Monday, January 20, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Calls for Transparency After Reports of Violence in Arakan State

Posted: 20 Jan 2014 05:47 AM PST

UN Human Rights Rapporteur Tomas Ojea Quintana is pictured in August addressing reporters at Yangon International Airport. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — As the Burma government insists there is no truth to reports that Rohingya Muslims were killed in the village of Du Char Yar Tan last week, calls are growing for a full investigation into what took place in the village in northern in Arakan State.

Reports have emerged of a violent crackdown on the night of Jan. 13 in the village in Maungdaw Township after a policeman went missing in the Rohingya-majority area.

The Thailand-based NGO the Arakan Project said it had received multiple reports that possibly dozens of Rohingya were killed by security forces and Arakanese Buddhists. Official media and the Ministry of Information have strongly refuted the reports.

International organizations are calling for clarity as independent observers have not been able to visit Du Char Yar Tan village to confirm either the allegations or the government line. A high security presence is reportedly still in place in the area.

Shwe Maung, a Muslim member of Parliament for Buthidaung Township in Arakan State, who is currently in Naypyidaw, criticized local authorities for issuing a blanket denial of the reports, and called for the government to be more transparent in dealing with the incident.

He said Rohingya villagers had still not been allowed back into the village to confirm whether missing loved ones are dead or alive.

"They should let the people get back to inside the village. Now some people believe that their people were killed as they can't get inside the village," Shwe Maung said.

He said he had been sent photos of the bodies of people purportedly killed last week, and was trying to confirm their veracity. "I just got five photos of dead people," he said. "When I get full confirmation, I will raise it to Parliament."

He said the entire population of the village, nearly 4,000 people, had fled their homes, although he could not confirm how many people had been killed.

Abu Tahay, a Muslim leader from the Union National Development Party, said he had a list of 24 names of people killed. He also called for the authorities to thoroughly investigate and present their findings in a transparent way.

The state-owned New Light of Myanmar on Saturday quoted local police denying the incident, which was reported Friday by the Associated Press (AP) and The Irrawaddy.

"AP, Irrawaddy falsely reports violence occurred in Rakhine State," the newspaper's headline read, saying the media outlets were "instigat[ing] unrest" by reporting claims of deaths in Du Char Yar Tan village.

According to information published on the Facebook page of the Burmese military-owned Myawaddy newspaper, the Ministry of Information has spoken to AP reporters about their coverage last week. Deputy Information Minister Ye Htut could not be reached for comment Monday.

The Rangoon embassies of the United States and Britain issued a joint statement Friday calling for a full investigation into events at Du Char Yar Tan village.

The US Embassy's deputy chief of mission, Virginia E. Murray, said Saturday that the embassy was trying to visit Du Char Yar Tan to verify the conflicting claims.

"It is clear there is conflict there. We issued our embassy statement already to visit there," said Murray, who spoke to The Irrawaddy on the sidelines of an Interfaith Religion Dialogue event in Rangoon.

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana, also in a statement Friday urged a full investigation.

"I urge the Government to clarify what has happened. Quick and transparent action can help to prevent further violence," Quintana said. "If deaths and injuries have occurred, the Myanmar Government must, under international law, conduct a prompt, effective and impartial investigation and hold the perpetrators of any human rights violations to account."

The human rights expert said he had received reports of Rohingya Muslims being killed and injured as well as a security official being killed.

A number of arrests were reportedly made during the security forces' operation in Maungdaw, and nine people remain detained, according to local sources.

"Myanmar authorities must respect the due process rights of anyone arrested and detained, which includes access to legal counsel, and address the specific risks faced by women and children in detention," Quintana said.

"Given the previous concerns I have raised about torture and ill-treatment of persons in detention in Maungdaw, I urge the authorities to provide access to independent monitoring groups to assess the treatment of those being detained."

The post Calls for Transparency After Reports of Violence in Arakan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Conference of Burma’s Ethnic Armed Groups Begins in Karen Territory

Posted: 20 Jan 2014 04:29 AM PST

Myanmar, Burma, peace, Aung Min, Karen, Kachin, ethnic, armed group, civil war, ceasefire

The KNU’s vice chairperson (left) chats with KIA deputy chief Gen Gun Maw at conference of Burma’s ethnic groups on Monday. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy)

LAW KHEE LAH, Karen State — A conference of most of Burma's ethnic armed groups began Monday in Karen National Union (KNU)-controlled territory near the Burmese-Thai border, with an ethnic Karen leader affirming his support for ongoing talks with the government toward a nationwide ceasefire agreement.

The conference at the KNU's Law Khee Lah base, which is taking place ahead of more talks with government negotiators in the Karen State capital of Hpa-an next month, is being attended by the majority of groups, with the exceptions of the main Wa rebel group and its allied Mong La militia group.

KNU chairman Saw Mutu Say Poe emphasized the importance of consolidating existing ceasefires signed individually between rebel groups and the government.

"We will build trust by continuing negotiations. I want to emphasize the consequences that will come out after a nationwide ceasefire agreement. There will be positive results such as a guarantee for political dialogue and we will consolidate the ceasefires which were reached by individual groups," he said.

Mutu Say Poe said all ethnic rebel groups would have to move from armed struggle to the negotiating table to bring the decades-long conflicts with the Burma government to an end. He also said that he was told by Burmese President Thein Sein that political negotiations are the only way to solve the conflicts.

"We met both Burmese army chief [Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing] and President [Thein Sein]. The president told us that there is no option except negotiations to solve the problem," said Mutu Say Poe.

The KNU leader, however, insisted that while armed groups should move forward toward peace and reconciliation, they should uphold the principle of the Karen resistance's founder, Saw Ba U Gyi, who once said: "We shall decide our own political destiny."

Mutu Say Poe said that while Burmese governments in the past had encouraged ethnic rebels to get along with the government and "exchange arms with peace," he believes that President Thein Sein's government is sincere, since it is willing to discuss a federal system that would give ethnic minorities more autonomy.

"I want to urge that we will have to grab the opportunity, and it's time to move forward and speedily implement significant changes for the sake of civilians. It is important that ethnic groups have to push for those positive emerging reforms," said Mutu Say Poe.

As well as the KNU, the  Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), the Chin National Front (CNF), the Wa National Organization (WNO), the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA)—also known as the  Kokang militia—the New Mon State Party (NMSP), the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO), the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), the KNU/KNLA Peace Council, Arakan Army (AA) and other smaller ethnic armed groups attended the conference, which is set to end on Wednesday this week.

Representatives from the alliance of ethnic armed groups, United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) and the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF) also attended the meeting.

Representatives of ethnic armed groups held the their first conference about the current ceasefire talks at the KIO’s headquarters in Laiza, on Sino-Burmese border, in late October to early November last year. At that time, all ethnic groups except United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the Mong La militia, and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), did not attend.

That conference was followed by a meeting with the government's negotiators, led by Minister Aung Min, in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina, where talks led to an agreement to talk further, but the rebels and the government appeared to still be separated by some distance in their demands.

The next round of negotiations was originally slated for December but has been delayed twice by the ethnic armed groups asking for more time to agree upon their demands.

The post Conference of Burma's Ethnic Armed Groups Begins in Karen Territory appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

The Safe Sex Talk, Burmese Style

Posted: 20 Jan 2014 04:19 AM PST

A young couple hides under an umbrella for extra privacy on the embankment of Inya Lake in Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

A young couple hides under an umbrella for extra privacy on the embankment of Inya Lake in Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — When she was a young teenager, Pan Ei Khaing never walked too close to boys, heeding a word of advice from her mother about unintended pregnancy.

Her friends in Pegu Division were told by their parents not to have sex. "But my mother said that once I started menstruating, I couldn't even touch a man, otherwise I would become pregnant," she says. "I was afraid of that, so I stayed away."

She busted that myth only about three years ago, when she turned 18 years old and decided to study health so she could become a midwife for the government. But today, despite her medical training, and although she believes communities would benefit from discussions about contraception, she says she is not widely sharing information about safe sex with patients. To do so, she says, would be inappropriate in most villages.

In some parts of Burma, mainly urban centers and towns, health care workers distribute condoms and discuss methods of preventing sexually transmitted diseases. But in the rural parts of Arakan State where Pan Ei Khaing works now, and in many other remote regions across the country where midwives are the sole providers of medical care, reproductive health and safe sex are not normally considered acceptable subjects for discussion.

"The topic is a little strange," she says. "And using condoms is seen as shameful. In this traditional culture, if you have sex before you marry, it's like you did something wrong."

In Rangoon, Burma's biggest city, a young doctor has taken a different approach. To avoid the embarrassment of speaking face to face about a taboo topic, he moderates a telephone advice hotline for young men who have questions about sexual health. The hotline is an initiative of the Myanmar Medical Association, a professional organization of physicians that has also created a separate line for young women, usually between the ages of 15 and 24, who want to talk about issues such as teen pregnancy, contraception and sexually transmitted diseases.

Some callers are shy at first, says 26-year-old Zarni Win, who has been moderating the boys' hotline since July last year and answers about five calls daily. "It's very easy to handle it," he says, referring to the shyness, "because it's confidential. They do not need to tell me their name, so they can easily disclose their problems."

But in a country where an overwhelming majority of people lack access to mobile telephone networks, the hotlines are not a cure-all, and other options for frank discussions are limited. Parents typically do not talk to their children about reproductive health, with some women saying they were unaware of menstruation until after it happened. And although the government has incorporated sex education into the school curriculum, teachers are also wary about discussing sex, fearing their own integrity could be questioned if they show knowledge of the subject.

