Monday, June 9, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Burmese Army Accused of Torture as Kachin Conflict Enters Fourth Year

Posted: 09 Jun 2014 06:08 AM PDT

An activist holds markers for people to sign a T-shirt at an event to mark the third anniversary of the Kachin conflict in Rangoon on Monday. (Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burma's military is responsible for "systematically" torturing ethnic Kachin civilians in what may constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity, a human rights group said on Monday, the three-year anniversary of renewed fighting between the Burmese Army and Kachin rebels in northern Burma.

Bangkok-based Fortify Rights said such practices are ongoing in Kachin and northern Shan states, where fighting between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Burmese Army has flared on and off since June 9, 2011. In a 71-page report, the rights group said civilians suspected of having ties to the KIA were targeted by the army, police and military intelligence officers.

The report, titled "I Thought They Would Kill Me," describes a variety of torture tactics employed, including beatings, sensory deprivation, and forcing victims to dig what they were told would be their own graves. Others were allegedly sexually assaulted, burned or forced to lick their own blood off the ground after being beaten, according to the report.

"The authorities have tortured Kachin civilians with brutal and inhuman tactics, and those responsible for these crimes have acted with complete impunity for three years," Matthew Smith, executive director of Fortify Rights, was quoted as saying in a press release. "The government must fulfill its duty to put a stop to these serious crimes and ensure accountability for abuses."

Fortify Rights said the report was based on 78 interviews with victims of torture and their family members, witnesses, aid workers and KIA officials, from June 2011 to April 2014. The group said it collected evidence that more than 60 civilians were tortured over the period.

Torture tactics were frequently tinged with an element of ethnic or religious discrimination against the majority-Christian Kachin, the report said, adding that several victims told of threats made to destroy the Kachin ethnic identity.

The report said that while it had uncovered no use of torture tactics by the KIA, Fortify Rights "shares concerns expressed by UN officials and others regarding allegations of the KIA's ongoing use of child soldiers, forced labor, and antipersonnel landmines."

The report's release on Monday coincided with the three-year anniversary of a breakdown in the ceasefire between the KIA and the government. More than 100,000 people have been displaced by the fighting since then, with casualties unknown but estimated in the thousands.

The KIA remains one of two major ethnic armed groups in Burma that does not have a ceasefire with the government, despite several rounds of peace talks since fighting broke out three years ago.

Also on Monday, the Kachin Women's Association Thailand said in a statement that recent fighting—which the group claimed was motivated by a Burmese Army campaign to secure economic gains in the region—"throw[s] strong doubt on the government's sincerity towards the peace process."

The association added that at least 70 instances of sexual violence had been documented since 2011, with half of those victims killed as a result.

"We deplore these continuing incidents of rape, and urge that the issue of military sexual violence be addressed as a matter of priority during peace negotiations," the association said.

Fifty-five organizations worldwide, including Fortify Rights, on Monday issued a nine-point call for action, urging both sides in the conflict to cease hostilities, ensure access for humanitarian aid groups and grant women a voice in peace talks.

Over the weekend, activists around Burma gathered to commemorate the grim three-year milestone, calling on the Burmese military to drop its guns.

"If the army wants peace, [they] should not be fighting up until today. Looking back at the three years of battles, the ethnic army [KIA] has never initiated fighting with the Burmese Army. It is the Burmese Army that has occupied the ethnic army's posts one by one," Khon Ja, an activist with the Kachin Peace Network, told The Irrawaddy on Saturday.

In April, presidential spokesman Ye Htut rejected such characterizations, telling The Irrawaddy that "the Tatmadaw [military] only fights to defend itself, and they have been instructed not to attack first."

Events to mark the third anniversary were held in Rangoon beginning on Saturday. Youth groups in the former capital held signs reading "stop civil war now" amid the singing of songs urging peace, traditional dance performances and testimonies from civilians affected by the conflict.

The anniversary was also marked in Mandalay and Myitkyina, the Kachin State capital, where activists marched 10 miles from the city center to Jaw Pone mountain. Kachin exile communities in countries including Malaysia, the United States, Japan and Australia also planned events.

"Even though the president [Thein Sein] gave an order to stop the war in Kachin, the war is still happening, probably because the commander-in-chief has given the order [to fight]," Phyu Ei Thein, an aid worker who has been fundraising for displaced Kachin civilians over the past two and a half years, said in Rangoon. She added that soldiers on both sides did not necessarily want to fight, citing stories of Burmese Army and KIA soldiers communicating on friendly terms across the jungle streams that sometimes serve as battle lines.

Despite those accounts, Phyu Ei Thein said a far less fraternal dynamic was beginning to set in at the camps for internally displaced people (IDPs), some of whom have been without a permanent home since 2011.

"All we can do is to urge them [the IDPs] not to nurture so much hatred toward the Burmese," she said, pointing out that two of the Burman Buddhist-dominated military's largest offensives coincided with the Christmas and Easter holidays.

