Insein Township at the end of January of that year. From that point on, Burman leaders no longer trusted the Karen, and Dun was removed from his position, along with his fellow Karen troops. He was replaced by Gen Ne Win, who staged a military coup in 1962 and led the country to ruin during years of one-party authoritarian rule until 1988. Gen Smith Dun was a man with a strong sense of Karen ethnic identity, but was always a loyal and professional leader during his time in the Burma Army. As commander-in-chief, he kept his Karen soldiers sharp and disciplined. Nevertheless, suspicion of his ethnic roots lingered even after his dismissal. The government kept him under surveillance until his death in 1979. Col Smith Dun spent his final years in Kalaw, a hill town in Shan State, where he devoted most of his time to gardening, reading and writing. He finished his book, "Memoirs of the Four-Foot Colonel," shortly before he died, which was published a year after his death by Cornell University's Southeast Asia Program. Col Smith Dun was once a real hero of army history. Unfortunately, he has been excluded and is no longer part of the official history of armed forces in Burma. The post The Forgotten General of Burma's Army appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Migrants Left in Limbo After Burma Postpones Temporary Passports Posted: 12 Nov 2013 02:38 AM PST Burmese migrant workers arrested in Chiang Mai, Thailand, in July wait on instructions. (Photo: manager.co.th) In a further complication of the many-fold issues faced by Burmese migrant workers in Thailand, Burma's planned opening of border offices that could provide temporary passports to migrants is being postponed, the Burma Embassy said. Migrant rights advocates said the latest setback in sorting out the legal status of millions of Burmese workers indicates that Naypyidaw and Bangkok are unable—or unwilling—to free migrants from exploitation and extortion at the hands of brokers and corrupt officials. As many as 3 million Burmese are believed to be working in Thailand, but many lack official Burmese identity papers, Thai working visas and other legal documentation. As a result, many work as unregistered laborers, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation by employers and authorities. In recent years, Thailand and Burma have held numerous bilateral meetings to agree on how the migrants can be officially registered and given Burmese identity papers and Thai working permits. In 2009, the sides started the so-called Nationality Verification process, which has been plagued by bureaucratic problems and accusations that it requires workers to pay bribes to corrupt officials and brokers, pushing them further into debt bondage with their employers. Under a recent Thai-Burmese agreement, workers would be required to visit Burmese border offices to be issued temporary passport and upon entering Thailand they would receive new working visas. Due certain legal requirements, workers who passed the process in 2009 have not been able to renew their visas with Thai immigration officials since July 2013. Hundreds of thousands of these workers were supposed to visit Burmese border office in November to obtain temporary passports so they could receive Thai visas. Despite months of preparation, however, the border offices will not open as planned this month, the Burma Embassy in Bangkok said. "We expected to open these offices in November, but we have to postpone as the process is not finished yet," labor attaché Kyaw Kyaw Lin said. Asked when the offices would open, he said, "We will inform the public as soon as we are ready, but right now we cannot yet say clearly when [the offices will open]." Migrant rights advocates and workers expressed frustration with the Burmese and Thai governments' failure to help the workers. "We presented this issue to both Burmese and Thai government on September 1 … they said they will open border offices in early November," said Aung Kyaw, the chairman of the Bangkok-based Migrant Workers Rights Network (MRWN). "They are now overstaying and there is no clear policy or announcements from both governments on how they will solve this problem," he added. "Once again… workers are being forced, as a result of poor and incompetent migration policy management and corruption, to spend significant amounts of money in their quest to get visas and work permit," MRWN said in a statement. "The abuse of migrant workers by brokers and agencies, working closely with Myanmar and Thai officials, is now significantly increasing." Sai Sai, a migrant laborer in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand, said he was left clueless as to how he could resolve his legal status as a worker in Thailand. "We cannot extend our Thai visa, it is already expired and we have to stay without extending it," he said, "And we cannot go back to Burma yet as our work is here, and even if we go back we cannot do anything there to help extend our stay." The post Migrants Left in Limbo After Burma Postpones Temporary Passports appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Capital-Hungry Burma Firms Cautiously Drawn to Singapore Listings Posted: 11 Nov 2013 11:34 PM PST A man walks past an advertisement board for Singapore's stock exchange after landing at the airport in Rangoon on Oct. 29, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Damir Sagolj) SINGAPORE/RANGOON — At Rangoon International Airport, large blue and white signs in the arrival and departure halls promote Singapore's stock exchange as the go-to destination for Burma businesses seeking capital. The advertisements underscore Singapore's nascent role as a magnet for Burma companies eager to grow as their country emerges from decades of isolation but frustrated by its crippled banking system and barely existing financial markets. Lawyers and financial advisors who work closely with Burma firms say about six to 10 companies are considering a listing in Singapore over the next couple of years. "Many Myanmar [Burma] business owners admire the reputation of Singapore Inc and look forward to raising their own prestige that comes with a Singapore listing," said Kim Huat Chia, head of corporate & capital markets at Singapore law firm Rajah & Tann. But hurdles to successful offerings are high. Singapore's bourse says while it has seen interest from Burma companies, they will have to meet its corporate governance standards. For many businesses, that's still quite a distant goal, lawyers and bankers said. That's further complicated by several Burma tycoons being on a US sanctions list, accused of making their fortunes by colluding with the former military junta, which was notorious for corruption and human rights abuses. While the European Union ended sanctions this year, the United States has only suspended them. The potential for resistance from Burma's government, which is planning its own stock exchange, has also made some local businesses wary about tapping capital markets offshore To date, only one Burma firm has managed to list in Singapore—Yoma Strategic Holdings Ltd, which listed in 2006 through a reverse takeover. The property and car sales conglomerate led by tycoon Serge Pun now counts Capital Group, Aberdeen Asset Management and Vanguard among its top 10 shareholders and has seen its share price quadruple since early 2012 on investor interest in the hot frontier economy. It's only natural that other Burma firms would want to follow suit. "To this day in Myanmar, there's no stock market, no bond market, no banking market to talk about. There are quite a few companies that are asset-rich but have no source of liquidity," said Andrew Rickards, chief executive of Yoma. "If it was smart to do an RTO [reverse takeover] in 2006 for Yoma, it's absolutely necessary now for companies to have access to international markets." But if corporate Burma is drawn by Yoma's example, it is also wary of what happened to Zaw Zaw, one of Burma's most powerful businessmen. Singapore Exchange Ltd effectively rejected in April a proposed reverse takeover deal that would have seen Zaw Zaw inject his petrol kiosk business into bed linen retailer Aussino Group Ltd. It said it was "unable to proceed with the review of the application as major issues have not been adequately resolved." Among these concerns, it cited Zaw Zaw's placement on the US sanctions list and the lack of clarity as to why he was on it. Zaw Zaw could not be reached for comment. Burma's corporate landscape is dominated by about 20 large conglomerates, with the biggest ones estimated to employ as many as 30,000 people each. For those and smaller Burma companies seeking funds, bank loans are often hard to obtain, with urban land usually demanded as collateral and interest rates high, said Aung Thura, CEO of Rangoon-based research and capital markets firm Thura Swiss. The country does have an over-the-counter bourse, the Myanmar Securities Exchange Center (MSEC), but it has only two listed firms. When the stocks are traded, which is very rarely, payments are normally made in cash. A few companies have gone public, but not on the MSEC. Instead they sell shares from their offices or even in public places, letting people know by taking a newspaper advertisement or just through word of mouth, Aung Thura said. While Burma's government is working to establish a stock exchange by 2015 with the help of Japan's Daiwa Securities Group, many in Burma business circles worry that the deadline may be pushed back. Still, going offshore may risk incurring the displeasure of the government. A senior executive at a Burma resources firm said several companies have been informally warned by authorities not to list in other markets such as Singapore. Burma officials have denied issuing such warnings. "We haven't protested against any company concerning this and nor have we received any confirmed information about Myanmar companies planning to be listed in Singapore," said Aung Naing Oo, director general of the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration, part of the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development. For now, most Burma firms are reluctant to be too forthcoming about fund-raising plans, preferring to keep their options open, which may also include partnering with a strategic or private equity investor. City Mart Holding Co Ltd, which runs Burma's biggest supermarket chain, is considering a Singapore listing, but it is also weighing other alternatives, a company spokeswoman said. Aung Zaw Naing, managing director of construction and hydropower conglomerate Shwe Taung Group of Companies, says his company's plan "depends on the situation of the stock market that will emerge here soon." For investors keen on Burma's story, some of the first listings are likely to be Burma-focused firms that are part of an international group. Mongolia-based Silk Road Finance is considering a Singapore listing within three years for Mandalay Capital, a unit that provides corporate and advisory services to Burma firms and international investors, its chairman Alisher Ali told Reuters. Singapore-listed engineering firm ISDN Holdings Ltd , which has joined hands with Tun Thwin Mining Co Ltd to build and run a coal-fired power plant in northwest Burma, said last month it may look at separate listings for its coal-related ventures in Burma. The post Capital-Hungry Burma Firms Cautiously Drawn to Singapore Listings appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Drug-resistant Malaria a Threat to Burma Posted: 11 Nov 2013 10:58 PM PST Burmese refugees receive treatment at the Mae Tao Clinic in the Thai border town Mae Sot in this file photo. (Photo: Mae Tao Clinic) WASHINGTON — US experts are raising the alarm over the spread of drug-resistant malaria in Burma and several Southeast Asian countries, endangering major global gains in fighting the mosquito-borne disease that kills more than 600,000 people annually. While the communicable disease wreaks its heaviest toll in Africa, it’s in nations along the Mekong River where the most serious threat to treating it has emerged. The availability of therapies using the drug artemisinin has helped cut global malaria deaths by a quarter in the past decade. But resistance to it emerged on the Thai-Cambodia border in 2003, and has since been confirmed in Vietnam and Burma too. It has also been detected in southwest China and suspected as far away as Guyana and Suriname, according to a new report by the Center for Strategic and International Studies think tank. The report warns that could be a health catastrophe in the making, as no alternative anti-malarial drug is on the horizon. The UN World Health Organization (WHO) is warning that what seems to be a localized threat could easily get out of control and have serious implications for global health. "Absent elimination of the malaria parasite in the Mekong, it is only a matter of time before artemisinin resistance becomes the global norm, reversing the recent gains," writes Dr. Christopher Daniel, former commander of the US Naval Medical Research Center, in the report for a conference at the Washington think tank Tuesday. Mosquitoes have developed resistance to antimalarial drugs before. The same happened with the drug chloroquine, which helped eliminate malaria from Europe, North America, the Caribbean and parts of Asia and South-Central America during the 1950s. Resistance first began appearing on the Thai-Cambodia border, and by the early 1990s it was virtually useless as an antimalarial in much of the world. A Threat to Burma Nowhere are the challenges in countering the threat to drug-resistance greater than in Burma. Some 70 percent of its 55 million people live in malaria-endemic areas, and as a nation, it accounts for about three-quarters of malaria infections and deaths in the Mekong region, the report says. Burma’s public health system is ill-equipped to cope, as government spending on health dwindled to the equivalent of just 60 US cents per person under military rule, although it has been increased significantly under the quasi-civilian administration that took power in 2011. In a third of townships, there been virtually no public health presence for years. It’s an issue of regional concern as Burma has large transient populations in its border regions, including ethnic minorities displaced by fighting and migrant workers who cross borders. "It is clear that this country with its chronically under-resourced health system needs urgent additional attention," Daniel said. Resistance to artemisinin can be driven by various factors: delays in giving treatment, use of counterfeit or substandard drugs, and prescribing artemisinin on its own rather than in combination with another longer-acting drug to ensure that all malaria-carrying parasites in a patient’s bloodstream are killed off. Cambodia and Laos have banned the use of such monotherapies, and Burma’s military, which manufactures pharmaceuticals, announced in June it would cease production of them by early 2014. That comports with the global push by the United Nations for proper testing, treating and tracking of malaria cases to prevent the disease spreading. The Center for Strategic and International Studies is advocating greater US involvement and aid for health and fighting malaria in the Mekong region, particularly in Burma, where Washington has been in the vanguard of ramping up international aid, as sanctions have been eased to reward it for democratic reforms. The centrist think tank argues that can increase America’s profile in Southeast Asia in a way that will benefit needy people and not be viewed as threatening to strategic rival, China. But securing more funds won’t be easy at a time when Washington is cutting back on programs for its own poor. The United States is already a major contributor to international anti-malaria efforts, and in Burma, is promising US $20 million per year in health assistance under its recently resumed bilateral aid program. The post Drug-resistant Malaria a Threat to Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Rice Farmers Go Back to School in Kachin State Posted: 11 Nov 2013 10:55 PM PST A farmer plants rice seedlings in a paddy field on the outskirts of Rangoon. (Photo: Reuters) LOI LAW, Kachin State — When five farmers in this village started planting rice in a small plot in late June, they used younger seedlings and organic fertilizer, and transplanted the seedlings individually. Fellow villagers thought they had gone mad as their methods go against the grain. "They asked us, 'What are you doing? Are you crazy?'" Nyo Nyo Htway, a farmer who worked on the pilot plot, recalled with laughter. By mid-October, when the paddies planted using the traditional method had not yet ripened, those in the experimental plot were golden and heavy with grains. The villagers who once scoffed at them now want to know their method, says Nyo Nyo Htway. "The average yield in this village is 40 baskets, but we'll get the equivalent of 70 baskets an acre from this plot," said Aung Zay Ya, the instructor who taught them the new method. The so-called system of rice intensification (SRI) originated in the 1980s in Madagascar. Farmers in about 50 countries, including India and the Philippines, have adopted it. Proponents say SRI is suited to smallholdings as it reduces costs with less seed and irrigated water required, increases yield and is more environmentally sustainable. They also say SRI plants are generally healthier and better able to resist stresses such as drought, flooding, and storm damage. The teaching of SRI is part of the first Farmer Field School set up in Loi Law by Swiss Aid and local organization Aung Sett Kyar, with funding from the Livelihoods and Food Security Trust Fund (LIFT), a multi-donor fund managed by the United Nations. The pilot plot, less than half an acre, and the farmers' own fields are the classrooms. The school program lasts six months – the entire rice-growing season. The teacher Aung Zay Ya is a farmer from a neighboring village who graduated from a training course conducted by the Metta Development Foundation, one of Burma's largest non-governmental organizations, which started the farmer field schools in 2001. The students attend half-day sessions every week and learn about subjects such as seed selection, soil fertility, and waste management. Organic: Cheap and Effective Kachin state in Burma's far north is known for its natural resources – including minerals, jade and forests – but farming is still a major source of income. At first, the student farmers in Loi Law were not convinced about the new methods. They had heard that organic fertilizers and pesticides prepared with readily available ingredients such as manure, chilies and soap powder were cheaper and better for the soil, but they had never tried making them. "There was nobody to really show us how they work so we didn't believe it. Now we can see it with our own eyes so we're willing to learn," said Nyo Nyo Htway. Kyaw Lwin, one of 10 farmers currently attending another field school in nearby Loi Sunt, agreed. "We don't have much money, so it's great when we're taught how to strengthen the plant with organic hormones or how to treat the plant if it turns red using easy, inexpensive methods," said Kyaw Lwin, who owns an eight-acre farm. "We could see a big difference." The villages, a two-hour drive from the state capital Myitkyina on excruciatingly bad roads, are in Moe Kaung Township. The subsistence farmers here rely on a single rain-fed crop during monsoon as they do not have irrigation systems and face water shortages in the summer. The yields are low due to poor soil and bad quality seeds. Add crippling interest rates – 100 percent when borrowing rice and up to 15 percent when borrowing money – and it is not unusual for them to sell the paddy to repay debts. "A rice farmer having to buy rice from the market – it happens all the time," said a female farmer, shrugging her shoulders. Challenges: Landless and Risk-Averse Donors like LIFT are hoping that improved agriculture techniques like SRI will help break that cycle of poverty, but challenges remain because many farmers do not own land or are at constant risk of losing their farms because current laws do not recognize customary land tenure systems as are practiced by the country's ethnic groups. Land is a politically and economically sensitive issue in a country where 70 percent of the country's 60 million population depends on agriculture. All land is owned by the government, but farmers are given land use or tillage rights. Over 50 years of iron-fisted military rule, there were numerous land acquisitions, like those suffered by Loi Sunt villagers who said the army took a few hundred acres of their land in the early 1990s. Burma's reformist government has been working on land registration for farmers, but critics say the system is not completely transparent and that land acquisitions for infrastructure, development or large-scale agricultural projects continue unabated. The ongoing conflict between the army and ethnic Kachin rebels, which has displaced about 100,000 people across Kachin and neighboring Shan state, has also affected projects aimed at helping local communities. With formal credit inaccessible and unofficial lenders charging exorbitant interest rates, it is little wonder farmers here are risk-averse. "Next year, we will use SRI on perhaps one or two acres out of 10," said Aye Ei Aung, a farmer student in Loi Sunt. SRI results in higher savings on seeds and water but requires much more manpower, which is expensive, she said. She is not sure the increase in yield will be enough to offset the higher labor costs. "I know SRI is good for farmers with less acreage, but it's not economical if you have more than five acres," she said. "Besides, there aren't enough laborers in the village." The post Rice Farmers Go Back to School in Kachin State appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