Burma is trying to find its own approach to a question that remains controversial in many countries: How to balance calls for comprehensive sex education as a tool to prevent teen pregnancies, sexually transmitted diseases and sexual violence, with widespread concerns about protecting traditional religious or cultural values.

Elsewhere in Southeast Asia, in Muslim-majority Indonesia, the health minister's pledge to promote condom use to young people led to rallies in 2012 by people who worried about encouraging teen sex, although an education official's proposal last year to institute mandatory virginity testing for high school girls was seen as too extreme. In Thailand, a Buddhist-majority country known for its relative openness about sexuality and its flourishing prostitution industry, activists say teachers are still too embarrassed to frankly discuss sexual health with their students. In the Christian-majority United States, policy makers have heatedly debated the merits and pitfalls of abstinence-only sex education that leaves out information about contraception.

As Burma opens up to the world after decades of international isolation, as its government works to reform an education system that was long-neglected by the former military regime, and as the public takes advantage of new freedoms of expression, similar debates are under way to determine just how far educators should go in teaching a taboo subject.

'Not Just About Sex'

As is true in many Southeast Asian countries, women in Burma are expected to remain virgins until they marry. Condom are available in stores and even sold by roadside vendors on busy streets in Rangoon, but young adults say they fear being labeled as promiscuous if they are caught with one in their bag. Masturbation is considered dirty and shameful, although it is considered by health practitioners internationally as a safe sexual behavior. Public displays of affection are rare, beyond holding hands, and it is common in Rangoon to see couples taking cover behind umbrellas at public parks so they can cuddle in privacy.

"We will never talk about it," says Phuu Pwint Aung, a 22-year-old student in Rangoon, referring to sex. "It is something both sides are shy to talk about, and it is our culture."

Her friend Phyu Phyu Win, a 22-year-old from Mon State, has a boyfriend but says she does not know how to use a condom. "We have to keep our virginity before getting married," she says. "It is the culture in Burma: If you are not a virgin when you get married, you have no dignity."

Discussing sex with her parents is not an option. "They would ask why I wanted to talk about something so disgusting. They would say I should be ashamed of talking about this," she says.

In ninth grade Phuu Pwint Aung says she was taught about HIV at school, while Phyu Phyu Win learned about sexually transmitted infections at a community workshop organized by a local NGO, but neither recalls receiving information about safe sex. After marriage they plan to educate themselves by reading articles online or educational books about reproductive health. "Even now, I watch movies and learn from them," says Phyu Phyu Win, referring to Hollywood films with sex scenes.

But despite the chaste expectations, Burma is not a place of innocence. Prostitution is illegal but easy to find in big cities such as Rangoon, while drugs to enhance libido are available cheaply on the black market. Near universities, rooms at guest houses are rented by the hour for student couples; under military rule, institutions of higher education were relocated to satellite towns outside major cities, and some say their remote location made them an ideal place to get intimate.

The consequences of poor sex education are numerous, activists say. Young people are commonly forced to marry against their will if caught having sex, while women with unwanted pregnancies must have the baby or undergo an unsafe illegal abortion. Another concern is sexual assault and rape, says Htar Htar, a women's rights activist known in Rangoon for launching a campaign against sexual harassment on city buses. She says that while young women are expected to remain pure and typically have a very clean understanding of sex, men are expected to have sexual experience and often read pornography suggesting that women are hypersexual. "When these boys and girls meet, they have different expectations. It's a problem," she says.

Htar Htar leads a women's network known as Akhaya and says that people regularly report sexual abuse at monthly sessions to discuss gender roles, sexuality, reproductive health and other women's issues. More participants are attending the sessions each month, with some women in their 20s and others in their 50s. "Some are domestic workers, others are directors of companies," she says.

Before forming the women's network, Htar Htar worked as a sexuality trainer for Burnet Institute, an international organization seeking to prevent and treat HIV in Burma. She said that despite her title, her understanding of sexuality at the time was limited. "We knew it was important to use condoms, but for those who didn't want to use a condom, what next? The conversation would always stop, because we didn't know or want to talk about pleasure in sex," she said. "We also were not trained to talk about sexual relationships, female sexuality. We focused on male sexuality, or more specifically on men who have sex with men."

In 2008, she and a group of friends met with a visiting Israeli sex therapist to learn about female sexuality and reproductive health, and she decided to educate others in her community. Today she is calling for comprehensive sex education in schools, starting from as early as kindergarten.

"When people say sex education runs counter to Myanmar [Burmese] culture, it is because they do not understand what sex education is. They assume sex education is about intercourse, but no—it is about our organs, which we use in our bodies every second. Right now we are not meant to understand our organs, but we need to understand how they function, how to take care of them," she says.

"Sex education is not just about sex, but about health, power, violence, law, sexual identities, how you see yourself, your image, your relationships, your communication and decision-making. Knowing about your body is not against culture."

A Name Game

As it stands now, sex education is largely promoted under the guise of HIV prevention in Burma, where AIDS is a major public health concern and a lack of resources means that a large share of people infected with the virus are unable to receive treatment.

About 200,000 people are HIV-positive in the country, and at the end of 2012 over half of those requiring antiretroviral therapy were not receiving it.

"HIV allows us to talk about safe sex—that seems like the only venue," says Sid Naing, the country director for Marie Stopes International, which provides integrated sexual and reproductive health care services with a focus in Burma on family planning. "In Myanmar it's called birth spacing, and in reality it's contraception. It's a name game."

"Reproductive health is not seen by many as a national cause," he adds. "But authorities—whether administrative authorities, health authorities, local leaders, informal leaders or religious leaders—when they hear about HIV prevention, they believe they need to support it."

He said it was important to note that the Ministry of Education had already created a sex education curriculum for schools. "They have successfully integrated very basic health information about sex and HIV prevention within the curriculum, starting around 10 years ago," he said. But he added, "The majority of schoolteachers in Myanmar are women, and their capacity has not been built to confidently talk about safe sex and basic sex education. They are embarrassed, and their biggest fear is that if they talk about sex they will not be respected."

Sex education is taught to students between the ages of 10 and 16 as part of the "secondary life skills" (SLS) curriculum, which covers a range of topics, from social skills and emotional intelligence to disease prevention, sexually transmitted diseases, reproductive health and drug use. The curriculum was last revised between 2006 and 2011 and is mandatory but co-curricular, meaning students do not have to take exams on the subject at the end of the year.

Reproductive and sexual health are introduced in sixth grade, with lessons on physical growth and emotional changes due to puberty. Students also learn about HIV transmission at this time, according to Unicef, which helped the Ministry of Education develop the curriculum. As seventh graders, students are asked to consider boy-girl relationships to determine an age-appropriate level of closeness, and in 10th and 11th grades they study how to prevent unplanned pregnancies and STIs, with abstinence promoted as the most effective method. They learn that for those who are sexually active, condoms are the only effective means of preventing pregnancy, HIV and other STIs.

"In the past, dialogue on reproductive and sexual health was avoided in Myanmar and teachers were challenged in helping children and adolescents learn about such important issues. As part of the transition to a new Myanmar, there's now an opportunity to talk more openly about these matters which can seriously affect the health and wellbeing of Myanmar's children and can have lasting negative effects into adulthood," said Bertrand Bainvel, a Unicef representative in Rangoon.

He said one method of addressing reticence around such issues was by providing supplementary self-study books so students could learn about key reproductive and sexual health topics in privacy. He said it was also important to ensure that instructors did not use time allocated for the SLS curriculum to teach other core subjects, which has happened in the past to prepare students for school leaving exams at the end of high school.

"Unicef is currently working with the Myanmar government to have SLS embedded in the national education law," he added.

The government is considering new laws for education as it undergoes a two-year review of the school system to identify key areas for reform, after decades of underfunding and neglect for education under the former military regime.

Outside of schools, other efforts are under way to teach young people about reproductive health. In addition to telephone advice hotlines—which have been launched not only by the Myanmar Medical Association, but also by the government's Department of Medical Research, the global health organization Population Services International, and Marie Stopes International—a radio program on Shwe FM station offers information on youth issues, including unwanted pregnancies, HIV, family planning, adolescent health and family problems. The weekly program is supported by the UN Population Fund, which provides assistance for the Myanmar Medical Association's telephone hotline.

Burma also receives international funding for HIV prevention, and last week the princess of Denmark launched a new Danish-funded health care clinic in the country to educate women about contraception and family planning while supporting people infected with the virus.

Community-based organization Girl Determined is trying to introduce sex education into weekly after-school peer groups for marginalized girls who live on the outskirts of urban areas. More than 1,300 girls between the ages of 12 and 17 participate in the peer groups outside Rangoon, Mandalay, and the cities of Sagaing and Monywa in northwest Burma.

"Right now we focus on the prime issue of puberty, but we don't talk about sex yet—we are still planning the curriculum. We don't talk about how to use condoms with the girls very much," says Nant Thazin Min, who helps coordinate the peer groups. "Talking about sex openly can be difficult. So many people, teenage girls and young women, do sexual things but the people don't talk about it. They need to know about it, to prevent any pregnancy or sexual harassment."

Some young women say they are in no rush to learn. "I don't think I need to know more right now," says Phyu Phyu Win, the 22-year-old student in Rangoon. "I might need to know one day, but I have never had a thought on it right now."

Minutes later, she had a change in heart. "It is not something you can avoid," she said. "It's how you make babies, it's how we are. We should know about it since we can't avoid it."