Ja Seng Pan, a Kachin woman who was involved in a performance on Saturday in Rangoon, said her participation was an expression of solidarity.

"We couldn't help the IDPs financially, but we want to encourage them by showing our support," she said.

With additional reporting from Nyein Nyein.

The post Burmese Army Accused of Torture as Kachin Conflict Enters Fourth Year appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Mergui Archipelago’s Kadan Island Slated for $4m Resort

Posted: 09 Jun 2014 03:14 AM PDT

A Google Maps screenshot shows Kadan Island (red marker) off the coast of mainland Burma's Tenasserim Division. (Photo: Google Maps)

RANGOON — The Myeik Public Corporation plans to invest US$4 million in a resort on Kadan Island in the Mergui Archipelago next year, according to Kyaw Myo Paing, the manager of the firm.

The company, which earlier this year disclosed that it would spearhead four new tourism projects in the largely untouched Mergui Archipelago, said this week that it was revising those plans. The first project, at Kadan, will break ground in March of next year, Kyaw Myo Paing told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

Under its initial proposal, the Myeik Public Corporation was eyeing four islands—Khuntee (or Gabuza) Island, Eastern Sula Island, Langan Island and Tanintharyi Island—but the firm has since shifted its gaze toward Kadan, the archipelago's largest island. Kadan lies some 15 miles west of Myeik, a coastal town on the Burmese mainland that serves as the region's commercial hub.

"Our latest plan is to start our project on Kadan Island. The local authority is now checking the details of our plan. We do expect they will allow us to build a resort on Kadan Island first," he said.

He added that a second development was slated for Khuntee Island, as originally planned, and a third at Saw Mon Hla Island. The plan will see hotels, houses, golf courses and shops built on the three islands, which are largely deserted at present but could be ready to take in tourists by 2018.

"We'll invest US$4 million just for Kadan Island, because it's the nearest island from Myeik, only a 45-minute boat ride there," Kyaw Myo Paing said, adding that the project was expected to take four years to complete.

"We expect that many foreign tourists will come to relax in this area through Maw Daung [a border trading station with Thailand] in Tanintharyi [Tenasserim] Division," he said. Maw Daung is expected to be fully operational within the year, and some trading activities are already taking place on the Burma side of the border.

The Mergui Archipelago consists of more than 800 islands across an area of 10,000 square miles in Burma's far south. While currently difficult and expensive to visit, the area, also known as the Myeik Archipelago, is tipped to become a major tourist destination as Burma welcomes more foreign tourist arrivals. The archipelago is listed as a priority area for development under a Tourism Master Plan put out by the government last year.

Aung Myat Kyaw, the chairman of the Union of Myanmar Travel Association and an adviser to Burma's Tourism Marketing Committee, said he agreed that after the Maw Daung border station was operational, the archipelago was likely to see more tourists, especially divers traveling from neighboring Thailand.

"Mostly, visitors go there through Ranong [Thailand]. There needs to be a better transportation system in place in that area, because if visitors go there via Rangoon, it takes time and a lot of money. A better transport system is needed—for example, regular flights there," he said.

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Growing Opium Makes Economic Sense for Kayan Farmers

Posted: 09 Jun 2014 02:29 AM PDT

Opium

Raw opium on sale at a public market in Loi Wine village, Pekhon Township. (Photo: Kayan New Generation Youth)

PEKHON TOWNSHIP, Shan State — During the dry season, ethnic Kayan people in Loi Wine village have access to water for crops thanks to a nearby irrigation dam. Letters posted in the village by local authorities order them that this water must be used to grow vegetables, rather than illegal opium poppies.

But to locals here in the remote far south of Shan State, opium is just another crop, and one that makes them about 10 times more cash than licit produce.

Risking the censure of authorities, they cultivate and harvest opium poppies in farmland away from main roads. The poppies are normally processed into heroin—either by farmers here or elsewhere—which is exported to international markets or feeds into the growing drug problems of Burma's ethnic border states.

"I earned 3 million kyat [more than US$3,000] from growing opium this summer," declares Taung Chang, a Kayan farmer aged about 50. "Usually, I would only earn 300,000 kyat if I grew corn."

During a visit last week, most of the opium in the village had been replaced with other crops for the rainy season, although some continue to grow opium, despite the unfavorable conditions.

This village alone produces about 2 tons of opium a season, which all together would be worth more than $300,000, based on the current local price of 600,000 kyat (about $600) for 1 viss—a Burmese measurement equivalent to 1.63 kilograms.

The price of land in Loi Wine village has gone up as space here has in recent years become sought after for the opium trade.

Aung Ba, 35, another local farmer, said an acre of land now costs more than 2 million kyat ($2,000).

"All of this area was recognized forest and belonged to no one before.  But some people set up a village and they built houses and took ownership of the land, and that land has become valuable as they can grow opium," said Aung Ba.