US, Britain Sending Warships to Help Philippine Relief Efforts Posted: 11 Nov 2013 10:51 PM PST Residents run toward a military helicopter to get food packs during a relief distribution after super typhoon Haiyan hit Iloilo province in the central Philippines on Nov. 11, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Leo Solinap) TACLOBAN, Philippines — The United States is sending an aircraft carrier to the Philippines to help speed up relief efforts after a typhoon killed an estimated 10,000 people in one city alone, with fears the toll could rise sharply as rescuers reach devastated towns. The USS George Washington aircraft carrier should arrive in 48 to 72 hours, the Pentagon said, confirming a Reuters report. A statement said crew from the George Washington, which carries some 5,000 sailors and more than 80 aircraft, were being recalled early from shore leave in Hong Kong and the ship was expected to be under way in the coming hours. Other US Navy ships would also head to the Philippines, it said. The Philippines has been overwhelmed by the scale of Typhoon Haiyan, one of the strongest on record, which tore a path through islands in the central Philippines on Friday. Rescue workers were trying to reach towns and villages on Tuesday that have been cut off, which could reveal the full extent of the loss of life and devastation from the disaster. The arrival of the carrier and its aircraft will speed up the distribution of aid and ensure injured survivors can be evacuated to hospitals in unaffected parts of the country. Britain is also sending a navy warship with equipment to make drinking water from seawater and a military transport aircraft, Prime Minister David Cameron said. Officials in Tacloban, which bore the brunt of the storm, have said the death toll could be 10,000 in their city. There is grave concern for regions outside Tacloban. "I think what worries us the most is that there are so many areas where we have no information from, and when we have this silence, it usually means the damage is even worse," said Joseph Curry of the US organization Catholic Relief Services. The "sheer size of the emergency" in the wake of the typhoon was testing relief efforts, he told NBC's "Today" program on Monday, speaking from Manila. John Ging, director of operations at the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, said "many places are strewn with dead bodies" that need to be buried quickly to prevent the outbreak of a public health disaster. "We're sadly expecting the worst as we get more and more access," Ging told reporters at the United Nations in New York. Compounding the misery for survivors, a depression is due to bring rain to the central and southern Philippines on Tuesday, the weather bureau said. President Benigno Aquino declared a state of national calamity and deployed hundreds of soldiers in Tacloban to quell looting. Tacloban's administration appeared to be in disarray as city and hospital workers focused on saving their own families and securing food. Nevertheless, relief supplies were getting into the once-vibrant port city of 220,000. Aid trucks from the airport struggled to enter because of the stream of people and vehicles leaving. On motorbikes, trucks or by foot, people clogged the road to the airport, holding scarves to their faces to blot out the stench of bodies. Hundreds have left on cargo planes to the capital Manila or the second-biggest city of Cebu, with many more sleeping rough overnight at the wrecked terminal building. Reuters journalists traveled into the city on a government aid truck that was guarded by soldiers with assault rifles. "It's risky," said Jewel Ray Marcia, an army lieutenant. "People are angry. They are going out of their minds." Relief Efforts Picking Up International relief efforts have begun to pick up, with dozens of countries and organizations pledging tens of millions of dollars in aid. Operations have been hampered because roads, airports and bridges were destroyed or covered in wreckage by surging waves and winds of up to 235 mph (378 kph). About 660,000 people were displaced and many have no access to food, water or medicine, the United Nations said. UN aid chief Valerie Amos, who is traveling to the Philippines, released US$25 million for aid relief on Monday from the UN Central Emergency Response Fund. Amos and the Philippines government are due to launch an appeal and action plan on Tuesday to deal with the disaster. Aquino's declaration of a state of national calamity will allow the government to use state funds for relief and to control prices. He said the government had set aside 18.7 billion pesos ($432.97 million) for rehabilitation. Additional US military forces also arrived in the Philippines on Monday to bolster relief efforts, officials said, with US military cargo planes transporting food, medical supplies and water for victims. Rescuers have yet to reach remote parts of the coast, such as Guiuan, a town in eastern Samar province with a population of 40,000 that was largely destroyed. The typhoon also leveled Basey, a seaside town in Samar province about 10 km (6 miles) across a bay from Tacloban in Leyte province. About 2,000 people were missing in Basey, said the governor of Samar province. The damage to the coconut- and rice-growing region was expected to amount to more than 3 billion pesos ($69 million), Citi Research said in a report, with "massive losses" for private property. Residents of Tacloban, 580 km southeast of Manila, told terrifying accounts of being swept away by a wall of water, revealing a city that had been hopelessly unprepared for a storm of Haiyan's power. Most of the damage and deaths were caused by waves that inundated towns, washed ships ashore and swept away villages in scenes reminiscent of the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. Jean Mae Amande, 22, said she was washed several kilometers from her home by the surge of water. The current ripped her out to sea before pushing her back to shore where she was able to cling to a tree and grab a rope thrown from a boat. An old man who had been swimming with her died when his neck was gashed by an iron roof, she said. "It's a miracle that the ship was there," Amande said. Additional reporting by Rosemarie Francisco and Karen Lema in Manila, Phil Stewart in Washington, Michelle Nichols at the United Nations and Belinda Goldsmith in London. The post US, Britain Sending Warships to Help Philippine Relief Efforts appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai Senate Rejects Amnesty Bill as Opposition Mounts Posted: 11 Nov 2013 09:40 PM PST A protester waves a Thai national flag atop a truck at the Democracy Monument in central Bangkok Nov. 4, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — Thailand's Senate rejected on Monday a government-backed amnesty bill that has sparked mass protests in Bangkok, a decision that could ease political tensions over a possible return from exile of former premier Thaksin Shinawatra. In a late night session, 141 senators voted unanimously to return the bill to the Lower House, complicating what critics say are efforts by the pro-Thaksin ruling party to bring him home without serving jail time for a 2008 graft conviction. Thaksin, still adored by his mostly poor, rural supporters but distrusted by much of the Thai establishment, was convicted in absentia on charges he says were politically motivated. His sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, is now Thai prime minister. "The Senate has voted and fully rejects this bill," said Senate president Surachai Liengboonlertchai. The government has been under pressure to ditch the bill amid demonstrations, mostly by royalists and nationalists, which have highlighted the deep political divisions that have plagued Thailand since a 2006 coup that toppled Thaksin. The Senate's scuttling of the bill does not mark an end to the long-running saga over Thaksin's comeback. The ruling Puea Thai party controls the Lower House and according to the Constitution can re-introduce the bill in another 180 days. In an effort to cool tempers, his sister Yingluck Shinawatra gave televised speeches last week saying her government would withdraw the draft if rejected by the Senate. But opponents say a withdrawal is not enough and want it scrapped completely. Protests "We will fight until this bill is wiped off the face of this earth," Suthep Thaugsuban, a protest leader and former deputy prime minister, told a rally on Monday. He called on Thais not to go to work from Wednesday to Friday and instead to join the protests. Billionaire former telecoms tycoon Thaksin commands strong support among the rural and urban working-class poor, but is reviled by members of the elite, who used corruption scandals and claims that he was undermining the monarchy to mobilize the middle classes against him. Thaksin denies the accusations. Some elements of the pro-Thaksin "red shirt" movement are also against the bill because it would absolve those who ordered troops to quell their protests in 2010 in a crackdown which killed more than 90 people. The Senate's decision followed Monday's ruling by a United Nations court in favor of Cambodia in its dispute with Thailand over jurisdiction of land around an ancient temple. The Yingluck Shinawatra government fears the ruling will be used by nationalists to step up the Bangkok protests. Thaksin promoted close ties with Cambodia when he was prime minister and his enemies have accused him of not defending Thai interests in relation to the border dispute, which has triggered sporadic clashes between Thai and Cambodian troops. The post Thai Senate Rejects Amnesty Bill as Opposition Mounts appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Govt to Poll Public on Planned Electricity Rate Rise Posted: 11 Nov 2013 05:09 AM PST Protesters in front of Rangoon's Sule Pagoda hold up candles to show their opposition to a planned electricity rate increase on Nov. 6, 2013. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) The Ministry of Electric Power will conduct a public opinion survey on a proposed rate hike for some electricity consumers in Burma, with the results of the polling to be reported to Parliament, the minister of electricity said during a meeting at the Myanmar Peace Center on Sunday. On Friday, Parliament approved a motion to reconsider the electricity price rise, slated to take effect Nov. 1, pending a parliamentary review. Since the government announced late last month that it would hike electricity rates by up to 100 percent for some, public opposition to the move has taken the form of street protests in Rangoon and calls from businesses for a reassessment of the plan. Minister for Electric Power Khin Maung Soe said at the Sunday meeting, broadcast by state-run MRTV, that the decision to increase electricity fees was made in order to cover rising costs of power production and to help fund an expansion of the electricity grid in Burma, which remains significantly behind its regional neighbors in terms of electrification. Despite the increased costs facing the ministry, Khin Maung Soe said on Sunday that the government would take heed of public opinion before implementing the plan. "We want to provide more electricity lines and power supply for those who are paying electricity bills much higher than other cities, and we want electricity to be received by all states and regions in the country equally," the minister said. Currently, Arakan State and some places in Tenasserim Division charge more than 400 kyats per unit of electricity. That rate is four times the price that the average household in Rangoon would be charged under the proposed increase. "If the people here pay a little more in electricity fees, as in other states, it can cover the costs of extending more electricity lines and boosting power supply in other states," he said. According to data from the Ministry of Electric Power, only about 30 percent of the country's population is connected to the national electricity grid. Households and businesses that are supplied under the ministry's jurisdiction would be subject to the planned electricity rate increase. "Businessmen in Yangon [Rangoon] and Mandalay reported to us that they accept the electricity rate hike but they want to postpone it for a while and want a more regular electricity supply," the minister said. Though Burma's overall electrification remains low, it has grown sharply in recent years. In 2010, the country consumed about 1,420 megawatts of electricity over the 12-month period, and this year during the rainy season, from approximately April through September, 2,860 megawatts of electricity was used, according to Ministry of Electric Power data. Over the course of the hot season now in its infancy, about 2,370 megawatts will be used, the Ministry of Electric Power estimates. "Businessmen who operate freezers, such as ice production, and fish and meat production, are saying that they won't have any profits left if their electricity bill doubles, as most of their costs come from power," Kyaw Soe Tun, secretary of Hlaing Tharyar 5 Industrial Zone Management Committee, told The Irrawaddy earlier this month. Toe Nandar Tin, treasurer of the Myanmar Fisheries Federation Products Processors and Exporters Association, said the electricity price increase would translate to higher consumer prices for fresh products that must be cooled, such as meat and fish. "I am happy to hear that they will take public opinions on changing the fees," said Thidar, a general store owner in Rangoon's Mayangone Township. On Oct. 29, the Yangon City Electricity Supply Board (YESB) announced that households consuming more than 101 units of electricity per month would have to pay 50 kyats (US$0.05) per unit, a price increase of about 40 percent. Businesses that consume between 1 to 5,000 units of electricity per month would experience a 35 percent increase and pay 100 kyats per unit starting Nov. 1. Companies using more than 5,000 units would see their electricity bills double as rates are slated to jump from 75 kyats to 150 kyats per unit. The post Govt to Poll Public on Planned Electricity Rate Rise appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Rangoon MPs Urge Govt to Reestablish National Intelligence Bureau Posted: 11 Nov 2013 04:33 AM PST Police officers present explosive devices that were discovered in October in five divisions and states at a press conference at the Rangoon Division government office. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Rangoon Division lawmakers are urging the central government to reestablish the notorious National Investigation Bureau (NIB) for National Security. The MPs claim the move is necessary in order to provide security in the country after Burma's biggest city and several towns experienced a series of bomb attacks last month. The Rangoon Division legislature supported a proposal on Nov. 5 that says that the Rangoon Division government—headed by former senior military regime member Myint Swe—should urge the central government to set up the NIB. New National Democratic Party lawmaker U Kyaw, who issued the proposal, said the government should set up the intelligence-gathering agency soonest. "The NIB is needed for national security and to investigate terrorist attacks. We are going to host the 27th SEA GAMES [in December] and the country will serve as chairman of ASEAN next year," he said. "Last month, we experienced a series of bomb blasts; that is main reason why we need the NIB urgently." Details on the proposal were vague, however, and U Kyaw was unable to explain which ministry would be in charge of day-to-day operations of the spying agency. He only said that it would fall under the authority of the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC), a body that has a lead role in a State of Emergency and only meets infrequently. The NDSC is chaired by President Thein Sein and includes the speakers of both houses of Parliament, the commander-in-chief of the armed forces and several other senior cabinet members. The NIB was part of the Military Intelligence (MI) of Gen Khin Nyunt and was dissolved along with the rest of the MI units in 2004, when Khin Nyunt and hundreds of his officers were purged by former junta leader Than Shwe. Like other MI units, the NIB played a critical role in the brutal repression of opposition figures, political dissidents and students during the military junta that gained power through a coup in 1988. After the purge of the MI officers, the task of security intelligence-gathering was taken over by the Military Affairs Security—a unit that was led by then Lt-Gen Myint Swe, who was close to Than Shwe. The police's Special Branch is another unit that is currently involved in intelligence-gathering. U Kyaw, an opposition lawmaker, played down any suggestion that reestablishing the NIB would be a throwback to the days of repression, saying "people should forget" the past actions of MI units. "Every nation has NIB[-like] organizations; America has the FBI and the CIA, Britain has MI 5, Israel has the Mossad and Russia has the KGB," he told The Irrawaddy. "Our country should have a NIB organization." Myint Kyi, a Rangoon legislator with the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), said he also supported the idea of setting up the NIB, as the bureau would be "able to arrest the culprits in the recent bomb explosions." In mid-October, at least eight explosive devices were detonated in five different states and divisions in Burma. Three people were killed and several others injured, including an American tourist who was staying at Rangoon's Traders Hotel. Police later arrested a suspect named Nay Toe, who managed a mining project in Karen State, and named him as the main culprit. Ye Tun, a Lower House MP with the Shan Democratic Party, said any bill to reestablish the NIB should prioritize the protection of Burmese citizens' rights against government spying. "For national security and public safety, Parliament should enact a NIB law, but the law must guarantee the rights of citizen and democracy. Forming NIB without [such safeguards] is wrong," Ye Tun said. He added, "If you say the word ‘intelligence’ people remember Gen Khin Nyunt, as the Military Intelligence used to investigate ethnic political groups and repress the opposition." The post Rangoon MPs Urge Govt to Reestablish National Intelligence Bureau appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Protests Planned Against OIC Visit to Burma Posted: 11 Nov 2013 04:20 AM PST Buddhist monks in Mandalay protest last year against an attempt by the Organization of Islamic Cooperation to open an office in Burma. (Photo: Man Thar Lay / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Hundreds of Buddhists in Rangoon and the Arakan State capital of Sittwe are planning to protest against a visit to Burma by a high-level delegation from the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) this week. The 57-member alliance of Muslim countries is planning to investigate the conditions in which displaced Rohingya Muslims in Arakan State are living. Tens of thousands of Rohingya are have been in temporary camps for more than a year, after they fled outbreaks of violence between Buddhists and Muslims. Tensions in the area remain high, and rights groups say the stateless Rohingya continue to face abuses and restrictions. Tun Hlaing, an Arakanese activist, said he is organizing a protest against the OIC when they arrive in Sittwe. "We heard that they will fly here on November 14. We have organized for about 1,000 people to protest at the airport in Sittwe," he said. "We condemn their trip because we don't need them to visit to solve our conflict." He said the protesters would seek permission from the local authorities and planned to turn up at the airport with banners telling the delegation they are not welcome. In Burma's former capital, Rangoon, between 200 and 300 people are expected to attend a demonstration against the OIC visit, to be held at the Government Technical Institute in Insein Township on Tuesday, according to organizer Wai Lin Aung. "We believe that these people [the OIC delegation] will stir up trouble in our community and cause problems. This is why we do not want them to come to our country," said Wai Lin Aung. According to news reports, an OIC delegation led by Secretary General Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu and seven foreign ministers from member states will arrive in Burma on Wednesday and is expected to travel to Arakan State the following day. According to the minutes of an OIC Independent Permanent Human Rights Commission meeting on Oct. 31, it is hoped the visit "will contribute to the realization of the rights of the Rohingya." "The Commission decided to send their own fact-finding mission to Myanmar to assess the situation of Rohingya Muslims. It also considered organizing a seminar/workshop on interfaith dialogue regrouping Buddhist and Muslim religious leaders," the official minutes said. At least 192 people were killed and an estimated 140,000 displaced, the majority of them Rohingya, when violence erupted in June and October 2012. Since then, inter-communal violence has broken out elsewhere involving other Muslim communities. Most recently, in September and October, seven people were killed and scores of houses were burned to the ground when Buddhist mobs attacked ethnic Kaman Muslim villages in Thandwe Township, Arakan State. The efforts of the international community to give aid to the Rohingya have been met with resistance and international NGOs have faced angry accusations of bias in favor of Muslims in their work. There were nationwide protests last year when the OIC attempted to open an office in Burma. Earlier this year, the Burmese government rebuffed calls from the OIC to allow a delegation to visit and discuss the Rohingya. Ye Htut, deputy minister for information—who previously said OIC intervention in the issue was unnecessary—was quoted in Monday's The Voice newspaper welcoming the visit. "We really want them to see real situation on the ground because they spoke a lot about this, even though they did not know what really happened in the past," Ye Htut told The Voice Daily. The post Protests Planned Against OIC Visit to Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Junta’s Former No. 2 Maung Aye Ailing: Sources Posted: 11 Nov 2013 04:04 AM PST The health of Maung Aye, the former deputy commander-in-chief of Burma's armed forces, is reportedly deteriorating. (Photo: Sai Soe Kyi) The health of Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye, the second-in-command of Burma's former military junta, is reportedly deteriorating, with the retired general now wheelchair-bound as a result, according to people close to his family. The sources, who asked to remain anonymous, told The Irrawaddy that the ailing 76-year-old former military leader was unable last month to join his family's observance of Kathain, a Buddhist tradition in which new robes and other provisions are donated to monks. Instead, Maung Aye had to invite the abbot of a monastery in Rangoon's Thingangyun Township to his home, where he listened to a sermon by the Buddhist leader, they said. They also said Maung Aye's deteriorating health had prompted juniors including Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, the current commander-in-chief of Burma's armed forces, and other top generals to pay visits to their ailing superior in Rangoon. Min Aung Hlaing, a graduate of the Defense Services Academy (DSA) Intake 19, is believed to have ascended to his current position at the top of Burma's military hierarchy in part thanks to a recommendation from Maung Aye. Sources added that the Kathain of Maung Aye's family was attended by senior military and civilian officials, including Tin Aye, current chairman of the Union Election Commission, and Lt-Gen Win Myint, secretary-3 of the former State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) from 1988-97. Maung Aye was a graduate of the first DSA intake, in 1955. His classmates include a long list of military men who would go on to hold senior leadership positions within Burma's ruling military regime. In March 2011, Maung Aye resigned his senior leadership post, which included a portfolio as deputy commander-in-chief of the armed forces. In 2012, he suffered a stroke and sought medical treatment in Singapore. The former military No. 2 has led a life largely out of the public eye since retiring in 2011 to make way for the nominally civilian administration of President Thein Sein. The post Junta's Former No. 2 Maung Aye Ailing: Sources appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