The post The Safe Sex Talk, Burmese Style appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Opening the Shutters on Previously Shuttered Burma

Posted: 20 Jan 2014 03:42 AM PST

A man aims a rifle among ethnic armed rebels in Kachin State (Photo: Hkun Li)

RANGOON — Hiding cameras in the bottom of a backpack, one photographer sneaked past security checkpoints and trekked mountains to bear witness to an anarchic mining town in northern Burma. In the same region, a different shutterbug spent nearly three years at refugee camps and frontlines, documenting the lives of ethnic rebels waging war against the central government. Another slipped into a conflict-torn area where people armed with every imaginable form of primitive weaponry walked the streets, bringing back images of communal strife in western Burma.

The results: A collection that tells visual tale of some of the problems afflicting Burma today—civil war, lawlessness and sectarian violence.

In an exhibition titled "Six: New Photography from Myanmar," a half-dozen stories documented by some of the best young photographers in Burma are now on display, pushing boundaries as the country undergoes wide-ranging reforms that have included dramatic changes to its media landscape.

For visitors, the photo exhibition provides an intriguing window into an emerging body of documentary photography that, in the past, they might only have seen in pictorial books by foreign photojournalists.

"I hope people will come in and see some work that they haven't seen before," said Myanmar Deitta's Matt Grace, who organized the photo show called "Six," a namesake tribute to its contributors: five photographers and one shutter-happy group.

Among the collection are portraits of the lives of men in a jade mining town in northern Burma, an area off-limits to foreigners, and ethnic rebel frontlines in the same region that are almost inaccessible to outsiders. Other exhibition photos' subject matter ranges from sectarian violence between the Arakanese and Muslim Rohingya in western Burma to villagers troubled by wild elephants to urban street scenes.

Hkun Li, an ethnic Kachin freelance photographer and one of the show's contributors, spent three years visiting Kachin Independence Army (KIA) frontlines and five refugee camps in northern Burma.

"I wiped away my tears secretly several times while taking those pictures," he said, "especially when taking one of two amputated soldiers cutting each other's hair.

"They are the ones who suffered from the civil war. I did it because I want people to know the consequences of the civil war," he added.

Grace, the director of operations for Myanmar Deitta, an organization promoting documentary photography and filmmaking in Burma, said more than six dozen pictures are on display. They are the product of photographers who are pushing boundaries, Grace said, while the Burmese media is still in a period of transition—a time when nobody really knows what is acceptable.

"It's great that there are photographers pushing these things and photographing those stories and bringing back great work on things that not long ago would have been impossible to work on," he explained.

"It's great that there are young Myanmar photographers, not always Western photojournalists, coming in to cover this stuff," he added.

Minzayar, a Burmese photojournalist working for the international news wire Reuters, is another contributor to the "Six" photo exhibition. His pictures focus on the day-to-day lives of laborers in Hpakant, a jade mining town in northern Burma where arbitrary killings are common, heroin "shooting galleries" are mushrooming and drug-fueled jade hand-pickers are routinely buried alive while scavenging for the precious stones.

"I felt I was traveling around in an anarchic region," the 25-year-old photographer recalled.

"Those hand-pickers' lives are very hard. I want to shed a light on their lives and what is happening there," he explained.

Another photojournalist showcasing his first-hand experience of communal violence is Kaung Htet of the Myanmar Times.

Last year he ventured out to Kyauktaw in western Burma, where sectarian strife between the Arakanese and Rohingya raged on. Kaung Htet documented scenes of chaos, including photos shot at a local hospital inundated by bloodied victims of the violence.

"It really looked like a hospital in a war zone. Some wounded people died right in front of my eyes," said the weekly newspaper's chief photographer, who also spent time photographing the situation in camps for displaced Rohingya.

The 30-year-old said he was just doing his job to report what was happening in the restive region while sticking to the truth as best as he could.

"I just put a spotlight on the current issue," he said.

'SIX. New Photography from Myanmar' is open to the public at the Witness Yangon Documentary Arts Space on the 3rd floor of the Pyan Hlwar building, 4A Parami Road, Rangoon. The exhibition runs through Feb. 13. (Monday-Saturday, 12pm-5 pm)

The post Opening the Shutters on Previously Shuttered Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Rangoon Promises 24-Hour Power to Residents During Summer

Posted: 20 Jan 2014 02:54 AM PST

electricity, power, Rangoon, Yangon, Myanmar, Burma, summer, hydropower

Protesters in front of Rangoon's Sule Pagoda hold up candles to show their opposition to a planned electricity rate increase on Nov. 6, 2013. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Rangoon's electricity authority has promised to distribute 24-hour electricity to residents during the summer season, usually a time of frequent power cuts, but has not extended the offer to factories in the city's industrial zones.

Burma typically faces a power shortage from March through May, when the country's main source of electricity, hydropower, is less effective because less water flows to the dams.

In past years the Yangon Electricity Supply Board (YESB) has used a rotation system that allows residents between 6 and 12 hours of electricity daily. The city's 16 industrial zones, which lack 24-hour electricity even during the rainy season, sees just two to three hours of power daily during the summer. Many factories use their own generators, which drives up operating costs.

This year Rangoon will benefit from more electricity, from natural gas turbines in Hlawgar, Tharketa, Ahlone and Insein townships, according to the YESB vice chairman Maung Maung Latt. He said the turbines would produce about 50 megawatts of electricity daily, while two additional turbines donated from Thailand would produce 100 megawatts daily after they become operational in March or April.

"We can distribute more to residential areas," he said, adding that other hydropower projects would also boost supply. "But for industrial zones, we will distribute as much as we can, but we are not sure if we can provide 24-hour electricity. Residential areas will be the priority in the summer season."

He added that the YESB would not distribute electricity to industrial zones during peak hours, between 5 pm and 11 pm.

Myat Thin Aung, chairman of the Hlaing Tharyar industrial zone—which, with over 850 factories is the biggest industrial zone in the city— said that until the government improved the power supply, manufacturing costs would continue to increase and businesses in the country would struggle to compete regionally.

"We always face an electricity shortage in the summer, even beginning in February," he told The Irrawaddy. "Some days we only have two or three hours of power a day. It's really a cost for us."

He said the government had encouraged industrial zones to build independent power plants to help supply electricity, but he estimated that each plant would cost US$50 million.

"We have been thinking about it, but some other industrial zones have already refused because it would be really costly. We asked the government to supply gas for our power plant, but the government could not support us because they are selling gas to China and Thailand," he said.

Rising electricity prices have also been an issue in Rangoon, following the replacement of analog meters with digital meters. In late October the YESB announced that households consuming more than 101 units of electricity per month would be required to pay 50 kyats ($0.05) per unit, a price increase of about 40 percent. Activists protested and the prices remained the same, at 35 kyats per unit.

"Electricity prices have not increased like we announced, but people do not realize how efficient the digital meters are in reading the electricity that has been used in the month," said Hla Kyaing, an assistant chief engineer at YESB. "With the analog meters, there were a lot of errors with meter bills, either due to human mistakes or mechanical mistakes, and that's why the bills are now significantly higher in some areas."

Last week total national electricity production reached no more than about 1,715 megawatts per day, and Rangoon consumed about 800 megawatts daily. The YESB expects consumption in the city to increase to 1,000 megawatts daily in March.

Nationwide electricity consumption has increased about 15 percent annually in recent years.

The YESB says about 20 percent of the electricity generated is never paid for, either because it is lost due to technical problems with the grid, or because people tweak their meters to downplay consumption.

The Burma government announced last year that it intended to rapidly increase the power supply and reach universal access to electricity by 2030. The World Bank is providing the country with an interest-free $140 million loan to develop a power plant in Mon State that will be included in the government's electricity supply project.

The post Rangoon Promises 24-Hour Power to Residents During Summer appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Farmers Travel to Rangoon to Decry Land Seizures, Trespassing Charges

Posted: 20 Jan 2014 02:34 AM PST

A farmer calls through a megaphone at a protest in Rangoon on Saturday calling for the return of seized land around the country. (Photo: Simon Lewis / The Irrawaddy)

A farmer calls through a megaphone at a protest in Rangoon on Saturday calling for the return of seized land around the country. (Photo: Simon Lewis / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — About 500 farmers from all over Burma demonstrated in the center of Rangoon on Saturday to call for the return of land taken under the country's military regime and for trespassing charges not to be used against farmers robbed of land.

Two organizers were later charged after local authorities declined to authorize the demonstration, which took place at Rangoon's Maha Bandoola Garden.

"These farmers have come from all around the country—from six provinces and states," said Nay Myo Zin, an organizer and the director of local NGO the Myanmar Social Development Network. He explained that farmers had come from as far as Shan and Kachin states to protest.

He said thousands of acres of land were forcibly taken from farmers in the years until the junta ceded power to quasi-civilian administration in 2011.

Farmers now felt they could protest publicly about their grievances, but about 260 are currently jailed and 1,000 have been hit with charges for protesting the loss of their land, or returning to farm it, he said.

"They've come to get their land back from the crony businessmen who occupy their land, as well as the military and the government who took it. Most of the land is taken and not used for anything," Nay Myo Zin said, adding that he hoped the demonstration, the first of its kind by Burma's farmers, would make the public aware of the issues faced by farmers.

A large contingent had traveled from Irrawaddy Division, where more than 40,000 acres were held by businesses with links to government officials, the military or the government itself.

Yin Oo, 50, from Zin Baung Village in Irrawaddy Division's Pyapon Township, said he was among 15 farmers who last year began planting crops on about 45 acres of land left unused after it was taken from them by the government beginning in 1979.

"We want the government to give the land back. We are the original owners," he said.

Seven of the farmers were charged in June with trespassing and criminal damage under articles 447 and 427 of the Burmese Penal Code.