Despite the high price on offer, no one was keen to sell their land, he said.

However, some other local farmers say the risks involved with growing opium are not worth taking. Aung Ba said that, in particular, opium poppies—which require more investment to plant than other crops—were vulnerable to being washed away by rains.

"The location of the land where we grow it is very important. It is better to grow it on the flat land at the bottom of the mountain," said Aung Ba, adding that this location left the crop at risk of flooding.

But, here and elsewhere in Burma, farmers are increasingly opting to plant poppies. The UN Office on Drugs and Crime estimates that about 58,000 hectares of the country was planted with opium last year, more than double the 24,000 hectares of poppy planted in 2006.

A report published by the Amsterdam-based Transnational Institute last week called for policy reform to address the underlying causes that leave farmers with few options but to plant poppies.

The report said that bans on growing opium enforced by ethnic armed groups in more eastern parts of Shan State, like the Wa and Kokang rebels, had simply pushed production to areas with weaker law enforcement, like southern Shan State.

"The opium bans did at first contribute to a decline in poppy cultivation in the region, but this also had the effect of pushing up the price of raw opium as well as its derivative, heroin," the Transnational Institute report said.

"At the same time, the main incentive for communities to cultivate opium—poverty—had not been addressed. This in turn created the conditions for an increase in poppy cultivation, as there was no drop in the demand for opiates from the Golden Triangle, and probably even an increase over the same period."

According to Kayan New Generation Youth, an NGO based in the Karenni State capital of Loikaw, 40 percent of Kayan, who are also known as Padaung, grow opium.

The group's chairman, Bedu, said that drug addiction is a widespread problem in local communities, and many people end up in prison.

"If we look at the lives of [the Kayan] generally, they are fine as they have some good businesses," said Bedu.

"But, in my neighborhood, one guy in a family is addicted to drugs. Another guy from another family was detained and put in prison."

The names of farmers interviewed for this story have been changed.

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Cleaning Up Rangoon’s Streets for World Environment Day

Posted: 09 Jun 2014 02:21 AM PDT

Myanmar environment, Myanmar World Environment Day

200 volunteers hit the streets of Rangoon on Sunday to collect garbage as part of several activities to mark World Environment Day. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — More than 200 young volunteers hit the streets of Rangoon on Sunday to collect garbage around the former capital of Burma, as part of several activities to mark World Environment Day, which was held on June 4.

The campaign was joined by young people from more than 20 environmental groups and civil society networks, who collected rubbish scattered along the streets of downtown Rangoon and delivered pamphlets to raise environmental awareness.

Meanwhile, in the northern part of the city, members of Rangoon's Free Funeral Service Society also celebrated Environment Day by collecting garbage in North Dagon Township and placing garbage bins for local residents to use for disposal of household garbage.

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Telenor Blocked Facebook Access for Thai Junta: Report

Posted: 09 Jun 2014 12:11 AM PDT

Anti-coup protesters gather in Bangkok's Chatuchak district. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Anti-coup protesters gather in Bangkok's Chatuchak district. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Norwegian firm Telenor, which operates the second-largest telecom network in Thailand and is building a network in Burma, said it had temporarily blocked access to Facebook last month on orders of the Thai military, Norwegian newspaper Aftenposten reports.

Tor Odland, head of communications at Telenor Asia, told the paper that Thailand's National Broadcasting and Telecommunications Commission held a meeting with the country's major internet service providers following the May 22 coup.

On May 28, Telenor-owned firm DTAC received instructions from the commission to block access to Facebook in Thailand for an hour in a measure that could potentially impact 10 million users, Odland was quoted as saying.

Odland told Aftenposten that the firm "laments" the measure. He said Telenor had been put in a difficult situation by the demands of the military as it has to comply with its duties as a telecom license holder, while it also seeks to respect the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.

A US campaign group called Access reportedly said that the measure had violated the Thai people's access to information and freedom of expression.

The Bangkok Post previously reported that the Thai junta shut down more than 200 websites in the days following the coup in a bid to block access to information and clamp down on dissent. The military said it would also "ask cooperation" from Facebook and other social media for censorship measures.

Telenor and Qatar's Ooredoo were awarded two lucrative licenses in Burma last year that allow the firms to operate mobile phone services and develop telecommunications infrastructure.

Internet and mobile phone usage is expanding rapidly in Burma, which has an underdeveloped telecom sector after decades of isolation and mismanagement under the former military regime.

Facebook is hugely popular in the country and increasingly being used for activism and political campaigning. Internet and mobile phone access, and social media are likely to play an influential role in next year's elections, which are supposed to be the country's first and free vote in decades.