From Gymnast to Beauty Queen Posted: 11 Nov 2013 03:14 AM PST Miss Grad Myanmar competes in a national costume contest with other international beauty queen in Chiang Mai last week. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy) As a youth, Htar Htet Htet represented Burma at gymnastics. Last week, the 24-year-old arrived in Thailand to take part in an international competition of a different kind. Htar Htet Htet was crowned Miss Grand Myanmar in September, and will take part in Miss Grand International 2013 in Bangkok. The main event takes place on Nov. 19, but in the northern Chiang Mai, Thailand, last week, she competed Friday alongside beauty queens from more than 80 countries for the Best National Costume Award. Wearing a dress in the style of the central Burmese Awa, or Inwa, Kingdom, she finished in the top ten. During her time in the northern Thai city, The Irrawaddy's Nyein Neyin caught up with Htar Htet Htet. Question: What is it unique about your Awa style dress? Did you expect to be in the top ten? Answer: I think it is because of the design as well as the performance.  I think the design is a bit different to others. Before the contest, I want a dress that would be distinguished from the others. So, we went to the National Museum [in Rangoon] and carefully selected the costume design that would suit me. I did not expect much. The ancient Awa style is simple but still sophisticated. It is my own design and I am happy when the name Myanmar was called out. It is the first contest and I am one of the top ten. I believe my supporters will be happy like me. Q: How did you get here, representing the country as Miss Grand Myanmar International? A: There was a call for applications in Yangon to enter an international beauty contest. I like the aim of the Miss Golden Land Myanmar organization—which hosted the contest in Yangon—to show the world about the intelligence of Myanmar women, to share our culture. I also want to do my best in representing my country. So I applied and I was selected. Q: How much preparation does it take to take part in the swimsuit contest, in terms of your confidence, and what will be the reaction from the audience? Wearing a revealing swimsuit not something Burmese women commonly do. A: The swimsuit competition is part of the rules of contest. I used to do gymnastics representing Myanmar. In gymnastics, you also have to wear a short outfit. It is not very comfortable as a Burmese woman to wear swimsuit but I prepare so am confident and relaxed. We have to try to overcome this for the competition. I hope my fans would understand on me that. I'm sure there will be criticism as it is a new thing for Myanmar. Q: When did you start doing gymnastics and when did you represent the country? A: I started doing gymnastics at the age of 6. Then, two years later, I was selected to for the Myanmar gymnastics team. I received training overseas three times in Korea and China. I competed in the Southeast Asian Games [SEA Games] in 2003 in Vietnam. And I competed again in the SEA games in 2005 in Philippines, when I came in the top ten. Q: From Gymnast to Beauty Queen A: I stopped doing it when I was 16 because I was in a car accident. But since then, I worked training future gymnasts, as a teacher at an international school. I also volunteer at the Myanmar Gymnastics Federation. I want to contest in the 27th SEA games, which we are hosting [in December] but I cannot compete anymore. Q: Why do you choose to become a beauty pageant after your gymnastics career? A: I want to be a representative of my country. I want to show the world how smart Burmese people are, that we are able to compete in world stage. When I was young, representing my country as gymnast, I did my best and was used to the honor of being a representative for the country. But when I could not do that, I thought I should do something in a different area. And I saw I could also represent my country as a Miss. I want to share about my country to others. Q: Is there a different feeling, or a different level of commitment, in being a gymnast and being a beauty queen? A: It is a bit different. As a gymnast, the physical health and practice is important. You just have to show your talent, perform well with combination of practice. In a beauty pageant, you have to be perfect physically, mentally, in your knowledge and talents. You also have to prepare for the interview, knowledge sharing and talking about your own country. Q: What is your plan after the beauty contest? Will you be a philanthropist like other beauty queens? A: I will be a part of the SEA Games in December. I will keep volunteering in gymnastics. Then I plan to enter the artistic field. If I win the award, I will form a foundation to support philanthropic work. Some think after you become a Miss, you become philanthropist. But it is not like that. For me, I have been a volunteer since I was 16, supporting the vulnerable people, people with leprosy, using my own money. When I became Miss Grand Myanmar, I also provided support to those who are in need, together with my fans. We are not the only ones doing philanthropic work. There are many other youths who are in this field. Q: This is the first Miss Grand International contest, and also you are the first to represent Myanmar, how do you feel about that? A: Yes, it is the first beauty contest of Miss Grand International, and many other nations are participating too. And as it is in Thailand, our neighbor, it is really convenient. I met a lot of our fellow citizens, who support me, in Thailand. Also, as the theme of this beauty pageant is "Stop The War," the organizers' hero is Myanmar icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is one of the prominent woman in the globe. I am so proud of that too. The post From Gymnast to Beauty Queen appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Security In, Spitting Out for SEA Games Posted: 11 Nov 2013 02:57 AM PST The view from atop the 10-meter diving board at the swimming and diving venue inside Wunna Theikdi sports complex in Naypyidaw. (Photo: Simon Roughneen / The Irrawaddy) NAYPYIDAW — At the entrance to the new Wunna Theikdi sports complex in Naypyidaw, an array of soldiers and police peer into the taxi, taking turns to fire off questions. "Excuse me sir, where are you going?" "Do you have business here?" "The Games do not start for more than a month." A 10-minute huddle of conversations and phone calls later, entry to the complex is granted, but only after The Irrawaddy can confirm that interviews have been lined up inside. The Wunna Theikdi venue is a gleaming new complex of indoor and outdoor stadia—all purpose-built for the Southeast Asian Games, a biennial regional athletics and sports competition. A 15-minute drive from Naypyidaw's main hotel area, the complex is a half-mile uphill and accessed by a six-lane roadway, the entrance to which is gated like a government compound. "It was much easier to get in a few weeks ago," said Khin Maung Kywe, construction director at Max Myanmar, the conglomerate given the job of building the Wunna Theikdi complex. "Now the guards are very careful before someone comes in," he told The Irrawaddy, speaking in the front lobby of the main stands at the new Chinese-designed, 30,000-seat Wunna Theikdi track and field stadium, where the SEA Games opening ceremony will be held. In October, several small bombs went off around Burma, killing three people. The explosions were blamed on a disgruntled splinter element within the Karen National Union (KNU), an ethnic militia that signed a ceasefire with the Burma government in early 2012 after more than six decades of war. Since then, Khin Maung Kywe said, security around the Games venues has been tightened—precautions against repeat attacks before or during the Dec. 11-22 SEA Games, which come right in the middle of the peak tourism season. The 2013 SEA Games will be the competition's 27th iteration, but will be the first time Burma has hosted the tournament since 1969. The Games will wind-up just days before the start of Burma's 2014 chairing of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), a 10-country regional bloc. The one-year leadership post culminates in a major summit involving leaders from China, Japan, India and the United States, meaning any security breach at the SEA Games will be taken seriously at the international level. Competing countries such as Malaysia and the Philippines have voiced concerns about possible security threats during the Games, but have stopped short of saying they will not participate. Following the blasts, Malaysia's Youth and Sports Minister Khairy Jamaluddin told Malaysian media in October that "we will evaluate the security situation there before we send out athletes. For now, we are sticking to our original plan to send a contingent to the Games." The SEA Games organizing committee has a security section overseen by Burma's Home Affairs Ministry, and Myat Thura Soe, international relations secretary at the Myanmar National Olympic Committee, told The Irrawaddy that he was confident that the Games would pass without any security breach or worse—and without overly zealous checks slowing up the tens of thousands of spectators expected to attend the events over the course of the Games. "Even without the recent bombs, security was a key focus for us," he said. "Security is always a major issue for sporting competitions, ever since Black September at the Munich Olympics," he added, referring to the murder of 11 Israeli athletes by Palestinian terrorists at the 1972 Summer Olympics in the former West Germany. As well as "suspicious packages" and similar verbiage lifted from the security wonk lexicon, officials will be on the lookout for other, less-deadly public order transgressions at the upcoming SEA Games. Millions of Burmese chew betel nut, a mild stimulant said to increase alertness. In Rangoon and elsewhere across Burma, it is common to see betel nut-chewing taxi drivers and street vendors—their teeth stained red like a hapless boxers'—expelling reddened gobs of phlegm and saliva across the city's fractured pavements. But those Burmese fond of a chew and spit will have to kick the habit, temporarily at least, when inside the pristine new Wunna Theikdi compound. "In other countries they put up notices about no smoking, no drinking. In Myanmar we have to add one more: no spitting," Myat Thura Soe chuckled, pointing to a stadium sign reminding visitors that spitting is proscribed. The post Security In, Spitting Out for SEA Games appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Karen State Day Celebrated in Hpa-an Posted: 11 Nov 2013 01:33 AM PST Karen traditional dancers wait to perform at a fair in Karen State Day in the state capital Hpa-an. Click on the box below to see more photos. (Photo: Brennan O'Connor / The Irrawaddy) HPA-AN, Karen State — Hundreds of people in Hpa-an attended the 58th Karen State Day, a holiday marked by the state government, which organized a fair and a traditional dance competition. The event, which is not recognized by rebel groups such as the Karen National Union and the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, drew hundreds of families, who came to enjoy the fair and a competition between 10 traditional Karen dance groups. The post Karen State Day Celebrated in Hpa-an appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Chelsea Survive, Liverpool and Saints Shine Posted: 10 Nov 2013 09:45 PM PST Liverpool’s Luis Suarez (left) scores a goal against Fulham during their English Premier League match at Anfield in Liverpool, northern England Nov. 9, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) LONDON — Chelsea's Eden Hazard scored a controversial penalty deep into stoppage time to salvage a 2-2 draw against West Bromwich Albion on Saturday and preserve Jose Mourinho's unbeaten home Premier League record. Referee Andre Marriner was surrounded by furious West Brom players after Brazilian midfielder Ramires went down under what appeared to be an innocuous challenge from Steven Reid. Belgian international Hazard, fined and left out of the squad for the Champions League match with Schalke 04 by Mourinho for losing his passport, returning from France late and missing a training session, made amends by keeping his cool to score. The draw took Mourinho's unbeaten home league record at Stamford Bridge to 66 matches following 60 unbeaten games in his first spell there between 2004 and 2007. However, his team could hardly have left it any later with West Brom seconds away from their first league win at Stamford Bridge since 1978. Although Chelsea blew the chance to close the gap on leaders Arsenal to two points, Liverpool made no mistake, crushing a woeful Fulham side 4-0 at Anfield to move up to second. Southampton were the other big winners, beating Hull City 4-1 at St Mary's to go third. Arsenal, who play Manchester United at Old Trafford on Sunday, top the table with 25 points from 10 matches, followed by Liverpool on 23, Southampton with 22, and Chelsea on 21. Everton, who drew 0-0 at bottom side Crystal Palace, and Tottenham Hotspur, who play Newcastle United at home on Sunday, both have 20 points. Mourinho Convinced Mourinho told Sky Sports he was convinced it was a penalty. "When a penalty comes in the last minute of stoppage time it is always a dramatic situation. But I am sure it was a penalty. "I have watched it on the screen after the match from different angles and different speeds and there is no doubt it was a penalty. "We should have had a free-kick when West Bromwich scored their second goal so if someone should be upset with the referee it is Chelsea," he added. "I just know it's hard when you get a penalty against you in the last minute and you are winning the game it is hard to accept." Reid told Sky he thought the penalty was harsh. "It was very soft. There was obviously contact there but it was a fair shoulder-to-shoulder challenge and Ramires has gone to ground very easily," he said. West Brom manager Steve Clarke, 11 years a Chelsea player and Mourinho's former assistant at the Bridge, was angry about the decision, even though Mourinho kissed him on the cheek at the end of the game. "It was not a penalty. I am sad, I am angry. But I am also very proud of my players because we were magnificent today and we deserved to get the three points and if we play like that for the rest of the season we'll be good. "[Jose] has to say it's a penalty. He's in the opposition dugout. We had a great chance to make it 3-1 before the non-penalty. It is ridiculous to have to take that, because it wasn't a penalty." Samuel Eto'o put Chelsea ahead shortly before halftime but goals from Shane Long and Stephane Sessegnon in an eight-minute spell midway through the second period gave West Brom a lead they held until the dying embers of the match. Suarez Double While Chelsea were grasping for a point, Liverpool sailed serenely to all three, crushing Fulham 4-0 with Luis Suarez scoring twice to take his tally to eight in six league matches since returning from suspension. An own goal by Fulham's Fernando Amorebieta opened the scoring, Martin Skrtel, whose last goal for Liverpool was against Fulham in December, made it 2-0 after 26 minutes before Suarez sealed the points with the first of his double in the 36th. He added another goal in the second half. Southampton were impressive in their win over Hull City with goals from Morgan Schneiderlin, Rickie Lambert, who converted his 33rd career penalty in 33 attempts, and Adam Lallana, with a superb individual goal, putting them 3-0 ahead after 37 minutes. Steven Davis added a fourth in the 88th. The win completed a fine week for the south-coast club after Lambert, Lallana and forward Jay Rodriguez were included in Roy Hodgson's England squad for this month's friendlies with Chile and Germany while Saints Argentine boss Mauricio Pochettino was named Premier League Manager of the Month on Friday. Aston Villa ended seven-and-a-half hours without a league goal when Leandro Bacuna scored after 76 minutes to set them on the way to a 2-0 win over Cardiff City, with Libor Kozak adding a second in the 83rd minute. Struggling Norwich City bounced back from last week's 7-0 hammering at Manchester City, coming from behind to beat West Ham United 3-1 at Carrow Road in the evening kickoff. The result took some of the pressure off manager Chris Hughton and lifted the Canaries out of the relegation zone for the first time since the end of September as they ended the day in 15th place, one position and one point above the Hammers. The post Chelsea Survive, Liverpool and Saints Shine appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