"We couldn't protest under the military government. Now, we try to take action, but we are charged," he added.

Among another group of farmers from Irrawaddy Division was 54-year-old San San Aye. She said she and 100 other farmers in Kha Nwe Kha Po village, Pantanaw Township, were demanding that about 2,000 acres of land in total be returned, after it was sold on to a company owned by the brother of a local senator.

"We came here because we feel very sad and very angry. Not just me, my whole group, we feel angry at the company," she said.

Nay Myo Zin said permission to protest was requested at Kyauktada Township Police Station. "They didn't grant the permission, giving the reason that 'there are no farmers or farm problems at Kyauktada Township,'" he said.

The demonstration went ahead, and Nay Myo Zin and fellow organizer Win Cho were later charged by police with Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Law. The repeal of Article 18—prohibiting gatherings without prior permission—is the subject of a broad civil society campaign, and was one of the demands of the protesters in the first place.

"We feel that this is a violation of our basic rights granted by the Constitution if we still need permission to express ourselves," Nay Myo Zin said.

The post Farmers Travel to Rangoon to Decry Land Seizures, Trespassing Charges appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thousands Rally for Indonesian Maid Ill-Treated in Hong Kong

Posted: 19 Jan 2014 11:29 PM PST

Indonesian domestic helper Erwiana Sulistyaningsih lies in a bed while being treated at a hospital in Sragen, Indonesia's Central Java province, on Jan. 17, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

HONG KONG — Thousands of people rallied in Hong Kong on Sunday to demand justice for a young Indonesian maid who was badly beaten by her employer in a case that has sparked widespread outrage and a police investigation into accusations of torture.

The ill-treatment of foreign domestic workers in Asian and Gulf regions such as Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan and Dubai has been a longstanding problem but the severe injuries suffered by the Indonesian maid have drawn fresh attention to the risks faced by this migrant community.

"We are workers. We are not slaves," chanted a crowd of several thousand domestic workers and their supporters as they marched to Hong Kong's government headquarters.

Some waved the red and white flag of Indonesia, while others held up grisly photographs of the battered face and body of the 23-year-old maid, Erwiana Sulistyaningsih.

"We have to end modern day slavery like this," said Ila Hasan, 32, a domestic worker from Indonesia's island of Java, who wore a red shawl and a blue bandana emblazoned with the word "Justice."

"The employer isn't human. These things shouldn't happen."

Hong Kong, a former British territory that returned to Chinese rule in 1997, has around 300,000 foreign domestic helpers, most of them from the Philippines and Indonesia.

While cases of such harsh treatment are rare, Hong Kong's policies on migrant workers have often made maids reluctant to report abuse for fear of losing their livelihoods and being deported if they fail to find new jobs swiftly.

Hong Kong police and the labor bureau are now investigating the case and will interview Erwiana on Monday, said Eni Lestari, the head of advocacy group the International Migrants' Alliance, which has been in close touch with the victim.

A second maid, identified only as Susi, who claimed to have been abused by the same employer, also gave a statement to police, saying she had frequently been beaten and abused.

No formal charges have yet been made against the Hong Kong employer, who also reportedly threatened to kill Erwiana and her family if she revealed the abuse she suffered.

Erwiana is now recovering from her injuries at a hospital in Sragen, a city in central Java, after flying out from Hong Kong in early January.

"I want the ones who tortured and wronged my daughter to be prosecuted and have justice done," said her father, Rohmad Saputra, speaking at her bedside.

The maid had suffered extensive injuries but her condition was stabilizing, a hospital spokesman said.

"She was subjected to intense heat. Most of the bruises are on the face, legs and arms. And she is in a very poor, weak condition," said Sri Yoko, the spokesman.

"Even what should be light activity is difficult for her. Now the progress is very good, but she still hasn't been communicating properly."

Rights groups demanded a review of Hong Kong's migrant worker policies to tackle issues such as overcharging by job agencies and the "two-week rule," referring to the deadline by which maids must leave the city after losing their jobs.

"This is not an isolated case," said Lestari, who estimates her group receives four to six complaints of physical assault each month from maids in Hong Kong.

"The only difference is we were able to bring it to the public and to the media and that put pressure on the police."

Additional reporting by Heru Asprihanto in Indonesia.

The post Thousands Rally for Indonesian Maid Ill-Treated in Hong Kong appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Seven Seriously Hurt in Bangkok Blast; Military Urges End to Crisis

Posted: 19 Jan 2014 10:17 PM PST

Thailand, Bangkok, protests, Shinawatra

Thai military medics walk near the scene following an explosion at an anti-government protest camp at the Victory monument in central Bangkok on Jan. 19, 2014. (Photo: Reuter / Chaiwat Subprasom)

BANGKOK — Twenty-eight people were wounded, seven seriously, in explosions on Sunday at a camp of anti-government protesters in Bangkok, the latest violence in a prolonged political crisis dividing the country and threatening the Thai economy.

The explosion comes a day after the military urged both sides to settle their differences in the more than two-month long dispute, in which protesters are trying to bring down the elected government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra.

"There were 28 people injured from the blast at the Victory Monument," Suphan Srithamma, director general of the Bangkok Emergency Medical Center, told reporters. "Among these seven people were seriously injured."

Witnesses said they heard two explosions.

"The first blast I heard was from behind the stage," said Teerawut Utakaprechanun, who told Reuters Television he had been turning out for the protests every day.

"People were looking around. I saw the security guards running after a suspect. After one minute I heard another bomb blast."

On Friday night, one man was killed and 35 protesters were wounded in a grenade explosion in the capital. That takes to nine the death toll since the protests started in November.

They form the latest episode in an eight-year conflict pitting Bangkok's middle class and royalist establishment against poorer, mainly rural supporters of Yingluck and her brother, the self-exiled former premier Thaksin Shinawatra.

The protesters accuse Thaksin of nepotism and corruption, and aim to eradicate the political influence of his family by altering electoral arrangements, though in ways they have not spelt out, along with other political reforms.

The firebrand leader of the anti-government protests, Suthep Thaugsuban, spent much of Sunday leading thousands in a march through Bangkok demanding that Yingluck resign, and collecting bundles of cash from supporters in the streets in what has become a trademark of his public appearances.

However, there are signs the protests against the government could be running out of steam. The government has allowed protesters to take over key buildings without confrontation and, crucially, the military has so far remained neutral.

"Now all of us need to help each other in taking care of our own nation," supreme armed forces commander Thanasak Patimapakorn told reporters after Saturday's Army Day parade.

"The relationship between the government and the army is normal … We need to respect law and order. I myself respect the law and I respect all sides and I request that all sides should come together and talk to find a solution," he said.

Separately, the Bangkok Post daily quoted Thanasak as saying he had no interest in becoming prime minister and acting as mediator.

Speculation has been rife that the military might step in to end the impasse, which is beginning to take its toll on Southeast Asia's second-largest economy.

The army has staged or attempted 18 coups in 81 years of on-off democracy, but has kept out of the fray this time.

"Please, my fellow countrymen, please rise up and do our job, which is to stop this wicked government from functioning," Suthep said late on Saturday, urging protesters to target government buildings across the country and prevent civil servants from working.

But there is little sign that the movement is spreading beyond the capital and into the countryside, where Yingluck has her political power base.

She has called an election on Feb. 2, which the main opposition Democrat Party has said it will boycott. Even if it did contest the election, most political analysts say Yingluck's Puea Thai Party would almost certainly win.

Strong rural support has enabled Thaksin or his allies to win every election since 2001.

The protesters accuse Thaksin and his sister of corruption, and want Yingluck to step down to make way for an unelected "people's council" to push through broad political reforms.

The latest demonstrations are the biggest since pro-Thaksin protesters paralyzed Bangkok in April and May 2010. That movement ended with a military crackdown and more than 90 people, mostly protesters, were killed.

Pro-government "red shirt" protesters have stayed outside Bangkok this time, limiting the risk of factional clashes.

The post Seven Seriously Hurt in Bangkok Blast; Military Urges End to Crisis appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

China Falls in Love With Sherlock Holmes

Posted: 19 Jan 2014 10:07 PM PST

China, Sherlock Homes, Benedict Cumberbatch, UK, Britain, Cameron

Actor Benedict Cumberbatch, who plays Sherlock Homes in the BBC series "Sherlock," a hit among Chinese audiences. (Photo: Reuters)

SHANGHAI — Zhou Yeling dragged herself out of bed at 5 am for a long-awaited date with her favorite Englishman—Sherlock Holmes.

Zhou, 19, watched the third season premiere of the BBC's "Sherlock" on Jan. 2 on the British broadcaster's website. Two hours later, the episode started showing with Chinese subtitles on Youku.com, a video website. Youku says it was viewed more than 5 million times in the first 24 hours, becoming the site's most popular program to date.

"I was excited beyond words," said Zhou, a student in the central Chinese city of Changsha.

"Sherlock" has become a global phenomenon, but nowhere more than in China, which was one of the first countries where the new season was shown.

Online fan clubs have attracted thousands of members. Chinese fans write their own stories about the modern version of author Arthur Conan Doyle's prickly, Victorian detective and his sidekick, Dr. Watson, to fill the time between the brief, three-episode seasons. In Shanghai, an entrepreneur has opened a "Sherlock"-themed cafe.

Holmes is known in China as "Curly Fu," after his Chinese name, Fuermosi, and star Benedict Cumberbatch's floppy hair. Watson, played by Martin Freeman, is Huasheng, a name that sounds like "Peanut" in Mandarin. They have become two of the most popular terms in China's vast social media world.