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US Ambassador Concerned About Death Threats to Burmese Activists

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 11:32 PM PDT

US Ambassador to Burma Derek Mitchell talks to reporters at a news conference at Rangoon International Airport in 2011, when he had recently been appointed as a US special envoy to the country. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — The US ambassador to Burma has raised concerns over reports that women activists who publicly opposed a controversially interfaith marriage law have been threatened with violence.

"It has been reported in several newspapers that women speaking up in opposition to proposed legislation affecting women's rights are receiving death threats and being called traitors.  I have talked personally to some of these women," Derek Mitchell said Saturday in Rangoon.

"Threats of violence to suppress speech and peaceful dissent are unconscionable and dangerous for the health of this nascent democracy, and should not be tolerated.  Anyone favoring a new civil society of openness and dialogue should be standing up for these women, denouncing these threats, and not only protecting but encouraging the free expression of ideas and opinions without fear."

The ambassador was speaking during a ceremony to announce that US retail company Gap will produce clothing in Burma and will partner with the NGO Care International to provide technical and educational training to female garment workers.

At least four Burmese activists have been targeted by violent threats after listing their contact information in early May on a public statement backed by nearly 100 civil society groups that objected to the interfaith marriage bill.

The bill calls for Buddhist women to receive permission from parents and local authorities before marrying a man of another faith, who would be forced to convert to Buddhism.

Opponents have criticized the proposed legislation as undemocratic and discriminatory. Some say it prevents women from making their own choices, while others believe it is intended specifically to prevent conversions to Islam.

Since signing the statement, four activists—Aung Myo Min of Equality Myanmar, Zin Mar Aung of the Rainfall Gender Study Group, May Sabe Phyu of the Gender Equality Network and Khon Ja of the Kachin Peace Network—say they have been harassed by anonymous phone callers and online messengers. One activist was forced to change her phone number after her original digits were posted on a Facebook page advertising prostitutes.

The interfaith marriage bill is part of a package of proposed legislation to "protect race and religion." The package, promoted by a group of nationalist monks, also includes bills to ban polygamy, enact population control measures and restrict religious conversion.

Khon Ja said some she has faced death threats since adding her phone number to the public statement in early May.
"They called saying, "If you dare come to Mandalay, you will be dead when we see you," Khon Ja told The Irrawaddy last week, adding that she wondered if the Association to Protect Race and Religion, the radical monk-led group, knew about the threats.

Zin Mar Aung, founder of the Rainfall Gender Study Group, said she had received obscene messages on Viber, a phone application. She said one Viber group has been created with the name, "We will kill those who destroy the race."

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TNLA Kills Burma Army Major and 2 Soldiers

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 10:05 PM PDT

Myanmar ethnic conflict, Myanmar military, Myanmar Palaung rebels

A TNLA soldier holds an improvised rocket-propelled grenade launcher during a patrol in the mountains of northern Shan State. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) said they were behind the killing of a Burmese battalion commander and two soldiers during an ambush on a vehicle in Kut Khaing Township, northern Shan State, last week.

Ta Pan La, a deputy information officer from the TNLA, said the ethnic Palaung rebel group launched an attack on June 4 in Ta Moe Nye sub-township on a car carrying Maj. Kyaw Htin Aung, acting battalion commander of the Kut Khaing-based Light Infantry Battalion No. 241, and two soldiers.

"Their car was destroyed by our heavy weapons attack. All officers inside the car were killed on the spot. As far as we know, all three people died," Tan Pa La told The Irrawaddy.

An officer from the Burma Army's Northern Command confirmed the death of the 36-year-old major and said the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and TNLA had collaborated during the ambush. The officer declined to be named.

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Gap to Be 1st US Retailer to Enter Burmese Market

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 08:50 PM PDT

US investment in Myanmar, US investment in Burma

A Gap location in San Jose, California (Photo: Wikipedia)

RANGOON — Gap Inc. has announced plans to produce clothing in Burma, the first American retailer to enter the market since the Southeast Asian country began its transition to democracy three years ago.

Two factories in the commercial capital, Rangoon, are reportedly producing vests and jackets for the company's Old Navy and Banana Republic brands. They will be ready for sale in the US by this summer, according to a statement released Saturday by the US Embassy.

While Asian nations have long had a strong presence in Burma, it's only in the last few years that companies from North America and Europe have started returning, thanks to the easing of sanctions imposed on the country during its half-century of military rule.

There are plenty of obstacles in Burma, including electricity shortages and poor roads. But a cheap and abundant—though poorly trained—labor force makes the country especially attractive to retailers.

"This is a historic moment for Myanmar," Wilma Wallace, a Gap vice president, said at a ceremony attended by the US ambassador. "By entering Myanmar, we hope to help accelerate economic and social growth in the country, and build on our track record of improving working conditions and building local capacity in garment factories around the world."

Gap—which will produce its garments at factories owned by a South Korean company—told The Myanmar Times that the plant would produce vests and jackets for Old Navy and Banana Republic.