China’s Cautious Land-Reform Tests Cast Doubt on Big Urban Vision Posted: 10 Nov 2013 09:24 PM PST A local woman pushes a pram with two babies as she walks home over a field in the village of Qigang, a rural area where Shanghai's Disneyland is set to be built, in this November 2009 file photo. (Photo: Reuters) CHENGDU — Tan Yingyu is one of China’s 200 million migrant workers and like many he is stuck: he does not want to return to his village but also cannot become a legal resident in the city of Chengdu, where he has worked for nearly 20 years. His dilemma highlights a key issue for China’s reformist leaders as they look for ways to encourage more people to move to cities to help turn a credit- and investment-driven economy into a consumer-powered one. If rural Chinese are given formal rights to their land, they could cash in its value and feel more secure about moving to work in cities. If they are given residency status in cities, rather than having it tied to their home village, they would have access to social welfare, making it more likely they would spend more or move their family to live in the cities too. Without reform of land and residency rights, a government urbanization drive may fall behind, endangering broader economic reform and even risking social unrest. "I won’t go back to work the land, but I cannot afford to buy a property here – prices are too high," said Tan, pointing to towering apartment blocks in the southwestern city of Chengdu. Top leaders are meeting in secret in Beijing to plot an economic agenda for the next decade, and will be looking at pilot schemes in Chengdu and elsewhere that are testing land and residency reform for clues on what changes to make. But the Chengdu pilot program and others that allow farmers to lease or sell their land have shown the process is slow and tangled with problems, raising questions about how quickly they could be scaled up nationally. Reforms in the 1980s assigned farmland to households but reserved formal ownership to the village collective. Land certificates are imprecise at best and many rural households lack documentation, although Beijing has tasked the provinces with registering title to land nationwide over the next five years. The lack of clear land rights makes many farmers vulnerable to land grabs by local administrations for development, a major source of government revenue and equally a major source of discontent among farmers who say they are not compensated fairly. "Pilots in Chongqing and Chengdu are slow," said Tao Ran, an economist at Renmin University in Beijing. "It’s not an ideological problem, but a problem of interests," he said. "Local governments still want to monopolize land sales and repay their debt." Another Dilemma Closely tied to land reform is a need to relax a rigid household registration system, which means Tan has no access to social welfare, such as medical care, outside of his home village. The lack of status reduces the incentive for rural Chinese to move to urban areas. Tan does not want to formally cut his ties with his village 90 km (56 miles) away because he cannot sell the fifth of a hectare of land his family has tended for more than 50 years. It is now looked after by a relative. But until he cuts his ties, he cannot register as a resident of Chengdu, where he trades in second-hand furniture and appliances. His wife also works in Chengdu, while his daughter and son work elsewhere in China. Only his mother remains in the village. Land reform and household registration are two key issues if China is to succeed in its plan to persuade 390 million rural dwellers – equivalent to the U.S. population – to migrate to urban areas. That itself is central to the broader plan to develop an economy led more by domestic consumption as Beijing looks for new economic drivers after three decades of double-digit growth. Even if farmers or rural households do not want to lease or sell their land, the lack of recognized legal rights reduces their incentive to develop businesses where they live. The pilot programs in Chengdu and other cities have been testing reforms of the established land rules, rooted in China communist ideology, and the household registration system, which dates back to 1958. The project in Chengdu allows farmers or village landholders to sell their land rights on an exchange, getting cash in return. But the watchword is caution. "The steps cannot be too big," said Hou Peng, a senior official at the Chengdu Agriculture Equity Exchange. "Land reforms are very complicated. The interests of many people will be affected," Hou told Reuters in an interview inside the exchange’s new building, where big electronic screens display land deals. Hou said land reform has to be gradual to maintain social stability by ensuring farmers do not rush to sell their land before they have secured long-term jobs in cities. The last thing that the central government would want is cities filling rapidly with unemployed migrants. Limitations Although Chengdu’s model and others offer farmers a cash-out option, they still have their limitations. First, only the state can designate farmland for construction use, which is where big profits lie, under a national policy to ensure a minimum of 120 million hectares is put aside for farmland. Transferring farming rights to someone else is more likely to generate an income stream, rather than big profits. One option being considered by policymakers is to allow farmers to use land rights to secure bank loans, or turn them into shares in large-scale farming companies, government economists say. Possibly the biggest difficulty reformers have to overcome is an inherent conflict of interest on the part of local authorities where migrants are registered. Compensating them fairly for land sales would help achieve national urbanization goals. But seizure of farmland by local governments, with little or no compensation, is widespread and sparks tens of thousands of protests a year. So local authorities will be reluctant to support changes that might mean they can profit less from land sales, unless they are allowed to raise revenues in other ways or the distribution of revenues between local and central government is shifted in their favor. Such changes would require major fiscal and tax reforms. "Local authorities want to monopolize land supply through requisition. Allowing rural collective land to enter the market will break that monopoly," said Shi Xiaomin, vice head of China Society of Economic Reform, a government think-tank. Even so, in the case of Chengdu, government revenue from land sales still far outstrips land sales by farmers in the exchange scheme. Chengdu government land sales were 36.7 billion yuan in just the first eight months of this year, local media reports said. Land transactions on the exchange since 2008 have totaled 20-30 billion yuan, Hou’s figures show. A Tsinghua University survey showed that 64 million Chinese households have had their land seized or homes demolished over decades of rapid urbanization, leaving many feeling disaffected. "The government says it is building the new countryside, but the purpose is to appropriate our land for their own development," said 62-year-old Li in Xinfu village, part of Chengdu, who only gave his surname. His house was demolished earlier this year and he has been promised a new home in 2-3 years. The post China’s Cautious Land-Reform Tests Cast Doubt on Big Urban Vision appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