"The 'Sherlock' production team shoot something more like a movie, not just a TV drama," said Yu Fei, a veteran writer of TV crime dramas for Chinese television.

Scenes in which Holmes spots clues in a suspect's clothes or picks apart an alibi are so richly detailed that "it seems like a wasteful luxury," Yu said.

Even the Communist Party newspaper People's Daily is a fan.

"Tense plot, bizarre story, exquisite production, excellent performances," it said of the third season's premier episode.

With its mix of odd villains, eccentric aristocrats and fashionable London settings, "Sherlock" can draw on a Chinese fondness for a storybook version of Britain.

Wealthy Chinese send their children to local branches of British schools such as Eton and Dulwich. Rolls Royce Motor Cars Ltd. says China passed the US last year to become the biggest market for its luxury sedans. On the outskirts of Shanghai, a developer has built Thames Town, modeled on an English village with mock Tudor houses and classic red phone booths.

"The whole drama has the rich scent of British culture and nobility," Yu said. "Our drama doesn't have that."

The series has given a boost to Youku.com, part of a fast-growing Chinese online video industry. Dozens of sites, some independent and others run by Chinese television stations, show local and imported programs such as "The Good Wife" and "The Big Bang Theory."

Youku.com says that after two weeks, total viewership for the "Sherlock" third season premiere had risen to 14.5 million people. That compares with the 8 to 9 million people who the BBC says watch first-run episodes in Britain. The total in China is bumped up by viewers on pay TV service BesTV, which also has rights to the program.

Appearing online gives "Sherlock" an unusual edge over Chinese dramas. To support a fledgling industry, communist authorities have exempted video websites from most censorship and limits on showing foreign programming that apply to traditional TV stations. That allows outlets such as Youku to show series that might be deemed too violent or political for state TV and to release them faster.

"Our writers and producers face many restrictions and censorship. We cannot write about national security and high-level government departments," Yu said.

Referring to Mycroft Holmes, a shadowy government official and key character, Yu said, "Sherlock's brother could not appear in a police drama in China."

Terigele, a 25-year-old geological engineer in the northern region of Inner Mongolia, started an online Sherlock fan club in 2010. The group has grown to become the biggest on the popular QQ social media service, with more than 1,000 members.

"I've watched several versions of Sherlock Holmes, and this is my favorite one," said Terigele, who like many ethnic Mongols uses one name. "The fans in my group, and I too, think it is especially interesting to bring these two men into modern society, with the Internet and high technology."

And Chinese fans have fallen in love with Cumberbatch.

"I am always super excited to see him on the screen and murmur, 'Wow, so beautiful' every single time,'" said Zhang Jing, 24, who works for an advertising company in the eastern city of Tianjin.

That fondness for the performers has helped fuel a fad for "Sherlock" fan fiction in China. Some stories play on the complicated relationship of Holmes and Watson by making them a gay couple.

"The sexual orientation is also an interesting point," Terigele said. "Their relationship is a bit more than friendship. They appreciate each other. It is cute, and it makes the audience more eager to watch it."

And "Sherlock" makes a helpful cultural ambassador for Britain.

When Prime Minister David Cameron visited China last year, fans posted appeals on microblogs for him to press the BBC to speed up the release of a new season.

Today, a popular online comment aimed at Cameron is, "Thank you for 'Sherlock.'"

The post China Falls in Love With Sherlock Holmes appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Union Parliament Law amended, changing MP vote protocol

Posted: 20 Jan 2014 01:37 AM PST

Burma's Union Parliament on Friday approved a bill amending the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw Law [Union Parliament Law], which affects voting protocol among Union Parliament members. The amendment effectively empowers the parliament's speaker to choose a voting method – i.e. show of hands, rising vote or computerised vote – for adopting bills in the legislative body.

The voting method employed to approve the legislation has not yet been confirmed. Lawmakers have told DVB that the bill was approved on 17 January despite objections from several MPs. Powers granted to the speaker by the new bill were informally used before it's passage, but until now they were not legally enshrined.

Pe Than, a lower house representative from Arakan State's Myebon township said the privilege could allow parliament's speakers to manipulate lawmakers' votes, as has been the case in the past.

"For example; the Bill Committee, when seeking a decision from lawmakers, would ask a leading question," said Pe Than. He explained that depending on the issue, the speaker might choose to say, "Anyone who wishes to object to the Bill Committee's decision please rise," which led to some members withholding their objections out of either fear or conformity, if no one else was seen standing.

"But there are times," he said, "when necessary procedures are adopted… because of leading questions, as the parliament speaker is more insightful than an ordinary lawmaker and can lead us in the right direction."

Pe Than said that the Parliament's 'anonymous' computerised voting system, which is the most commonly used, is also flawed, claiming that the system is not secure enough to ensure a confidential vote.

"The computer panel shows a green light visible to others when we vote 'yes', and a red light for 'no'. Also, we know the people in the control room can see who voted for what," he said.

"We would like to suggest not having the lights on the panel – to conceal the votes – so lawmakers can vote as they really prefer, without having to be afraid of anyone."

 

Suu Kyi rallies Karen State, says charter hinders peace process

Posted: 19 Jan 2014 11:02 PM PST

Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD), spoke to her party supporters at a public assembly in Karen State capital Hpa-an on 18 January, declaring that the 2008 Constitution stands in the way of peace between the military and the people of Burma.

"The effort to reconcile the Tatmadaw [Burmese armed forces] and the people is made difficult by the way the constitution was written, so it must be amended," she said, urging her supporters to take a clear stand on constitutional reforms.

The event was attended by around 40,000 people, according to an NLD official.

The party delegation went on to another Karen State town, Hlaingbwe, where a similar public assembly was held and joined by some 30,000 people.

Suu Kyi's Karen State appearances follow a similar tour through Burma's western Chin State, where she also held rallies in several towns to explain the party's stance on constitutional reform and urge popular support for several changes, including the proposed lifting of Article 59(f), which bars the opposition leader from assuming the Presidency.

Among other contentious sections of the military-drafted charter are the designation of 25 percent military representation in parliament and 75 percent parliamentary approval for amendments.

Party executive Win Htein said 90 percent of attendees in Hpa-an and Hlaingbwe wished to see the constitution amended, according to a survey following the assembly.

Likewise, nationwide assessments conducted throughout 2013 and early 2014, which gauged public opinion about whether to amend or completely rewrite the Constitution, also indicated that 90 percent of those surveyed supported amendment.

"According to surveys conducted in Naypyidaw, Kawhmu and Tharawaddy townships, and in Chin and Karen States, the majority wished to see the constitution amended rather than completely rewritten," said Win Htein.

A government-established Joint-Committee for Reviewing the Constitution charged with recommending modifications is due to finish compiling requested changes by 31 January. The ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party have expressed openness to revisions.

Suu Kyi's speech, which preceded an upcoming round of peace talks between ethnic armed groups and a government peace-building team in Hpa-an, centered on constitutional clauses that hamper the ongoing attempts at peace and reconciliation between the two sides, which have struggled with civil war and ethnic conflict for decades.

The upcoming peace negotiations, which have twice been postponed but are set to resume in February, are geared towards implementing a nationwide ceasefire and setting a plan of action for political settlement and national reconciliation.

 

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Shan in exile seek to preserve language in digital age

Posted: 20 Jan 2014 04:20 AM PST

CHAING MAI- The first, two-day seminar on Shan language and ICT (Information and Communications Technology), aiming to find solutions to enhance the Shan language through digital technology, was held on January 18-19, in Chiang Mai, Thailand.
The main two issues discussed during the two-day seminar were standardization of Shan dialects and the Shan Unicode font.

The Shan have encountered communication barriers for both political and geographical reasons, Shan living in Burma speak words mixed with Burmese, and likewise the Tai living in China, Vietnam and India speak words mixed with the national languages.
According to Puen Kham, a Shan language expert, Shan language and ICT are linked as we live in the digital age which affects almost every aspect of our lives. Moreover, he pointed out that the Shan should find and use words used by their ethnic Thai and Lao cousins, instead of Burmese and Chinese. However, he elaborated that if some words borrowed from Burmese and Chinese are widely used, then their use could be continued.

Sai Paing Pha, a Shan ICT specialist explained that the problem is that people use different fonts, namely Unicode and Zawgyi Tai, and people using Unicode can't read Zawgyi Tai font and vice versa. Hence, he urged those who use Zawgyi Tai, especially Sao Su Kham a revered Shan monk and inventor of the font to revoke the Zawgyi Tai font.
Jai Long a PhD candidate and Shan ICT specialist, also stated that Zawgyi Tai font was destroying the Shan Unicode and Shan language, and urged Zawgyi Tai users to solely use the Unicode system.
Sai Aung Htay, another participant, said: "All young people here use facebook, don't you? I believe that many young Shan would like to type Shan but it is frustrating when we just see squares and can't read them."

Tai speakers mainly live in Burma, China, Lao, Thailand, Vietnam and Assam in India. Thailand and Lao are the only countries where Tai is the official language. In Burma, the Shan language was banned from being taught in state schools for over a half century by the military regime.
Seng Murng Mungkorn, the president of the Thaiyai Education and Culture Association, Thailand, addressing the two-day seminar on language and ICT, said: "Language is very important for humankind; whether an ethnic group survives depends on language, literature and adjusting to the environment, even in the digital age."
The seminar was attended by about 100 participants from different sectors, including construction workers, domestic workers, civil society organizations and individuals. The event was cohosted by the Thaiyai Education and Culture Association; Shan Literature and Culture Association of Chiang Mai.