The size of the investment was not announced, but the English-language newspaper said it had agreed to hire an additional 700 employees at one of the factories, bringing the total number of workers to around 2,000 at each site.

Gap said in a statement that it was working with US Agency for International Development, CARE International and its PACE program to launch activities focused on technical and skills training for female workers.

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China Talks Trade, Economic Potential on Visit to New India Government

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 08:46 PM PDT

India-China relations

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi , left, shakes hands with his Indian counterpart Sushma Swaraj before their meeting in New Delhi on June 8, 2014. (Photo: Reuters/Adnan Abidi)

NEW DELHI — China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi promised on Sunday to help India’s economic development and emphasized that the two countries see eye-to-eye of most issues, playing down difference over a trade deficit and a festering border dispute.

Wang was visiting India as a special envoy of China’s president on a two-day trip designed to show Beijing’s interest in improving cooperation between the world’s two most populated nations on issues including regional security.

The trip came two weeks after India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi won a resounding majority in a general election on promises of reviving a flagging economy.

"China stands by your side throughout your efforts of reform and development," Wang told the Hindu newspaper.

"No country can choose its neighbor, but friendship may be fostered," he said, calling for innovative solutions to resolve the two country's vastly differing perception of where large stretches of their shared Himalayan border lies.

Modi is seeking to strengthen India's armed forces and economy, in part to enable him to react more decisively in foreign relations than his predecessor, the mild-mannered Manmohan Singh.

Wang met his Indian counterpart Sushma Swaraj on Sunday for talks that lasted more than three hours, the first high-level meeting between the two countries since Modi assumed office.

"Both leaders felt that there was tremendous untapped potential for the growth of economic ties," Syed Akbaruddin, spokesman for India’s Ministry of External Affairs, told a media briefing following the talks.

Akbaruddin said China and India are looking to have at least six more visits at ministerial level or above this year, a significant intensification of bilateral meetings.

China dealt India a humiliating defeat in a short border war in 1962, an event that has cast a shadow over relations ever since, with occasional flare ups along disputed patches of the border to this day.

India runs a US$40 billion trade deficit with China, and when Modi meets Wang on Monday he is expected to renew India’s demands for greater market access to reduce that gap.

China's own embrace of an export-led model has helped its economy outgrow India's fourfold since 1980.

At the meeting on Sunday, Swaraj and Wang raised the possibility of China investing in industrial parks in India, a move that could help rebalance trade.

'Deception'

The foreign minister's trip was met with small street protests in New Delhi by Tibetan exiles who called on Modi to challenge Wang about ongoing repression in the restive Chinese region that shares deep cultural ties with India.

Tibet's spiritual leader the Dalai Lama last week angered Beijing by praying for the "martyrs" of the Tiananmen Square massacre by Chinese forces 25 years ago. He called on China to embrace democracy.

Lobsang Sangay, the political leader of Tibetans in exile also stirred things up by reviving a campaign to bring about a government in Tibet with more autonomy.

Wang's trip is a precursor to an expected visit to India by Xi Jinping later this year, on Modi's invitation.

Since assuming power on May 26, Modi, from the nationalistic Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has moved quickly to assert India with neighboring countries. He invited regional leaders including the prime minister of traditional rival Pakistan to his inauguration.

But despite the bonhomie, many of Modi’s allies have a hawkish view of China, arguing that overtures by India’s largest neighbor should not be taken at face value.

"Diplomacy, for them, is an art of deception," wrote Ram Madhav, a senior leader of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a hardline Hindu nationalist organization that has close ties to the BJP. Most government ministers, including Modi, are long-term activists in the RSS and its offshoots.

"The Modi government should realize that the real foreign policy challenge comes not from Pakistan but from China," he said in a column in the Indian Express newspaper on Sunday.

Modi’s national security advisor, Ajit Doval, a daring former spy chief, also harbors doubts about China’s motives, writing a series of papers in recent years alleging that Chinese agents have provided money and arms to insurgent groups in India's remote and troubled northeast.

Both the RSS and Doval are seen as sympathetic to the cause of autonomy in Tibet. Wang is due to meet Doval on Monday.

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Thai Junta Security Forces Stay in Barracks as Protests Dwindle

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 08:42 PM PDT

protests against Thai junta

Police officers stand guard at a shopping mall in Bangkok on June 8, 2014. (Photo: Reuters/Athit Perawongmetha)

BANGKOK — Thailand's junta kept many of the thousands of troops and police it readied to deal with protests in Bangkok on Sunday off the streets as the number of people making a public show of dissent to the May 22 coup dwindled.

The military has cracked down hard on pro-democracy dissidents and supporters since it ousted Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra last month, seeking to mute criticism and nip protests in the bud.

A heavy security force presence at potential flashpoints in Thailand's largest cities has limited protesters to small gatherings, which are often coordinated through social media and mostly located around shopping malls.