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Democratic Voice of Burma

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• Burmese Buddhists protest OIC visit
• MSF suspends Pauktaw operations after ‘misunderstandings’
• Burma looks to its lucky stars for SEA Games success
• Burmese firms look to list on Singapore Exchange

Burmese Buddhists protest OIC visit Posted: 12 Nov 2013 03:34 AM PST Hundreds of Buddhist monks and civilians staged a demonstration in Rangoon on Tuesday to protest a visit to Burma by representatives of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) scheduled for the following day. Around 500 protestors marched from the eastern gate of Shwedagon Pagoda to the City Hall at around 1pm. "We don't want foreign countries meddling with our racial and religious affairs – we don't want OIC representatives discussing our racial and religious affairs," said Buddhist monk Parmouhka of Magwe Pariyatti Monastery in Rangoon's North Dagon township. "If they [OIC] set up an office in our country it will create religious riots. This is our country and we want it to be under our rule." Related Stories Burma's half-hearted attempt to stop anti-Muslim pogroms Political party leader detained in connection with Sandoway riots Terrified Muslims hiding in forests: AP Meanwhile, another 300 people held a similar protest in Insein township, on the other side of the city. Organisers of both demonstrations received official permission from local authorities to stage the protests. "We don't want the OIC in Burma, and we would like the people of our country to be aware of the Citizenship Law," said Naung Taw Lay, a protest organiser. "We are calling for action to be taken against corrupt government officials and the animals who are trying to become citizens of our country by deceitful means." The OIC delegation – which arrives on Wednesday and is due to visit Arakan state on Thursday – will consist of high-level officials and foreign ministers from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Turkey, Bangladesh, Indonesia and Malaysia. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, the general secretary of the OIC, recently told a Saudi news agency that the delegation aimed to show the Islamic world that it was paying serious attention to the plight of the Rohingya Muslims in Burma. But the Burmese government's Deputy Information Minister Ye Htut said the OIC delegation was only on a routine diplomatic mission. "This trip has nothing to do with the OIC opening an office in this country," he said. "The government of Burma will never approve anything that will harm the sovereignty of our nation and we want our people to know that." He added that the Burmese government had only arranged for the OIC delegation to observe the rehabilitation process for Rohingyas and to meet with leaders of both communities as well as representatives of political parties." The OIC delegation is also scheduled to meet with Burmese government officials and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi during their visit.

MSF suspends Pauktaw operations after ‘misunderstandings’ Posted: 12 Nov 2013 01:36 AM PST Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), along with other international NGOs, is suspending operations in Arakan state's Pauktaw township following what it has termed "misunderstandings" that led to tensions with local Arakanese Buddhists. Michele Trainiti, MSF's liaison officer for Arakan state, told DVB via his translator that several NGOs have temporarily suspended some of their operations in Pauktaw township following an altercation with local Arakanese Buddhists earlier this month. "Some organisations have temporarily cut operations in the Pauktaw region due to a misunderstanding among the local public," said Trainiti. "We can only speak for MSF, but we are working closely with the government and will resume normal operations as soon as the situation gets better. We have currently cut down operations with our [mobile] boat clinic." Related Stories DVB Debate: Burmacare – developing the healthcare system in Burma MSF slams 'politicisation' of aid in Arakan state Fifty Rohingya feared drowned as boat sinks off Arakan coast He said that MSF was informed on 2 November that there were four patients with gunshot wounds at a Muslim IDP camp in Pauktaw. The group transported three of them – the ones with serious conditions – to Sittwe hospital. MSF staff were later informed that two Arakanese Buddhists had also been submitted to the hospital with wounds. "The major misunderstanding is that the Arakanese [Buddhist] public think we were aware of the two Arakanese [Buddhist] patients but decided not to help them," said Trainiti. "This is not true – as an organisation providing medical assistance, we have never discriminated against a patient; we have never made considerations based on one's race and religion, but only on their condition." Residents of Sittwe later staged a protest in the town accusing MSF of bias against Buddhists. The Arakan state government then summoned several NGOs last week and warned them against the alleged bias.

Burma looks to its lucky stars for SEA Games success Posted: 12 Nov 2013 01:00 AM PST With just one month to go till the Southeast Asian (SEA) Games begins in Burma, it has not escaped our attention that the opening ceremony in Naypyidaw will take place on 11.12.13, a catchy and auspicious date. Everyone remembers that the former military generals of Burma – and none more so than dictator Gen. Ne Win – enjoyed a dark penchant for numerology, and a superstitious inclination toward the number 9. Still, it's probably no more than a coincidence that the numerals from that date, 1, 1, 1, 2, 1 and 3, add up to nine. Some mystic conspiracy theorists might also point to the fact that these are the 27th SEA Games (2 + 7 = 9) or the fact that it is 44 years since Burma last hosted this event, making a nice sequence: 11, 22, 33, 44 – when one invokes the notion that the games will take place between the 11 and 22 of December, will feature 33 sports events, and is hosted in Burma for the first time in 44 years. Even those among us who do not regard these numbers as ominous will acknowledge that Southeast Asians, Buddhists in particular, put much weight on selecting auspicious dates and times for important events. Indeed it is highly possible that one of Burma's famous soothsayers played a hand in helping the games committee tackle the challenges they were tasked with when the country was controversially awarded the honour of hosting this sports extravaganza back in 2010. Related Stories It’s a knock out Thein Sein inspects SEA Games stadiums Para Games athletes slam ‘unfair’ conditions The logistical mountain facing the remote Burmese capital appears to have been conquered. The preparations have been all-encompassing. The main Wunna Theikdi stadium has taken three years to build but is ready on time, looking pristine and appropriate for international sporting gladiators with a capacity of 30,000 spectators. Visas on arrival are being offered to tourists during the games in order to boost attendances. More flights, buses and tours to Naypyidaw are to be laid on. Fearing that the swelling of activity causes an electricity blackout, large generators have been brought in. Speaking to The Irrawaddy recently, an anonymous official said that if a power cut occurred during the opening or closing ceremonies, the loss of face would be so severe that the responsible officials and ministers would be fired. Some US$6 million is being spent on security training for hotel staff, and CCTV security cameras are to be installed at all major hotels. A Filipino sports official had earlier expressed his concerns about the security situation following a series of bomb blasts in Rangoon and other parts of the country; however SEA Games Operations Committee Chairman Zaw Winn, who is also Burma's deputy minister of sports, told Channel News Asia that the Ministry of Home Affairs has made the necessary security arrangements for the event and that he "is not worried" about their ability to provide security for visitors. ATMs are suddenly sprouting up in the capital, and to counter the current lack of telecommunications services, the government has announced it will hand out 30,000 free temporary SIM cards to athletes and trainers. Local authorities are hoping that 1,000 taxis will be on the streets of Naypyidaw during the games to cater for the hundreds of thousands of spectators, tourists, athletes, officials and media who will descend en mass for those 11 days. In total, the bill the Burmese government will pick up for the SEA Games is estimated to be in the region of 340 billion kyat (US$350 million). Nonetheless, excitement levels are high and many Burmese are rightly proud to play host to this event. LED screens are to be installed in public areas around Naypyidaw so that non-paying spectators can enjoy the sporting feast, while a proposal to close schools to allow students and children to watch the games is presently being discussed. The government is clearly determined to make the SEA Games a success and to use the event as a springboard ahead of Burma's assumption of the chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014. President Thein Sein has urged all Burmese sportsmen and women to do their best and to win as many of the 1,557 medals as possible. Sports Minister Tint Hsan has set the Burmese team a goal of 100 gold medals. The last time Burma hosted the SEA Games in 1969, they won a record 57 golds. Winning a gold medal in the men's football would be the highest aspiration of most Burmese sports fans. Burma's "dream team" of the 1960s, known as the White Angels, last won gold at the 1973 SEA Games in Singapore, after dominating the event for a decade with triumphs in 1965, 1967, 1969 and 1971. "The football gold medal is very important," Deputy Sports Minister Thaung Htike told Singapore Today. "If we have no gold medals in other sports … but the men get gold in football, the whole nation will be happy." The team finished third in 2011 but has been preparing well for this year's tournament with a tough pair of practice matches against high-ranking South Korea and Japan. In last week's draw for the men's football, Burma was drawn against East Timor, Cambodia, and two of the competition's favourites, Thailand and Indonesia. All matches will take place at the Zayar Thiri Stadium in Naypyidaw and a feverish partisan atmosphere is eagerly anticipated. But whether Burma emerges triumphant or not, most Burmese will settle for a well-organised and peaceful 11 days of sport, hoping that the TV exposure of the Golden Land to the rest of the region will bring some much-needed prestige to the country.