Saturday, January 18, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Burma’s Sin City Retains It’s ‘Special’ Features

Posted: 17 Jan 2014 07:41 PM PST

Myanmar, Burma, China, Wa, NDAA, UWSA, Mong La, mongla, casino, vice, drugs,

A new hotel under construction in Mong La, capital of the NDAA's Shan State Special Region No. 4. (Photo: Seamus Martov / The Irrawaddy)

MONG LA — This de facto capital of the National Democratic Alliance Army's (NDAA) autonomous fiefdom in the far northeastern corner of Shan State has experienced quite a few ups and downs since 1989, when the group's current leadership, who at the time were disgruntled mid level officers in the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), turned their backs on revolution and signed a ceasefire with Burma's military junta.

Following the complete collapse of Burma's strongest armed rebel group, what was once a small village in the northeast corner of CPB Zone 815 was quickly transformed into a mini Las Vegas, complete with casinos, hotels and a golf course, drawing thousands of Chinese punters from across the border on a daily basis. At its peak in the early 2000s, Mong La was infamous for its lady boy cabaret shows, Russian prostitutes and a human zoo that featured local women "bathing" semi-clothed beside a fake stream—just some of the exciting attractions that drew in the hordes from neighboring Yunnan Province.

The NDAA's cash cow nearly came to end in 2003 after Chinese authorities took the unprecedented step of crossing into Mong La and raiding the casino. A scandal involving the daughter of a senior Chinese Communist Party official blowing more than $160,000 of government funds in Mong La casinos was reportedly the final straw for Chinese authorities, angered that millions in stolen public funds were being pocketed by the casino operators.  The Chinese intervention made Mong La a ghost town almost overnight, drastically reducing the number of visitors for a few years.

The NDAA's response was to the move the casinos further inside their territory to Wan Hsieo, some 16 miles south of Mong La, where several casinos continue to operate.  Some of the casinos at Wan Hsieo are also equipped with high-speed internet connections and video cameras so chronic gamblers can place bets from the comfort of their homes in China. It is a lucrative innovation that is interrupted from time to time by Chinese authorities' repeated attempts to block wireless internet signals.

Today, more than 10 years after the Chinese crackdown, the casino business appears, on the surface at least, to be raking in huge sums of money for NDAA and their Chinese friends, though reliable figures and statistics are difficult, if not impossible, to come by. On a recent trip to Mong La, this correspondent found nearly every one of the town's dozen or so hotels fully booked.  The hotel room shortage will soon be solved, I was informed.  There are currently two large hotels under construction—one opposite Mong La's standing Buddha—the larger of which, according to locals, will have hundreds of rooms.

Chinese visitors appear very much at home in Mong La, the town operates on Beijing Standard Time, 90 minutes ahead of Burma. The currency of choice is the yuan, with many stores and hotels flat-out refusing Burmese kyat. Burmese language speakers are clearly a minority in Mong La.

In addition to speaking their own dialects, most of the NDAA area's indigenous Shan and Akha inhabitants speak Chinese, the lingua franca for Mong La and the neighboring special region controlled by the United Wa State Army (UWSA).

Gambling isn't the only draw for Chinese tourists coming to the NDAA's 4,950-square-kilometer zone of control, officially known as Shan State Special Region No. 4. Mong La's also has a thriving sex trade involving hundreds of imported Chinese prostitutes. Sex workers from across Burma's ethnic groups can also be found working in the town's Karaoke bars and massage parlors, though their numbers are said to be dwarfed by their Chinese colleagues.

Undercover researchers from TRAFFIC and Oxford Brookes University found thousands of ivory pieces openly for sale in Mong La. (Photo: Vincent Nijman)

Tacky-looking Chinese-language flyers advertising prostitutes' rates and services can be found everywhere, inserted under hotel room doors at regular intervals. But some things have changed—the Russian girls and the bathing zoo are a thing of the past, explains a Burmese repeat visitor well immersed in the town's underbelly.

"If you want a girl, don't get one from the street. They have disease," he warns, urging instead that one should go to a brothel, where many of the women walking the streets were previously employed until they failed blood tests conducted by management.

In Mong La's bustling market, conveniently located next to the red light district, animal parts of various Burmese endangered species, including tiger and leopard skins, are sold openly on the street and in Chinese-operated stores. For those interested in buying bear bile, tiger bone wine and seemingly any other aphrodisiacs made from near extinct animals, Mong La has it all.

This week, the international conservation alliance TRAFFIC announced that an undercover team of its researchers recently found more than 3,300 pieces of ivory and nearly 50 raw ivory elephant tusks for sale in Mong La. The investigators, who partnered with researchers from Britain's Oxford Brookes University, were following up on the group's previous research begun in 2006 monitoring Mong La's ivory trade, which according to TRAFFIC is bigger now than it has ever been.

"Our observations suggest Mong La may be one of the biggest unregulated ivory markets in Asia, and it is doubtless one of those where ivory is most openly displayed," explains the university's Professor Vincent Nijman in the TRAFFIC press release. While some of the ivory likely comes from Burma and elsewhere in Asia, it appears that most of it originates from further afield. "My educated guess is that at least part of it, and perhaps even the majority comes from Africa," Vincent told The Irrawaddy.

Chris R. Shepherd, TRAFFIC's director for Southeast Asia was also quoted in the press release calling on Naypyidaw to do something about Mong La's ivory trade, "as the market is situated in Myanmar, it is the responsibility of Myanmar's authorities to take swift action and close down this illicit trade." This seems to be a tall order, even if the Burmese authorities were serious about shutting down Mong La's thriving trade in endangered species, it's unclear how they could do this. The central government has little if any control over Mong La and no presence along the NDAA region's lengthy border with China, from where TRAFFIC research indicates much of the ivory is smuggled.

Mong La's Special Ruler

The head of the NDAA is the 60-something-year-old Lin Mingxian (also known as Sai Lin or Sai Leun), a Sino-Shan CPB veteran and one-time member of China's Red Guards. Lin commands a militia estimated by Jane's Intelligence Review as consisting of 5,000 troops, largely ethnic Shan and Akha.

In the 1990's, Lin was regularly described in the US State Department's annual International Narcotics Control Strategy Reports, as being heavily involved in the drug trade. With great fanfare in 1997 he declared his territory opium free. Although many observers were skeptical of this declaration, three years later, the State Department described Lin as having "successfully rid his area of opium cultivation."

Despite the fact he was no longer appearing in the annual narcotics reports, internal US diplomatic cables continued to describe Lin as a "drug trafficker" who oversaw what one embassy official referred to in 2005 as "James Bondian private police force."

Lin, who during his old ally Khin Nyunt's heyday hosted a series of visits from the US politicians including congressmen Charles Rangel and Tom Campbell, and former House of Representatives Speaker Dennis Hastert, is rarely seen in public these days, reportedly for health reasons. He may also have other reasons for keeping a low profile. In January 2010, his colleague NDAA General Secretary Min Ein (a.k.a. Lin Hongshen) was gunned down in broad daylight in Mong La, a killing that remains unexplained.

Lin's father in law, Pheung Kya-shin, the deposed chief of the Kokang-based Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), another faction that came out of the CPB's self implosion, has been on the run since 2009, when his area was invaded by the Burma Army. Whether the same fate will happen to Lin and the NDAA remains to be seen, but Lin's other former comrades in the United Wa State Army (UWSA)—currently Burma's largest armed group—are said to be shoring up the NDAA's forces to prevent this from happening.

"My understanding is that there's still a close alliance between the UWSA and the NDAA, with Wa troops stationed at various places inside the NDAA's territory," said veteran journalist Bertil Lintner, co-author of a book on the UWSA.

The UWSA's support for the NDAA is almost certainly more than a simple case of solidarity for old comrades. In addition to acting as a buffer between the Burmese military and the UWSA, the NDAA's special region occupies what Jane's calls a "strategically important belt of territory that provides the Wa Special Region 2 with overland access to the Mekong River communications and trade artery."

Like the UWSA, the NDAA successfully resisted the government's push in 2010 to transform itself into a Border Guard Force (BGF), this despite significant pressure from Naypyidaw to do so. A report by the International Crisis Group (ICG), citing Mong La business leaders connected to the NDAA, claimed that in the run up to the government's deadline for armed groups to form a BGF, UWSA had "pressed" the NDAA "to refrain from negotiating or compromising with the military government on the BGF proposal." According to the ICG's sources, the "UWSA told NDAA that if they were to surrender to [the Burmese government], they may as well just surrender to UWSA."

In October 2011, when the NDAA formally renewed its ceasefire agreement with Burma's central government, it did so one day after the UWSA reached a similar agreement. Under the agreement the NDAA agreed not to "secede from the State at all and to devote all the capacities of Special Region (4) to perpetuation of the sovereignty of the State."

More than two years on, there remains scant evidence that the central government's has much, if any, sovereignty over Lin's "Special" kingdom. The status quo appears to suit Mong La's casino operators, brothel owners and ivory sellers just fine.

The post Burma's Sin City Retains It's 'Special' Features appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

A View of Life in Chin State

Posted: 17 Jan 2014 07:28 PM PST

Myanmar, Burma, Chin, Chin State, ethnic, photos, moutains

The river valley in Chin State known to locals know as Timit, seen from the road from Hakha to Thantlang. (Photo: Sam Stubblefield)

Chin State is often described as Burma's most impoverished and isolated state. Chin people are keen for development with can improve their standard of living—namely better roads, an expanded electricity grid, increased agricultural production and higher-quality education—while at the same time remaining cautious about possible detrimental impacts from development.