On Sunday, few protests took place and the security presence was lighter. Half a dozen women outside a mall gave the three-fingered salute that has become a symbol of defiance to the coup.

Protesters posted photographs on social media of small groups at Bangkok's main international airport making the same salute, which was inspired by the film "The Hunger Games."

Police detained four protesters, deputy national police chief Somyot Poompanmoung said. Since the coup, authorities have forced detainees to sign statements declaring they will desist from political activity as a condition of release.

"Those four people will be brought to the army camp to tune their political attitude later," Somyot told Reuters. "We did not use the full capacity of the forces. The protest was peaceful and it has ended now."

The force on Sunday ready for deployment numbered more than 6,000, Somyot said. Army chief and coup leader General Prayuth Chan-ocha had instructed security forces to avoid confrontation, he said. Police would photograph protesters, identify them and issue arrest warrants later.

The military coup in May was the latest convulsion in a decade-long conflict between the Bangkok-based royalist establishment and the rural-based supporters of Yingluck and her brother, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

Thaksin, who was ousted in a 2006 coup and has lived in self-exile since a 2008 corruption conviction, won the loyalty of the rural poor with populist policies and was the real power behind the deposed government of his sister.

Yingluck was prime minister until May 7, when a court found her guilty of abuse of power and she stepped down.

The army toppled the remnants of her government on May 22, saying it needed to restore order after six months of sometimes violent anti-government protests that had brought the economy to the brink of recession.

Thailand has been without a properly functioning government since December, when Yingluck dissolved Parliament and called a February election in a bid to end anti-government protests. But protesters disrupted the vote, the election was annulled, and her caretaker government limped on until Prayuth seized power.

Coup Leader Heads Investment Board

The military has moved swiftly to revive the economy, and has given itself two months to clear a backlog of applications from local and foreign investors to spend more than US$21 billion on projects in Thailand.

The backlog arose because Yingluck’s caretaker government lacked the power to appoint a new team to run the Board of Investment to replace executives whose term ended in October.

Prayuth on Saturday declared himself the head of the body considering the investment applications, a position typically held by the prime minister.

Quick approval would bring longer-term stimulus to the economy and follow the payment of billions of dollars in subsidy arrears to rice farmers that has already lifted consumer sentiment.

The military's move to pay debts to farmers quickly after seizing power contributed to the first rise in consumer sentiment in 14 months in May. Political turmoil had sunk consumer confidence to a 12-month low in April.

The junta is reviewing infrastructure projects planned by the previous government but delayed during the protests and will press ahead with some. Among those under review are several

In the face of international condemnation of the coup, Prayuth has asked for patience for at least a year while the military engineers reforms that he says the country needs before democracy can be reinstated.

Andrew Marshall and Amy Lefevre contributed reporting.

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Scenic Pa-O Region Sets Hopes on Tourist Visits

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 06:00 PM PDT

Ethnic Pa-O in traditional dress walk in a valley near Mae Nae mountain in Ho-pong Township, Shan State. Click on the box below to see more photos. (Photo: Kyaw Hsu Mon / The Irrawaddy)

Ethnic Pa-O in traditional dress walk in a valley near Mae Nae mountain in Ho-pong Township, Shan State. Click on the box below to see more photos. (Photo: Kyaw Hsu Mon / The Irrawaddy)

HO-PONG TOWNSHIP — Mae Nae mountain, or Indigo mountain in English, is named after the predominantly Pa-O ethnic villagers that inhabit its slopes. Their traditional dress consists of indigo-colored trousers and shirt, topped with a bright colored turban, often red or orange.

The area in the Pa-O Self-Administered Zone is located south of Lashio and some 40 miles north of Ho-Pong Township. The gentle rolling hills in the remote area in central Shan State give way to lush valleys dotted with Pa-O villages, as well as ethnic Danu, Lisu and Shan settlements.

Once an area of ethnic conflict and extensive opium cultivation, the verdant Mae Nae mountain and its surroundings are much quieter these days.

"This area was unsafe before the PNO and the government had a ceasefire agreement, and many opium farms boomed in this area. But now almost all are destroyed and residents moved to cultivate other crops," said Moe Si Thu, a liaison officer of Pa-O National Organization (PNO) chairman Khun San Lwin, who administers the zone.

The PNO signed a ceasefire agreement with Burma's then-military government in 1991 and were granted limited power to administer a zone in the heart of Shan State, which is home to some 400,000 Pa-O, as well as other ethnic minority groups. The PNO renewed their ceasefire with Naypyidaw in 2012, and is allowed to keep several hundred armed fighters under its command.

Mae Nae mountain is surrounded by fertile valleys where farmers grow mostly cheroot leaf, along with avocado, onion, sesame and other crops.

Ensconced by farms and patches of mountainside pine forest, the 100-year-old Nant Hoke Monastery is the spiritual center for the Buddhist Pa-O and Palaung in the region.