Burmese firms look to list on Singapore Exchange Posted: 11 Nov 2013 07:57 PM PST At Rangoon International Airport, large blue and white signs in the arrival and departure halls promote Singapore’s stock exchange as the go-to destination for Burmese businesses seeking capital. The advertisements underscore Singapore’s nascent role as a magnet for Burma's companies eager to grow as their country emerges from decades of isolation but frustrated by its crippled banking system and barely existing financial markets. Lawyers and financial advisors who work closely with Burmese firms say about six to 10 companies are considering a listing in Singapore over the next couple of years. “Many Burmese business owners admire the reputation of Singapore Inc and look forward to raising their own prestige that comes with a Singapore listing,” said Kim Huat Chia, head of corporate & capital markets at Singapore law firm Rajah & Tann. But hurdles to successful offerings are high. Singapore’s bourse says while it has seen interest from Burmese companies, they will have to meet its corporate governance standards. For many businesses, that’s still quite a distant goal, lawyers and bankers said. Related Stories Business Weekly Business Weekly Suu Kyi: “Reconciliation needed between all groups” That’s further complicated by several Burmese tycoons being on a U.S. sanction list, accused of making their fortunes by colluding with the former military junta, which was notorious for corruption and human rights abuses. While the European Union ended sanctions this year, the United States has only suspended them. The potential for resistance from Burma's government, which is planning its own stock exchange, has also made some local businesses wary about tapping capital markets offshore. To date, only one Burmese firm has managed to list in Singapore – Yoma Strategic Holdings Ltd, which listed in 2006 through a reverse takeover. The property and car sales conglomerate led by tycoon Serge Pun now counts Capital Group, Aberdeen Asset Management and Vanguard among its top 10 shareholders and has seen its share price quadruple since early 2012 on investor interest in the hot frontier economy. It’s only natural that other Burmese firms would want to follow suit. “To this day in Burma, there’s no stock market, no bond market, no banking market to talk about. There are quite a few companies that are asset-rich but have no source of liquidity,” said Andrew Rickards, chief executive of Yoma. “If it was smart to do an RTO (reverse takeover) in 2006 for Yoma, it’s absolutely necessary now for companies to have access to international markets.” But if corporate Burma is drawn by Yoma’s example, it is also wary of what happened to Zaw Zaw, one of Burma's most powerful businessmen. Singapore Exchange Ltd effectively rejected in April a proposed reverse takeover deal that would have seen Zaw Zaw inject his petrol kiosk business into bed linen retailer Aussino Group Ltd. It said it was “unable to proceed with the review of the application as major issues have not been adequately resolved.” Among these concerns, it cited Zaw Zaw’s placement on the U.S. sanctions list and the lack of clarity as to why he was on it. Zaw Zaw could not be reached for comment. Burma’s corporate landscape is dominated by about 20 large conglomerates, with the biggest ones estimated to employ as many as 30,000 people each. For those and smaller Burmese companies seeking funds, bank loans are often hard to obtain, with urban land usually demanded as collateral and interest rates high, said Aung Thura, CEO of Rangoon-based research and capital markets firm Thura Swiss. The country does have an over-the-counter bourse, the Myanmar Securities Exchange Centre (MSEC), but it has only two listed firms. When the stocks are traded, which is very rarely, payments are normally made in cash. A few companies have gone public, but not on the MSEC. Instead they sell shares from their offices or even in public places, letting people know by taking a newspaper advertisement or just through word of mouth, Aung Thura said. While Burma’s government is working to establish a stock exchange by 2015 with the help of Japan’s Daiwa Securities Group , many in Burmese business circles worry that the deadline may be pushed back. Still, going offshore may risk incurring the displeasure of the government. A senior executive at a Burmese resources firm said several companies have been informally warned by authorities not to list in other markets such as Singapore. Burmese officials have denied issuing such warnings. “We haven’t protested against any company concerning this and nor have we received any confirmed information about Burmese companies planning to be listed in Singapore,” said Aung Naing Oo, director general of the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration, part of the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development. For now, most Burmese firms are reluctant to be too forthcoming about fund raising plans, preferring to keep their options open, which may also include partnering with a strategic or private equity investor. City Mart Holding Co Ltd, which runs Burma’s biggest supermarket chain, is considering a Singapore listing, but it is also weighing other alternatives, a company spokeswoman said. Aung Zaw Naing, managing director of construction and hydropower conglomerate Shwe Taung Group of Companies, says his company’s plan “depends on the situation of the stock market that will emerge here soon.” For investors keen on Burma's story, some of the first listings are likely to be Burma-focused firms that are part of an international group. Mongolia-based Silk Road Finance is considering a Singapore listing within three years for Mandalay Capital, a unit that provides corporate and advisory services to Burmese firms and international investors, its chairman Alisher Ali told Reuters. Singapore-listed engineering firm ISDN Holdings Ltd , which has joined hands with Tun Thwin Mining Co Ltd to build and run a coal-fired power plant in northwest Burma, said last month it may look at separate listings for its coal-related ventures in Burma.

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Democratic Voice of Burma

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• Tavoy farmers demand return of lands seized in 1990
• Electric Power Minister promises to review price hike
• Beer battle brewing in Burma
• Release of political prisoners discussed in Rangoon
• Over 99 percent of Rangoonites support amending the constitution, says NLD

Tavoy farmers demand return of lands seized in 1990 Posted: 11 Nov 2013 05:09 AM PST Local farmers in the Tenasserim division coastal town of Tavoy staged a protest on Monday morning demanding a return of farmlands confiscated by the military and associate companies in 1990, allegedly without the landowners' knowledge in many cases. More than 100 farmers, supported by hundreds of other residents of Tavoy, officially known as Dawei, marched around the town chanting for the return of their lands, and demanding that they be allowed to register as landholders and that construction projects currently in progress on said lands are suspended. "We are protesting because we want our land back," said Tavoy farmer Tun Tun Win. "I had about 14 acres of land confiscated, and altogether in Tavoy, there are around 300 acres of farmland confiscated from some 60 farmers." Yi Yi Htay, another farmer, said she was joining the rally after an application to register her farmland had been rejected. Related Stories Shan dam causes waves Thai govt tries to breathe life into Dawei Thilawa residents draw lots for 'substitute' lands "For decades we had been working on our land every day and had paid tax up to year 2011," she told DVB. "But when I applied to register the land under the nationwide land registration scheme in 2012, my application was rejected under the claim that the land in question was confiscated back in 1990. "We never even knew about this land seizure back in 1990," she said. Than Win, a spokesperson for the farmers, urged the authorities to negotiate. "The concerned authorities should suspend construction projects on the land in dispute," he said. "They must also provide compensation to the landowners if buildings have already been completed, and allow them to register as the genuine holders of the land that has been left unused." Than Win added that the farmers will continue protesting until their demands are met. However, according to Kyaw Swe, the Tavoy district government administrative director, the government authorities have already provided compensation for the confiscated plots of land. "The authorities already paid compensation," he said. "A 40 x 60ft plot was valued at 10 million kyat [US$10,000] when the land was confiscated, and this money was paid to about 30 farmers. Now there are just 24 remaining to be accept the offer. We can compensate them in accordance with the new Land Law adopted in August 2012." He added that when the land was seized in 1990, none of the framers made any complaint. Monday's protest originated from a confrontation at the end of October when officials ordered fences built around several farms in Tavoy's Sanche ward and started dumping soil on the farmers' rice fields which at the time were waiting to be harvested. There are around 40,000 acres of farmland and more than 3,000 farmers in Tavoy township. Land prices in the area have greatly escalated as plans continue for the construction of a special economic zone (SEZ) featuring factories, power stations and a sea-port in Tavoy, backed by the Thai and Burmese governments. The SEZ will include a highway linking Tavoy to Bangkok.

Electric Power Minister promises to review price hike Posted: 11 Nov 2013 04:24 AM PST Speaking at a meeting with political parties at the Myanmar Peace Centre in Rangoon on Sunday, Burma's Minister of Electric Power Khin Maung Soe apologised to the public for the recent increase in electricity prices and promised that the decision would be reviewed in parliament. "I would like to extend my apologies for my shortcomings," he said. "We will listen to the people's voice and undertake procedures in accordance with suggestions by the union parliament. We urge political parties to point out our ministry's shortcomings and oversights, and recommend what needs be done." His comments came after demonstrations and candlelit vigils against the increased electricity costs were held in Rangoon and Mandalay. State media reported on Saturday that the Ministry of Electric Power would raise the issue of electricity rates in parliament. According to The New Light of Myanmar, Aye Mauk, the secretary of the Planning and Financial Development Committee, submitted an urgent proposal calling on the Union Government to review the Ministry of Electric Power's announcement that November's household electricity rates will increase by about double for every unit used over 100 kilowatts. Related Stories Irrawaddy villagers protest over fishing rights Thai firm says no to Burma due to unreliable electricity supply Two Arakan locals jailed for protesting Rohingya resettlement The current rate for supplying electricity to households across Burma stands at 25 kyat per unit. According to the ministry's proposed hike, it is set to increase to 35 kyat per unit, and house owners who use more than 100 units will be charged 50 kyat per unit. For commercial usage, the current rate is 75 kyat per unit, but is set to increase to 100 kyat, and 150 kyat per unit for businesses using more than 5,000 units per month. Speaking at a Fisheries Association meeting on 5 November, Toe Nandar Tin, a cold storage factory operator, said that fishery companies would have to suspend cold storage operations if the electricity rates are increased. She said that her commercial electricity bill, previously fluctuating around 4 million kyat (US$4,000) per month, will jump to around $8 million if the price hike goes ahead. She warned that factories may be forced to close down and many jobs would be lost. Asia Myanmar iron smelter Aung Myo also warned that Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) would be seriously affected. "Doubling fees from 75 kyat to 150 kyat will be implausible for SME operators as we simply cannot afford to double the price of our products," he said. Meanwhile, it was announced last week that the Asian Development Bank (ADB) has offered Burma a cheap long-term loan of $60 million to reduce the power losses it suffers through operating antiquated and dilapidated transmission equipment. Minister Khin Maung Soe admitted that up to 18 percent of electricity is lost during transmission, The Myanmar Times reported. The bank loan recommended by the ADB will be used to build new power transmission infrastructure in areas outside Rangoon and Mandalay, which should lead to a significant reduction in electricity losses, Khin Maung Soe said, adding that the loan would be repaid over 24 years at 1.5 percent interest. Burma has an overall electricity generation capacity of only 4,000 megawatts, compared with 30,000 megawatts in neighbouring Thailand, which has a similar sized population. Much of the electricity distribution network is confined to a corridor between Rangoon and Mandalay. Just 7 percent of all rural villages in Burma – a little more than 4,700 of nearly 65,000 small towns and village tracts across the country – are able to enjoy a supply of electricity from the national power grid. Nearly 13,000 villages, around 20 percent of the total number, attain electrical power from generators while some 21,000 are powered up by mini-hydropower, solar and biogas generators.

Beer battle brewing in Burma Posted: 11 Nov 2013 04:11 AM PST A legal dispute between a Thai-owned conglomerate and its military-linked local partner over Myanmar Brewery Ltd is shaping up as a crucial test for foreign investment in Burma, also known as Myanmar. The Myanmar Brewery partners of nearly two decades began feuding after the takeover of the Singapore conglomerate Fraser & Neave (F&N) this year by companies controlled by Thailand's richest man, Charoen Sirivadhanabhakdi. Although information about the confidential arbitration is scarce, analysts say the case is centred on an assertion by Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings (UMEHL), the military's investment arm, that it should have been given an option to buy F&N's 55 percent stake in Myanmar Brewery before the deal with Mr Charoen's Thai Beverage Plc went ahead. F&N released a statement shortly after receiving the arbitration notice in August that it would "vigorously resist" claims that it broke the terms of the joint-venture agreement. While Myanmar Brewery does not publish separate financial results, the Internal Revenue Department listed it as the country's largest commercial taxpayer for the 2012-13 financial year. Foreign investors will be keeping a close eye on the dispute: if the arbitration is seen to be handled unfairly, many will likely reconsider investing in Southeast Asia's last frontier market, where joint ventures with a local partner are compulsory across many sectors. "Partnering up with a military investment vehicle such as UMEHL is a double-edged sword. Of course, having UMEHL on your side means having easier access to permits, land and so forth — but it also leaves [a foreign company] vulnerable in case of disputes," said an analyst who spoke to on condition of anonymity. Related Stories Business Weekly World Bank lauds Burma's growth, but warns against inflation Thai govt tries to breathe life into Dawei However, the analyst said that the heavy attention the case has attracted internationally could be a game changer in a country where lack of transparency and impunity have been the norm for decades. "Suddenly there is more international attention on the case than I think UMEHL would have wanted," the analyst said. "It is shaping up to become a litmus test of the regime's commitment to the rule of law, so perhaps UMEHL won't be able to trump [its opponent] through their will as they would have in the past." Not every joint venture in Burma is fated to end acrimoniously; however a high degree of caution is necessary, particularly as Burmese waters are largely untested. "I wouldn't say that you shouldn't do joint ventures in Myanmar, but this case highlights the need to do your homework properly and know who you are going to bed with," the analyst said. In any case, Myanmar Brewery has other concerns at the moment, including increased competition. Mr Charoen's former business partner, Carlsberg of Denmark, held an opening ceremony for its second largest expansion programme in Asia on Oct 21, when it opened a factory in Pegu [Bago]. Myanmar Carlsberg Co Ltd is a joint venture between the Carlsberg Group and the country's top selling beverage company, Myanmar Golden Star (MGS). According to Myanmar Carlsberg managing director Daniel Sjogren, the factory will create more than 500 jobs on the 54-acre site that is less than 90 minutes away from Rangoon [Yangon]. Pegu will also become home to a major new international airport in 2016. "The potential for growth in the beer market in Myanmar is promising. It has one of the lowest beer per capita consumption rates in Asia, with only four litres per person in a country with a population of more than 60 million," said Thant Zin Tun, a board director of Myanmar Carlsberg. But the consumption of beer is still limited and people in Burma are more accustomed to drinking cheaper whiskey than beer, which ends up costing more. "Most people prefer whiskey, because it's much cheaper than beer. However we would expect to see beer consumption increase as incomes rise in the next few years," Marita Schimpl, head of marketing research at Myanmar Survey Research told the Bangkok Post. Burma has a host of low-end, low-cost rums and whiskeys available on the market. According to May Lwin Oo deputy general manager of Victory Myanmar Group, which owns Mandalay Rum, a product that boasts a 75 percent market share of rums and whiskey and sells more than 15 million litres a year, "Sales figures [of Mandalay Rum] have not been affected by any increase in beer consumption." In addition to the lifting of most sanctions imposed by the US and EU, Burma's beer market has also seemingly overcome another major stumbling block for investors: illegal imports. According to Thailand's Tak Chamber of Commerce, monthly imports from Thailand to Burma through Mae Sot were estimated at 3 billion baht (US$100 million). Others said this figure was conservative. A transport network used to bring beer from Thai border points to a warehouse in Rangoon. The warehouse, which employs four workers on a commission basis, then sold the beer to outdoor pubs and shops, often at a lower price than for local beers such as Myanmar Beer. "When I reached Myawaddy I'd make a call to Myanmar nationals living in Mae Sot, and 30 minutes later the beer would arrive," says driver Phoe Nge. Phoe Nge usually transported 700 cases of beer during the four-day round trips. "I never paid tax on beer during the military government's regime — I just paid a bit of money under the table. It wasn't problem," he shrugged. But this new government says, 'You can bring in beer, but you have to pay tax on it.' The government is bringing in containers of beer and it's cheaper than I can get it for now." In September 2012, Phoe Nge made his last trip ferrying beer as his warehouse boss switched to the electronics trade. One gate is manned by the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), who Phoe Nge said do not ask for tax. However the Shan rebels demand a payment of half the government's rate of tax. "But it's very dangerous to go along these side roads — I could get shot," he said. Jessica Mudditt is a freelance reporter based in Rangoon. Read more from her at: www.jessicamudditt.com This article was first published in the Bangkok Post on 11 November 2013.