It is clear that things are changing in the state. The Chin National Front has negotiated three ceasefire agreements with the government since January 2012. Previously unpaved and seasonally impassable roads are being widened and paved. The requirement for tourists to hold special permits before traveling in the state was dropped in early 2013. Foreign investors are coming to the state looking for business opportunities.

Yet many problems persist. The vast majority of the people in Chin State are Christian, and complaints of religious-based discrimination are still common. Refugees and migrants continue to flow out of the state into neighboring countries including India and Malaysia. High unemployment, especially among the youth, persists. Concerns over environmental degradation are being raised where foreign investment projects have been started—for example the Mwe Tuang nickel mining project in the north and the Kaladan Multi Modal Transit and Transport Project in the south.

Photography of Chin State usually features K’Cho women with facial tattoos, and while this type of tattooing is undoubtedly a unique (and quickly vanishing) cultural practice, it is far from representative of the state as a whole. These photographs—taken in December 2013—provide a snapshot of daily life in Chin State.

The post A View of Life in Chin State appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Man, Elephant ‘Face-Off for Food’ in Irrawaddy Delta

Posted: 17 Jan 2014 07:11 PM PST

Myanmar, Burma, The Irrawaddy, elephants, rice paddy, Irrawaddy Delta

A family stands beneath its lookout post in Irrawaddy Division's Thabaung Township. (Photo: Salai Thant Sin / The Irrawaddy)

THABAUNG TOWNSHIP, Irrawaddy Division — Upon waking in the middle of the night, George Nay Htoo grabs his flashlight and directs its illuminating beam onto a rice paddy below. Seeing no sign of intruders, he breathes a sigh of relief and lies down again, but as is often the case, restful sleep does not easily return for a mind on heightened alert.

For more than a month, he has kept up this night watch, sacrificing sleep to keep an eye on his ripening rice crop. But it is not food-strapped local residents or thieving rice traders that he is guarding against. The problem is much bigger than that.

"I face this kind of situation every year," said George Nay Htoo, a farmer from the village of O-Bo in Irrawaddy Division's Thabaung Township. "Last year, they ate almost everything, so I could collect only about 25 tins [525 kilograms] of rice from five acres of paddy. I had to try very hard to get that much."

"They" are wild elephants, and they are increasingly encroaching on the lands—and threatening the livelihoods—of farmers in the Irrawaddy Delta, locals here say.

Some 100,000 acres of farmland in Irrawaddy Division's Pathein, Thabaung and Nagpudaw townships were at risk of being destroyed by wild elephants during the latest paddy growing season, which winds down this month.

According to local farmers, intrusions by the pachyderms are getting worse with each passing year.

"Gradually, elephants have become more daring and we almost can't scare and drive them out now," said Saw Poe Lu, a farmer from the village of Kongyankon in Thabaung Township. "Once they have eaten paddy, they just want to continue having it in the future, so they will go for it by hook or by crook."

To protect their crops, farmers have built lookouts near the rice paddies and many, like George Nay Htoo, sleep overnight in the posts, positioning themselves to scare off elephants that make forays onto their land once the sun sets.

However, farmers say elephants no longer fear their screams, nor the other means they have employed to try to drive them away, such as banging pots and pans, or hitting drums made from hollowed-out logs. The intruders, they say, leave the fields only after they have eaten their fill.

With laws in place to protect the elephants, the hapless farmers say they are at a loss for how to deal with the problem.

"We will be charged in accordance with the law if we kill them," said Nay Lin Aung, another farmer from O-Bo. "We can neither drive them out nor kill them so, we have to sit and watch them as they eat the paddy that we are growing."

Adding insult to injury, farmers here say their families are forced to clamber up into the look-out posts, raised 20-30 feet off the ground, after dusk, when darkness emboldens the elephants—tusk-wielding behemoths that are more than capable of goring a human.

"We have been sleeping in our lookout for more than a month because we dare not spend the nights in our hut on the ground," said George Nay Htoo, who is a father of four. "My whole family has to go up when the darkness comes. We can't easily climb up and down from our lookout, so we have to use bowls as a toilet. We also have to take along drinking water, clothes, blankets, mosquito nets, mosquito repellent, et cetera."

During the second week of November, two wild elephants defied George Nay Htoo's efforts to protect his rice paddies.

"We were in our lookout when they came. We tried to bang plates and other things, and shouted at them with the hope that they would leave. They didn't. I used a catapult to shoot at them but it didn't work either. They basically ate my paddy the whole night, starting at about 9pm and leaving after 5am the next morning. They were quite big, so four paddy plots were gone," recalled George Nay Htoo.

Many farmers in Pathein, Thabaung and Nagpudaw townships have experienced similarly devastating incursions, and even rice that makes it to harvest is not always safe from the elephants, villagers claim.

"Once they come into a village, they look for barns," Myint Kyi, a villager from the village of Chay Htauk Kwin in Pathein Township, told The Irrawaddy. "One day, an elephant came into my village and when he saw his target he just banged it with his head to open it. He wasn't full after eating one sack of rice. … He went back to the jungle only after he felt satiated."

According to Win Thein, a member of the Irrawaddy Division Assembly from Thabaung Township, overexploitation of forests in the region, and widespread deforestation, were contributing to the problem.

"Humans seize elephant's food, the latter ravages the formers' [crops]," said Win Thein, who represents the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in the regional assembly.

Win Thein said he had asked the government's Forestry Department to step in and assist the region's farmers.

"Elephants enter paddy fields every day and farmers try as best they can to protect their crops, so it seems like the two sides are facing off for food," said the regional lawmaker from Thabaung. "People can die from elephant attacks, so I asked the Forestry Department to protect them by driving out elephants from paddy fields before people's lives become at risk. However, no action has been taken to safeguard the needs of citizens."

Soe Myint, the minister for forestry and mining in Irrawaddy Division, however, told The Irrawaddy that there was only one team—made up of trained elephants—in the region that could drive away wild elephants and that his ministry had found it difficult to deal with the current problems.

"Matters related to elephants are under the care of the Myanma Timber Enterprise [MTE], so I already informed the MTE since I received the report about the wild beasts," said Soe Myint. "There is only one team for driving away elephants in Irrawaddy Division, which comprises only four trained elephants, so we are in trouble dealing with this matter."

Myint Aung, the head of an environmental conservation group based in Irrawaddy Division, said setting aside land devoted to the kind of plants preferred by elephants—such as banana trees and bamboo—would help to reduce the temptation for elephants to stray into areas inhabited by humans.

"We need to create pastures for wild elephants. If they have enough food, they won't risk their lives and come to where humans are living," he said, adding that stricter regulations to prevent illegal logging and systematic forestry conservation practices could also help to tackle the current problems.

Those suggestions may go some way toward resolving future conflict between elephants and locals, but for now hard numbers are a source of anxiety for George Nay Htoo, who has borrowed 100,000 kyats (US$100) for each acre of paddy planted.

Last year, he struggled to find the money to pay back a 500,000 kyats loan from the government after elephants decimated his crop, and as this season's harvest approached in December, he told The Irrawaddy that he feared similar hardship was in the offing.

"I will try as much I can to drive them away," George Nay Htoo said in a low voice. "If I can't, I don't know what else to do but let them eat my paddy."

The post Man, Elephant 'Face-Off for Food' in Irrawaddy Delta appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Irrawaddy Business Roundup (January 18, 2014)

Posted: 17 Jan 2014 06:55 PM PST

Secret Deal to Build Hydro Dams in Kachin State Revealed

Details have emerged of plans by a Chinese construction company and a Burmese firm to build four hydro dams on a river in Kachin State that would generate a combined 1,200 megawatts of electricity, according to local media reports.

An agreement exists between YPIC International Energy Cooperation & Development Limited of Yunnan and a Burmese firm called International Group of Entrepreneurs, said Eleven Media.

The agreement was first made with the military regime in 2010 and has recently been amended and made current, the report said, quoting sources in Burma's Ministry of Electric Power.

International Group of Entrepreneurs is owned by the sons of former Minister of Industry Aung Thaung, who is still a member of Parliament, said the Kachin News Group.

The plans, not previously made public, involve developing dams on the Nawchankha River at Laungdin, GawLan, Htonshin Chaung and Kankan, said Eleven Media.

There have not been any consultations with communities likely to be dislocated by the dams.

The electricity planned to be generated by these projects is equal to one third of Burma's entire present power capacity. It's not clear from the reports whether the electricity would be distributed inside Burma or transmitted to China.

Thai Firm 'to Build Second Gas Electricity Plant in Rangoon'

Gunkul Engineering of Thailand is building a second small gas-fueled electricity plant in Rangoon, and is reportedly planning to develop more power stations elsewhere in Burma.

The firm said it will develop a mixture of natural gas, solar and wind power projects with an electricity generating capacity of 150 megawatts by 2016, The Nation newspaper in Bangkok reported.

Gunkul has completed one 25-megawatt gas plant in Rangoon and is planning a second with an unnamed Burmese partner and via its subsidiary Gunkul Myanmar Power (Hlawga) Pte registered in Singapore, the paper quoted executives saying.

Investment in other projects amounting to about 100 megawatts, using gas or wind turbines is being studied, chief executive Sopacha Dhumrongpiyawut told The Nation.

Surveys of potential development sites are planned in Mon, Karen and Shan states and the Taninthayi region, it said.

Japan's Marubeni Corp Eyes Building a Fertilizer Factory in Burma

Major Japanese conglomerate Marubeni Corporation is considering building a factory in Burma to produce agricultural fertilizers, a report said.

Senior managers of Marubeni have held talks on the factory with various government officials in Naypyidaw, including the Minister for Environmental Conservation and Forestry Win Tun, said Eleven Media citing unnamed government sources.