Located in Kyauk Chayar village, the 200-feet wooden space is supported by 125 wooden pillars, and inside monks and villagers come to worship at the feet of large, old wooden Buddha statues covered with gold leaf.

The PNO's Mae Nae area administrator Khun Aung Kyaw, who like other PNO members carries a weapon on his hip, said he hoped that the area's scenic beauty and the presence of the beautiful old monastery could soon begin to attract foreign tourists.

"This old monastery has one of the only monastery schools in this region, it's very old and it's interesting to learn how this region developed its own culture," he said, adding that around 3,000 people lived in his area.

Moe Si Thu said, "The Pa-O region chairman U Khun San Lwin expects to develop this region for tourism, he wants to promote this region as a tourist destination next year. That's why he is trying to construct roads through the Mae Nae range."

These days the area remains difficult to reach and a recent trip to Mae Nae range on the Taunggyi-Tachileik road through central Shan State revealed a poor road network, with bumpy and winding roads. Armed PNO troops could be seen patrolling along the road.

Any foreign visitors to the area would also have to seek travel permission from the Pa-O Self-Administered zone head office.

Khun Aung Kyaw believes, however, that such restrictions and the presence of PNO soldiers should not prevent any foreign tourist from visiting—rather he thinks that a lack of tourist facilities will deter overseas travelers from coming to Mae Nae.

"We know that we need to build up hotels, guest houses and public toilets in this region when visitors come. So I hope that will be improved soon," he said.

The post Scenic Pa-O Region Sets Hopes on Tourist Visits appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Govts Must Support Survivors of Sexual Violence

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 05:30 PM PDT

sexual violence, Britain

The logo for the Global Summit to End Sexual Violence in Conflict, hosted in London this week. (Photo: British Embassy in Rangoon)

Throughout the world, the use of sexual violence in war is one of the great injustices of our lifetime. It is hard to document, let alone investigate. Perpetrators do not discriminate, because it's not about sex, but violence, terror, power and control. When rape is committed during conflict, it has often been seen as an inevitable part of war, and so it has been allowed to go unpunished.

But even war has rules. So just as the world could agree that land mines have no place on the battlefield, the world must agree to end sexual violence in conflict.

In London between June 10-13, UK Foreign Secretary William Hague and UN special  envoy Angelina Jolie will co-host the Global Summit to End Sexual Violence in Conflict.  Representatives of governments, civil society, the military and the judiciary will all take part.  So too will the public. Events will also take place around the world, including in Rangoon.

It will be a summit like no other, because sexual violence is a crime like no other. Women and men are made to suffer its horrors in conflicts around the world, and shocking as it may seem, many victims are very young girls and boys. Sexual violence carries a corrosive after-effect that lasts a lifetime: an unjust and destructive shame for the victims and their families.

Andrew Patrick is the British ambassador to Burma. (Photo: British Embassy in Rangoon)

Andrew Patrick is the British ambassador to Burma. (Photo: British Embassy in Rangoon)

But we firmly believe that this can—and must—change.

The appalling truth is that only a tiny number of perpetrators of these crimes have ever been brought to trial, let alone convicted. That is why at the summit we will launch the first international Protocol on the Documentation and Investigation of Sexual Violence in Conflict. The Protocol will help investigators preserve information and evidence in the aftermath of an attack, improve the changes of someone being successfully prosecuted later, and protect victims and survivors from further trauma.

At the summit this week, we want governments to announce their support for the Protocol and to encourage local activists, lawyers, police personnel and doctors to use it. We also want governments to make sure their national laws on rape and sexual violence are in line with international standards, so that there's a great chance of securing successful prosecutions for war crimes in their own courts. The summit will also look at the role that the military in each of our countries can play. When sexual violence occurs in conflict zones, soldiers are often the first people on the scene, but are not always properly equipped or trained to deal with this sensitive problem. This needs to change. And armies are often responsible for carrying out these abhorrent acts. This must stop. Finally, we hope the governments of the world's wealthiest nations will announce new funding support, including to local grass-roots organizations which often work at the heart of the most affected communities.

But government action alone is not enough. We need every family and community to change the culture that stigmatizes survivors and to be united in their abhorrence for these crimes, so that any man with a gun will think twice before ordering or committing rape. Will you add your voice to the global call for decisive action? Show your support by visiting www.facebook.com/fcoburma.

It is time to support survivors, shatter the culture of impunity and ensure that justice is done, both now and in the future. It is #TimeToAct.

Andrew Patrick is the British ambassador to Burma.

The post Govts Must Support Survivors of Sexual Violence appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

The Search for a Buddha without Borders

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 05:00 PM PDT

Buddha's birthplace

A pillar erected by the great Buddhist emperor Ashoka (304-232 BCE) stands among ancient ruins in Tilaurakot, Nepal, where Prince Siddhartha Gautama is believed to have lived until he set off on his journey to become the Buddha. (Photo: Wikimedia)

KATHMANDU — The first sign I had that the "Buddha was born in Nepal" controversy was taking a serious turn was when I saw an ID card, modeled after the Nepali citizenship card, which listed "Gautama Buddha" as a citizen. This image was floated on Facebook and had received thousands of "likes" by the time I saw it.