Release of political prisoners discussed in Rangoon Posted: 11 Nov 2013 04:01 AM PST The Burmese government held a meeting with leaders from different political parties on Sunday to discuss plans to release all remaining political prisoners in Burma, state media reports. President's office ministers Aung Min and Soe Thane raised the matter at a meeting with dozens of parliamentarians in Rangoon, according to the New Light of Myanmar. "The government is making strenuous efforts for [the] release of the remaining political prisoners in cooperation with political parties and civil society organisations," said the paper. A follow-up meeting is reportedly scheduled for December. It follows a pledge made by President Thein Sein in July that all political prisoners would be freed by the end of the year. Thein Sein, who took the reins of a nominally-civilian government in 2011, has already released hundreds of political prisoners – many of whom were arbitrarily arrested for their pro-democracy activities during junta rule. In February, the government formed a multi-stakeholder committee tasked with identifying and releasing all remaining political prisoners in Burma, but its members have complained that the process lacks transparency and fairness. Related Stories 56 political activists to be released from Burma's prisons on Tuesday Ex-political prisoners detail torture methods at Insein President Thein Sein meets 88 Generation leaders All prisoners are currently being released on "conditions" – meaning that if they are deemed to have violated any part of their parole they could be sent back to jail. Thein Sein has also insisted that only "genuine" prisoners may be considered for release, creating difficulties for many ethnic minority rebels allegedly prosecuted for their role in violent or "terrorist" activities. "The prisoners must be real political prisoners. Then, we will present the list of them to the president," reportedly said Soe Thane at Sunday's meeting. It follows media reports that the government is looking to release a fresh set of inmates in the coming weeks. "The president has said several times that there wouldn't be any political prisoners in the country by the end of this year, so we can expect their release any time," said Nyan Win, opposition party member, according to The Irrawaddy last week. Over 70 inmates were released in July, followed by another 53 in October – mostly members from ethnic armed groups, with which the government is seeking to secure a nationwide ceasefire deal. But some 150 political prisoners are estimated to remain behind bars in Burma, according to activists. Human rights groups also warn that dozens of new prisoners of conscience – including land rights activists – continue to be incarcerated despite the government's talk of reform.

Over 99 percent of Rangoonites support amending the constitution, says NLD Posted: 10 Nov 2013 11:32 PM PST More than 99 percent of 20,000 Rangoon voters who participated in the National League for Democracy's (NLD's) recent opinion poll on constitutional reform said they are in favour of amending the constitution, the Burmese opposition party announced on Sunday. According to the NLD, only 120 of people who took part in the survey across the region of Rangoon division said they favoured rewriting the constitution from scratch. The NLD, led by Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, said it began conducting opinion polls in various regions across the country in October and that the road tour included speeches and seminars aimed at educating the public about the pros and cons of the 2008 constitution. Leading NLD officials Tin Oo and lawyers Ko Ni and Kyaw Ho headed the delegation. Related Stories The Lady doth protest too seldom NLD lawyer fined for ballot tampering allegations Ninety percent of Karen locals want constitution changed: survey Tin Oo reportedly addressed crowds in many cities where he said that the 2008 constitution was "flawed" and that the NLD had objected to it since it has been drafted. The NLD said it aims to present its findings to the parliamentary Joint Committee for Reviewing the Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Burma in mid-December. The joint-committee previously set a deadline of 15 November to submit recommendations but recently announced it had extended the date until 31 December.

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Democratic Voice of Burma

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Royal descent – the humble remains of the Thibaw dynasty Posted: 09 Nov 2013 11:02 PM PST In a modest Rangoon apartment, the granddaughter of Burma’s last king lives poor and unrecognised by her neighbours – a far cry from the power and riches of her ancestor. Princess Hteik Su PhayaGyi said the childhood days when her family had a bevy of servants and retained some of its royal status were now a distant memory. The British colonial regime dethroned her grandfather King Thibaw in 1885 and later the military junta, which ruled the country for decades, kept the family out of the public eye. “They didn’t want us to be somebody,” said the silver-haired princess, swathed in a shimmering purple shawl worn especially for the rare interview. “I have lived as an ordinary person for 60 years,” she told AFP. “Of course I repent a little over the glorious times that we had when we were young,” she said, displaying a lively wit undimmed by her 90 years. The demolition of the monarchy, at the end of the third and final war that brought the nation firmly under the colonial yoke, smashed centuries of royal rule in the country. Thibaw and his wife, Queen Supayalat, were swiftly and unceremoniously removed from Burma and deposited in the small Indian seaside town of Ratnagiri. Thibaw died in India aged 56 in 1916, shortly after suffering a heart attack, and the family eventually fractured. Some settled in India while others made their lives in Burma, which remained part of the British empire until 1948 and came under junta rule in 1962. Related Stories Locals upset after upper house speaker snatches historic notebook Burma launches search for "lost city" of Suwarnabhumi Lawyers protest privatisation of historic courthouse A cloak of silence was thrown over the monarchy by successive Burmese regimes that viewed it as a potential rival, while army leaders sought to evoke much earlier warrior royals. “Most of Myanmar [Burma] has forgotten about the king,” said deputy culture minister and royal historian Than Swe, who has spearheaded a campaign to return Thibaw’s body to Burma. A visit by President Thein Sein to Thibaw’s tomb in Ratnagiri during an official trip to India last December reignited interest in Burma’s monarchy. But Than Swe said Burma’s government had more immediate priorities, such as the sweeping reforms implemented since junta rule ended in 2011. Queen Suphayalat’s tomb in Rangoon is barely marked. When the family tried to place a simple sign there to inform visitors of the pedigree of the occupant, the former junta immediately removed it. Thibaw was born into a courtly lifestyle steeped in incredible luxury and his fall was bewilderingly sudden. The royals lived a lavish and isolated existence within the walls of their gilded teak palace in Mandalay. They could only be approached by people crawling on their knees. “This man was a demi-god in Burma. He was worshipped by his people,” said Sudha Shah, author of “The King in Exile: The Fall of the Royal Family of Burma“. “Suddenly he was controlled like a puppet on a string by the British.” The British wanted Thibaw off the throne to appease business and Christian missionary interests in the country, Shah said. They opted for complete destruction of the monarchy, partly due to fierce resistance to their incursion which saw the country flooded with British forces. There were also doubts over finding a pliant royal heir that the British could rule through – Thibaw and his queen notoriously executed dozens of potential rivals for the throne. Restitution of the royal line was vaguely considered as Burma entered independence. But one episode when the military tried to enlist the royal family to help it counter communist insurgents ended the generals’ enthusiasm for the monarchy, Shah said. Local people thronged to catch a glimpse of the family and women knelt and spread their hair on the ground for the family to walk on. “So taken aback were the generals by the depth of public sentiment demonstrated for the royal family, that they no longer involved the family in any further campaigns,” Shah said. The family had a brief period of public activity when the princess and her siblings set up the “Miss Burma” beauty contest – she was in charge of catwalk training. The eldest brother, Prince Taw PhayaGyi, also became involved in the Olympics before he was assassinated by insurgents in 1948. Princess Hteik Su PhayaGyi and her younger brother Prince Taw Phaya, the 89-year-old potential heir of the Konbaung dynasty, are the only surviving grandchildren. The royals, refusing the small allowance offered after the British left, were forced to make their own way in the world. The princess used the impeccable English she learned as a child studying in a Catholic school in the southern city of Moulmein [Mawlamyine] to land positions at both the Australian and US embassies before settling as a teacher – a job she still does today. But a family quarrel in the late 1990s saw her lose her inherited home and end up living “in a hut”. “During the rain the water was up to here,” she said indicating knee-deep flooding. “The snakes come into the house. And leeches.” She now lives with her daughter, who works at a burial association, and said none of her six children, 20 grandchildren and eight great-grandchildren showed an interest in reviving the royal line. She is “grateful” that Thein Sein took the time to visit Ratnagiri but believes her grandfather should not be moved. Several members of the family scraped together the money to travel to India in the early 1990s – her only visit to her grandparents’ home in exile. She recounted her own mother’s stories of the queen standing on a balcony overlooking the Arabian Sea and weeping for her homeland. “When I went there I looked up at that little veranda and the sun was setting. So I said ‘Oh my grandmother must have felt the same’, and I had tears in my eyes.”