No details of possible locations for the factory or the investment and timeframe are available.

Marubeni is one of three large Japanese companies investing in the Thilawa Special Economic Zone on the outskirts of Rangoon. The other two are Mitsubishi Corporation and Sumitomo Corporation.

They are working on establishing infrastructure such as roads, sewage, drainage and electricity to cater for factories and warehouses. The first phase of Thilawa is due for completion in 2015.

Indian Businesses Look for Partners at Trade Show in Rangoon

Dozens of Indian companies are taking part in a trade promotion show in Rangoon.

The show, featuring Indian products and services, is being supported by New Delhi's Ministry of Commerce and Industry.

"The show will bring together leading Indian brands and small and medium size entrepreneurs on one platform, effectively presenting the India business perspective and leverage business partnerships with Myanmar Industry," said an Indian Embassy statement quoted by Eleven Media.

It will focus on agricultural equipment, vehicle components, construction machinery, education and training, energy transmission, financial services, irrigation, metals and minerals, and waste management.
Burma's giant western neighbor has been hesitant to invest in Burma's economic renaissance. The show runs until January 18.

Denmark Cancels Multimillion Dollar Debt to 'Aid Burma's Growth'

European Union member country Denmark has cancelled debts of US$54 million owed by Burma.

The debt is old loans advanced by Denmark years ago to pay for fishery protection vessels, said the Copenhagen Post.

"When we forgive debt, it opens up resources that can be invested in a population's health, schools and roads, which they are in desperate need of," said Danish Development Minister Rasmus Helveg Petersen during a visit to Naypyidaw.

"[Burma] should no longer be weighed down by old debt while they continue their path towards development and political reforms that will benefit the poor population," he said at a meeting with Burma's President Thein Sein, the paper reported.

Burma's Newest Airline Starts Mandalay-Chiang Mai Route

Another air service between regional districts of Burma and Thailand is set to start at the end of January.

Burma's newest airline, Asian Wings Airways, will fly a weekly service on Wednesdays from Mandalay to Chiang Mai and return from January 29, said Bangkok travel newspaper TTR Weekly.

Up to now, Asian Wings has flown only on domestic Burma routes, linking Rangoon with 16 other destinations in the country, said the paper.

The Mandalay-Chiang Mai route is to serve "travel demand between the two cities," TTR Weekly said. It will operate until April 30.

A number of other small airlines, mostly Thai, already fly between the two cities, including Nok Air the budget line owned by state-owned operator Thai Airways.

Nok Air also links Chiang Mai with Bagan and the Thai border town of Mae Sot with Moulmein in Mon State.

The post Irrawaddy Business Roundup (January 18, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


US spending bill adds ‘new restrictions’ on Burma

Posted: 18 Jan 2014 05:45 AM PST

The US$1.1 trillion spending package that US President Barack Obama signed into law on Friday contains new restrictions on assistance to Burma, stipulating that funds allocated to the Burmese government are contingent on Constitutional reform and demonstrated progress towards resolving human rights issues.

The 1,582-page law, which authorises all US spending until October 2014, delineates wide-ranging conditions for engagement with the Burmese government including the unconditional release of all political prisoners, a constitutionally enshrined fair electoral process and observable efforts to bring rights violators to justice.

"Until these issues are addressed in an acceptable manner, some Members of Congress are likely to support the continuation of existing sanctions on Burma, and possibly the imposition of new sanctions," said Michael Martin, Asian Affairs Specialist for Congressional Research Service, which advises the US legislative branch.

Many of the US sanctions imposed on Burma during the years of military rule have been waived by President Obama in light of the nation's transition to a nominally civilian government in 2011. President Thein Sein's administration has been widely praised for reforms including the establishment of a partially elected parliament, to which opposition leader and former political prisoner Aung San Suu Kyi is now an appointed member.

While the changes were quickly rewarded by most Western governments, the new legislation reveals some disillusion among US lawmakers, particularly with regard to Thein Sein's promise of amnesty for prisoners of conscience, an express condition for the removal of sanctions under several US laws including the Customs and Trade Act of 1990 and the Junta’s Anti-Democratic Efforts (JADE) Act of 2008.

"Support among Members of Congress for such restrictive language is partially based on a perception that the Thein Sein government has not adequately addressed the political prisoner issue," said Martin. "The issue remains if there are still political prisoners in Burma."

Though the Burmese government insists that a series of amnesties — most recently on 31 December last year — has freed all of the prisoners in question, members of a prisoner scrutiny committee created by Thein Sein claim that at least 33 identified political prisoners remain in jail.

In addition to this discrepancy, it has further been suggested that several of Burma's laws, particularly those concerning peaceful assembly and freedom of expression, could potentially create more prisoners of conscience.

"As long as those Burmese laws remain in effect, the possibility for creating new political prisoners exists," said Martin. "If new political prisoners are arrested and detained, then the sanctions required by US law would remain in effect."

Beyond disagreements about politically motivated detention, concern among US lawmakers extends to a profusion of other "shortcomings in the actions of the Thein Sein government and the Burmese military."

Those shortcomings, said Martin, include the treatment of Rohingya Muslims, restrictive provisions of the 2008 Constitution, alleged ongoing human rights abuse and an unresolved peace process.

Language in Section 7043 of the new law notably restricts engagement with "any individual or organization credibly alleged to have committed gross violations of human rights, including against Rohingyas and other minority Muslim groups."

As recently as Thursday, new reports of deadly assaults in Maungdaw, Arakan State, began to surface in the international media. The Burmese government denied on Friday that they had any knowledge of related killings. The incident, which reportedly resulted in at least ten brutal deaths, was the latest in a rash of communal strife that has overwhelmingly affected stateless Rohingya Muslims.

While rights groups have accused Burmese authorities of complicity in an anti-Muslim pogrom, the United Nations and foreign diplomats have accused them of negligence.

"Government actions to date have clearly been insufficient," read a 17 January statement issued by the US Embassy in Rangoon, which urged Burmese authorities to "thoroughly investigate and hold accountable those responsible for the violence, whether civilian or security personnel."

Regarding how the Burmese government's response to anti-Muslim violence might alter the fiscal relationship between Burma and the US, Embassy Spokeswoman Sarah Hutchinson told DVB on Friday that, "We don't have any further comment at this time."

New financial restrictions on Burma primarily apply to the US Economic Support Fund, which supports programmes in “Restrictive and Rebuilding” countries. These programmes include military assistance, diplomatic expenditures and USAID projects.

“Members of Congress are likely to support the continuation of existing sanctions on Burma, and possibly the imposition of new sanctions," — Michael Martin, Asian Affairs Specialist for Congressional Research Service

Obama did not request funding for Burma under the Foreign Military Financing Program, though a Joint Explanatory Statement issued by congress on Monday says that assistance will be considered on a case by case basis, and will depend on demonstrated progress towards addressing human rights violations and "efforts to bring to justice military officials involved in such violations."

The full impact of the new restrictions remains unclear; while the legal language reveals some apprehension towards intergovernmental support, enforcement of economic sanctions in the private sector remains problematic.

The US Department of Treasury enforces foreign sanctions by maintaining a roster of Specially Designated Nationals (SDN), which identifies individuals, organisations and companies that US citizens are forbidden to conduct business with. During a 2011 visit to Burma, then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton pledged to make the SDN list more effective in implementing Burma sanctions.

"Since she made that statement, [the] Treasury has added a few Burmese people and companies to the list, but has also removed some," according to Martin.

Patterns have emerged in the Treasury's selection process. While the department has aggressively targeted officials involved in the North Korean arms trade, critics claim that other violators have been systematically overlooked. When two Burmese companies and one military official were added to the SDN list on 17 December 2013 for facilitating weapons trade, Jennifer Quigley of US Campaign for Burma told DVB, "We are again disappointed the US government has singled out Burmese connections to North Korea while continuing to ignore its own stated policy that it would identify and sanction known human rights abusers and their economic supporters."

Friday's legislation suggests a new seriousness in addressing these criticisms, by limiting the US government's own financial collaborators in Burma. Conforming to all of the law's many and diverse provisions would require tremendous changes by the Burmese government. These changes would entail reforms in civil liberties law, additional and ongoing amnesties, and foreseeably even criminal tribunals.

Perhaps the most audacious request of all is a Constitutional change that could conceivably impact Burma's 2015 Presidential election. Aung San Suu Kyi has recently rallied citizens nationwide to support the reversal of the controversial Article 59(f), which precludes her bid for the Presidency. The Nobel laureate has gone so far as to suggest that it was drafted for that express purpose.

"Funds appropriated by this Act should only be made available for assistance for the central Government of Burma if such government has implemented Constitutional reforms," reads Section 7043(b), "in consultation with Burma's political opposition and ethnic groups, providing for inclusive, transparent, and fair participation in presidential and parliamentary elections in Burma, including as voters and candidates."

Postage stamp exhibition draws philatelists to Rangoon

Posted: 18 Jan 2014 12:08 AM PST

The first postal stamp exhibition by the Myanmar Philatelic Society was held at the Young Men's Buddhist Association (YMBA) Hall in Rangoon on the 10th of January.

"We assume there are many other stamp collectors in Burma, and hosted the exhibition to let them know about our existence", said Kyaw Win Maung from Myanmar Philatelic Society.

Among the items on view were stamps picturing Aung San Suu Kyi, British royals, and several award-winning drawings printed during the Japanese Occupation in 1943.

The aim of the exhibition was to promote philately, which is the study of stamps and postal history, among the Burmese public. Judging from the number of visitors, it seems to have been a success.