The Lady doth protest too seldom Posted: 09 Nov 2013 10:45 PM PST In July last year, shortly after the first wave of violence which engulfed Arakan state had taken place, U Win Tin, the co-founder of the National League for democracy (NLD) and perhaps its most influential figure after Aung San Suu Kyi, told me during an interview at his house in Rangoon that "the problem is these Rohingya foreigners. We have to contain them one way or another, something like what happened in the United States during World War II with the Japanese. The US government contained them in camps and after the war they were sent to Japan or they could apply for citizenship. We can solve this problem that way." The venerated 84-year-old former journalist – considered by many a voice of conscience among the pro-democratic opposition in Burma – said at another point in the conversation: "They [the Rohingyas] want to claim the land; they want to claim to be native. This is not right, that is the problem. But, of course, they have a lot of contact with foreign countries like those in the Middle East, Muslim communities, Indonesia, Malaysia; and this Muslim problem is really great, even all over the world – the problem is too big." The iconic Aung San Suu Kyi has always been less outspoken than Win Tin. But in a recent interview with the BBC she expressed ideas very similar to his, albeit in a characteristically indirect manner. After denying that what is going in Arakan state is an ethnic cleansing, she said that "the reaction of Buddhists is also based on fear," before adding: "I think you will accept that there's a perception that global Muslim power is very great, certainly that is a perception in many parts of the world and in our country too." She did not make the slightest attempt to deny the validity of such a "perception". So, if silence is often as eloquent as words, it would not be unfair to infer that she shares it, as Win Tin unmistakably does. Related Stories Suu Kyi heading on first diplomatic tour of Australia Locals, monks resume sit-in protest at Latpadaung Suu Kyi: I started as a politician not a human rights defender Many people from abroad who have supported the NLD and the pro-democracy camp at large for many years, even among those who are advocating for the downtrodden Rohingya, seem to be reluctant to admit something that by now should be clear to any clear-eyed observer: when it comes to the crisis in Arakan state, the government and most of the opposition, including the NLD and the 88 Generation, are on the same page. Maybe Myo Yan Neung Thein, a known activist since the student protests in 1996 and founder of the Bayda Institute in Rangoon, was not off the point when he told me last year: "The military, Aung San Suu Kyi, the 88 generation students and the politicians, we all share the same opinion about national identity." The opening process initiated two years ago in Burma is offering some hope that the country might change for the first time in five decades. But the transition is also putting into full view some ugly truths about the political realities of the country that the narrative of "good" (the democratic opposition and its supporters abroad) versus "bad" (the Burmese regime and its backers abroad, particularly China) had obscured before. The first, and admittedly the less surprising of all, is that the human rights approach of the so-called international community – with the United States and the European Union at its head – was as easy to discard as the Burmese generals' uniforms who adopted civilian garb to establish a not-so-civilian government two years ago. For years, these countries put pressure with sanctions on the Burmese dictatorship due to its appalling human rights record. Admittedly, it was not a risky strategy, as Burma was considered of only secondary strategic importance. The geopolitical great game was played elsewhere and it was easy to adopt a "principled approach". Now that China is getting too powerful, the US and the EU need to find allies in the region and the ex-generals in Naypyidaw are as good as any other. It doesn't matter that the Burmese government did not reach any of the benchmarks that the EU set to remove sanctions. Last year the EU did exactly that. Apart from the always open debate on the effectiveness of sanctions, this move could only encourage the Burmese regime's sense of impunity. Meanwhile, every world leader, Obama included, seems to be eager to exonerate the Burmese government of any responsibility on the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya in Arakan state and the wave of anti-Muslim violence elsewhere in the country, labeling it as only "sectarian violence". There are two other two ugly truths that are closely linked and are more of a blow to Burma watchers. The first one is that many in the pro-democracy movement have proved easier to co-opt by the government than would be expected after many years of struggle, starting with Aung San Suu Kyi herself. She has defended the corrupt cronies who have made millions out of a rotten system and even accepted presents from them. The second is that the most prominent leaders in the democracy camp and the generals have many more points in common than was immediately recognisable in former times. Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD never had a coherent set of policies, a program or even a clear ideology. She has never spelt out a comprehensive political philosophy or strategy beyond some vagaries about the need for a "revolution of the spirit", the goals of democracy, human rights or, more recently, the need for "rule of law" in the country, without putting much flesh and bones into these concepts. Paradoxically, this very same vagueness played in Suu Kyi's favour during her years of house arrest, as it leaves room for her listeners to read in her words whatever they want to read, regardless of their political leanings. Nonetheless, and although the politics of Aung San Suu Kyi are somewhat of a mystery in details, it is possible to see some of her attitudes and her party's in general terms. Broadly speaking, the most crucial issues that Burma faces today and in the future are fourfold: national identity; the organization of the state; a model for economic development; and its government. Regarding the first, as we have seen, during the last two years it has become clear that the NLD, the 88 Generation, and most of the opposition share the same ideas of nationhood as the generals in Naypyidaw. It is not a looking-forward, all-inclusive and purely civic concept of nationalism able to transcend religion, race or ethnicity, where national allegiance is based on participation in public life. On the contrary, national identity in Burma, as legally enshrined in the infamous 1982 Citizenship Law, is based on an ethno-nationalism rooted in soil and blood which looks to a largely invented past for its foundations and where only the members of a limited set of ethnic groups are considered truly Burmese. This ethno-nationalism is more likely to lead to a sort of "ethnocracy" than to a real democracy. And it is important to remember that it has led to catastrophic outcomes in many other places (the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Nazi Germany …), and it is particularly dangerous in a country with as much diversity as Burma. The issue of the organisation of the state pertains mainly to the autonomy of the ethnic minorities that comprise roughly 40 percent of the population and who inhabit most of the outlying areas of the country, some of whom have been fighting for some sort of autonomy since Burma's independence in 1948. To be fair, when Aung San Suu Kyi was released she called for a second Panglong Conference to try to sort out the issue, but later she has mostly maintained a deafening silence on the issue. As I have argued previously, Suu Kyi has shown little empathy with the ethnic minorities and little understanding of the problems. As in other issues, she and her party have not explained a policy for accommodating the ethnic minorities' demands for greater autonomy and have always given more precedence to the struggle for democracy than to this thorny issue, as if both questions could be separated. Moreover, there is an all-too-common perception among the ethnic minorities that "The Lady" only cares about the plight of the Bamar majority, a perception which has been reinforced by her refusal to defend the tens of thousands of civilians displaced in Kachin state. When it comes to economic policies, Aung San Suu Kyi has not gone beyond advocating transparency, the need to introduce measures to reduce poverty, again without much further explanation, and repeating her mantra about the need for rule of law. The fact that Burma is opening its economy and has the possibility of growing economically does not mean that the huge economic inequalities which affect the country will be solved automatically – on the contrary, if the experiences of other countries are to serve as example. But the democratic opposition and the government have not come out with any plan to avoid a widening of the gap between rich and poor. The ethnic divisions that afflict the country have somewhat obscured its class differences, very conveniently for those at the top, but these divisions are not less real for being overlooked. In any case, the NLD can hardly be regarded as a party devoted to defend the masses of working poor Burmese citizens, and Aung San Suu Kyi left this quite clear when she advocated the continuing of the huge copper mine project in Latpadaung, even against the interests of the farmers evicted from lands they had been cultivating for generations. The biggest divergences between the NLD and the government are to be found in the form of government. Suu Kyi has said many times that is necessary to change the constitution and that is necessary to reduce the power of the military to have a real democracy in Burma. But she also said recently in the United Kingdom that "the army must be the foundation of the country", a statement that, to be entirely fair, might be due more to political strategy than to any inner conviction, given her commitment to ingrain herself with the military generals. Since she was released from house arrest, Suu Kyi has been far more engaged in playing politics in the opaque corridors of power in Naypyidaw and making tours abroad than trying to listen to the Burmese public at large, whose support she and the NLD seem to take for granted. Even Win Tin has criticized this aloofness from the public and it is increasingly easier to find Burmese saying that she is not close enough to the people. It is possible that Suu Kyi is playing a dangerous game and that it could be risky to be too confrontational with the generals, as some argue. And it goes without saying that she is right when she demands a change in the institutions of government. However, her obsession to work at the top means neglecting another crucial part of a healthy democracy: the participation of citizens in the political process. She and the pro-democracy opposition at large are basically playing by the rules of the government, seemingly too scared to infuriate the beast, and are missing the opportunity to build a strong grassroots movement that could serve as a counterweight of the powerful military. The result is that they are leaving the former dictators to build the new "democracy" almost completely on their own. Even though she has admitted openly her ambition to hold presidential power in the future, Suu Kyi's political vision for the country remains as hazy as ever. She won her seat in parliament by a landslide without a clear political platform, and her party has yet to publish any program. To date, no NLD MP has made a single proposal in parliament. It is legitimate to ask whether The Lady and her party consider that their merits lie with her huge charisma and in past sacrifices, having won a general election 23 years ago, instead of aimed at a specific project for the country. Burma is only at the early stages of an uncertain political process of change. It remains to be seen whether the opening of the country started two years ago will lead to a real democracy. For that to materialise, it is not only necessary to introduce changes to the constitution, the laws and the institutions of the state in order to create a framework where different ideas and political positions can compete peacefully, but there must also emerge a strong political movement capable of challenging both the power and the ideological hegemony of the military, and which can articulate an all-inclusive and progressive vision for the country by listening and responding to the legitimate demands of all Burmese citizens. Given the performance of Suu Kyi, the NLD and the main figures in the pro-democracy camp, all indications are that such a movement has not yet arrived. Carlos Sardiña Galache is a freelance journalist based in Bangkok. The views and opinions expressed in this article are the author's and do not reflect DVB editorial policy.

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Democratic Voice of Burma

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Business Weekly Posted: 09 Nov 2013 04:25 AM PST   Ups and downs Official exchange counters in Rangoon were offering 967 kyat to the US dollar and selling kyat at 975, marginally higher than street vendors who are buying at 966 and selling at 974. Gold is selling this week at 684,500 kyat per tical, down from last week's value of between 687,900 and 690,000 kyat. Fuel prices remain the same for the fourth week in a row; rice prices also stay constant.   Foreign investment hits all-time high Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Burma has reached more than US$1.6 billion for the first six months of the 2013-14 fiscal year – already topping the total value of $1.4 billion recorded the previous year, according to the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA). Some 40,000 jobs have been created by this year's foreign investment, which included launches by multinational companies Heineken Beer and Nissan Motors among 57 foreign firms. DICA data shows the majority of FDI was in the garment sector, followed by food products, manufacturing and tourism.   Hyundai revs up for Burma Hyundai Motor Co aims to raise its market share in Burma to over 15 percent in the next three or four years, basking in the huge popularity of South Korean culture, said the sole dealer for the automaker in the country, Kolao Holdings, this week. Hyundai reportedly plans to open 14 dealerships in Burma by 2014 – it launched its first in Rangoon in August. Vehicle models to be sold in Burma will be expanded from the Starex and Porter to include compact cars such as the Hyundai Accent.   Rice exports cannot top last year's record high Burma's rice exports during April– October 2013 stand at around 450,000 tons, substantially less than the 730,000 tons exported during the same period in the fiscal year 2012-13, according to local sources. In FY 2012-13, Burma exported a record 2.1 million tons of rice, up about 40 percent from the targeted 1.5 million tons. The country is targeting exports of around 1.5 million tons of rice again in FY 2013-14, however, local sources say that it is unlikely the export target will be met this year. Burma's rice exports surged last year mainly due to a good crop and low prices. However, rice crops this year were adversely affected by weather disturbances and higher prices. Moreover, Chinese importers have turned to Thailand and Vietnam for better quality rice after both countries lowered prices. Read more: http://www.oryza.com/news/rice-news/myanmar-exports-450000-tons-april-october-2013-down-38-last-year#sthash.6TqpdJfN.dpuf   Seven percent of rural villages connected to national grid Just 7 percent of all rural villages in Burma – a little more than 4,700 of nearly 65,000 small towns and village tracts across the country – are able to enjoy a supply of electricity from the national power grid. Nearly 13,000 villages, around 20 percent of the total number, attain electrical power from generators while some 21,000 are powered up by mini-hydropower, solar and biogas generators. The Burmese government is currently receiving assistance from China, South Korea and the Asian Development Bank in a bid to widen coverage across the country.   Bridge over troubled motors A 17 billion kyat (US$17.5 million) budget has been appropriated by the Rangoon divisional government to construct an overpass at the Myaynigone junction in Rangoon's Sanchaung township in 2014-15. The plan must be approved in parliament before it is finalised. The measure to relieve the city's exasperating traffic woes follows hot on the heels of the construction of flyovers at Hledan junction (14 billion kyat); the 21 billion kyat Bayintnaung double-flyover; and the13 billion kyat Shwegondaing overpass which is due to open at the end of November.   Indonesia unveils power plans for Burma Indonesia's state-owned coal mining firm PT Tambang Batubara Bukit Asam plans to build steam power plants worth US$900 million in Burma in the next few years and has invited a local partner to work on the project, reported Investor Daily, quoting the firm’s finance director Achmad Sudarto. The Indonesian company will first build a 2×100 megawatt power plant worth between $350 million and $450 million, the report said, though the location was not disclosed.   Paying with plastic MasterCard's debut ATM card in Burma has attracted nearly 4,000 customers within its first month, according to Kyaw Lin, the CEO of Cooperative Bank (CB Bank), MasterCard's local partner. The "Easi Travel MasterCard" was launched on 8 October and can be used for cash withdrawals at ATMs in 210 countries worldwide, The Voice reported. Within Burma it can be used for purchases online, and at restaurants, hotels and other outlets which accept MasterCard.   PETRONAS promises social, environmental assistance PETRONAS, Malaysia's state-owned energy giant which recently won offshore energy blocks in Burmese waters after a competitive tender bidding process, has announced that it will spend around US$1 million on environmental conservation and social assistance programmes in Burma. Othman Awang Jaya, a senior official for the firm, said at a Rangoon press conference on 5 November that PETRONAS, despite being an extractive enterprise, will assist with local education and social welfare, as well as environmental and forest conservation projects.   Related Stories World Bank lauds Burma's growth, but warns against inflation Thai govt tries to breathe life into Dawei Business Weekly

Underground bands battle to break into Burma’s music industry Posted: 09 Nov 2013 04:12 AM PST In Burma, it's hard for underground bands to break into the music industry. Few people have Internet access, and producers are reluctant to promote them if they're uncertain of success. But after living with censorship for 60 years, many young people are now forming music groups and are expressing their opinions at the political and economic situation in the country. Zaw Htet went to hang out with a few underground bands that are trying to break into the Burma music industry. Fever 109 is a metal band that was formed 5 years ago by a group of friends. They meet regularly in their studio to play but want to make it big so they can work full time doing what they love. "To set up a group is not easy, it takes a lot of time", said guitarist Si Thu. "Money is the biggest problem. We need someone who can help arrange the shows." He thinks there should be organised music shows every three or four months. That way the underground bands would get promoted and the audience would grow. The hard work has paid off and Fever 109 are finally about to produce their debut album. "We hope to produce the album this year", said vocalist Adino. "But it is late for many reasons. We eat and drink together here and have so much fun, that's why it took time. Just kidding, we will try to get it out next year." Related Stories Musicians no longer required to submit songs to censors Rapper embraces role as representative Artists struggle to survive as piracy flourishes Alternative bands have trouble getting signed in Burma. Mainstream pop music is more in demand and therefore more profitable. "Producers will look for profit. They choose the music that will be popular. So we need a producer that loves our kind of music", said Si Thu. Another problem is the market is flooded with illegal pirated CDs. As soon as a new song is released, illegal copies pop up everywhere – and it's the musicians who miss out on the profit. According to Si Thu, the pirated copies put off the producers from working with unknown bands since they don't think they will make any profit. At the same time, some bands suspect the producers themselves sell illegal copies of the CD's they promote to make even more money. But Fever 109 say they're not interested in becoming rich and famous – they just want to do what they love – making metal music. "We like what we do", said Adino. "If we do what we really like, people will get to know you at some point… I believe that if underground bands work together, we will succeed. West Coast City is an R&B/hip hop band, also from Rangoon. They've just released their debut album, but it took 6 years to get it out. "We tried to find a producer, but we had no money", said one of the band members. "Our colleagues try very hard. But the market here is not very strong yet", said another. But despite the struggle, West Coast City's band members are positive and think the future looks good. "The main point is to keep trying. You need to keep focused." Though it is hard for underground bands to make a profit from their music in Burma, there are now so many more groups emerging. And these eager musicians have high hopes of succeeding.

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