As a cosmopolitan Nepali, this card discomfited me. Surely, I thought, Buddha is a transcendental figure that cannot be located in space and time, and everyone has the right to claim him as their own. The modern parochial politics of national boundaries, I thought, wasn’t fit for the Buddha. So I commented that neither the contemporary nation state of Nepal, nor India, existed 2,600 years ago.

The historic prince Siddhartha Gautama was born in Lumbini, which now falls within the contemporary nation state of Nepal. But then he went over to Varanasi, where almost all truth-seekers of his day and age went, and then he became enlightened in Bodh Gaya, and then he gave his first teachings at Sarnath. So both Nepal, as land of birth, and India, as land of education, had claims to the historic Buddha, I said.

This argument didn’t impress the Nepalis, who tend to be an impassioned crowd about these matters. It occurred to me that "Buddha was born in Nepal" issue was getting heated, and acrimonious. What, I wondered, was triggering this controversy?

And on a recent visit to modern Kapilvastu—a poor, broken-down regional urban center of Nepal—I had the chance to find out.

I hired a Bolero (a jeep made in India) to take us around. The woman guiding me was of a Dalit (formerly known as "untouchable") caste, and she took me to some of the poorest and most marginalized villages in the district. Child marriage, exorbitant dowries, expensive weddings that bankrupted parents, child rapes, bribery, corruption and police collusion—all of this was apparent in the district. There was almost nothing to indicate we were in the birthplace of one of the world's greatest historic figures.

Except for the name of our hotel, which proclaimed itself to be the "Gautama Buddha Party Hotel," there was almost nothing in the town to tell the casual visitor they were in the heartland of Buddhist history.

That week, we visited several sites. One was Kodan, where the Buddha’s father came to see him after he returned after his enlightenment. The modest structure, shaped like a mound, was made of ornate bricks. It reminded me of ancient Ayutthaya in Thailand.

In Gotihawa we saw the remains of a long pillar—which an Italian archeological team has identified as being one of "Ashoka's pillars."

The next day we visited Tilaurakot. A poorly written signboard put up by the Nepali government identified the site as "ancient Kapilvastu."

Tilaurakot is thought to be—despite various murky academic controversies involving competing site Pipprahawa in neighboring India—the main archaeological site of King Suddhodhana’s palace. We entered the fenced site. Inside, a few low brick structures could be seen. They were the foundations of the complex.

Tilaurakot is overgrown with weeds. I enjoyed myself looking at the mango trees and a hospitable dog that decided to accompany us on our journey—the scenery, I felt, couldn’t be that different from what Prince Siddhartha saw during his day. We toured through the entire site, including a pond at the back, overgrown with lotuses.

At the back of the site, a board identified a gate as the one through which Siddhartha was thought to have left the kingdom in search of enlightenment. For a brief moment, as I stood there and looked out at the fields, with the sound of the wind rushing through the crops, I could feel the same sense of longing for liberation that Prince Siddhartha must have felt, stifled in the small and cloistered world of his day.

On our last day, our wonderful Dalit activist said she'd take us across the Indian border. I had to see what the Indian government was up to, she said. Not only does the Indian government teach in its schoolbooks that Buddha was born in India, but they even use these schoolbooks in the Modern Indian School in Kathmandu, she said indignantly. In addition, the Indian government runs a pilgrimage tour of four major Buddhist pilgrimage sites, and they take groups of Nepalis and keep them at Piprihawa, which is across the border from Kapilvastu, Nepal. This is an outrage, said another man in our team.

"Why so?" I asked. "They take all the foreign tourists across the border and tell them that this is Kapilvastu!" the man said. "They don’t tell them that the real site is in Nepal! And they also earn heaps of foreign exchange from doing this!"

Here was a chance to explore the fault-lines of the controversy. I seized the opportunity and said that we must go.

Across the Indian border, all is quiet. The border has been closed for three days for the Indian elections.

"Look!" my guide says, pointing excitedly.

"They’ve even put a sign saying Kapilvastu!" And indeed a big sign saying "Kapilvastu" comes into view. The site has a brick wall around it, flowering with pink bougainvillea. A few men are resting below trees.

The site is very clean and well kept. A board containing detailed information, placed by the Indian government, says that this is Piprahawa, Kapilvastu. The mound is excavated further down, unlike Tilaurakot which lies buried underground, and much of it is visible to the naked eye. In the blistering heat, we walk around the mound, and admire the institutional gardens.

Only after I return to Kathmandu and read up on the archeological history, which goes back to the nineteenth century, do I realize that Piprahawa's claims are charged with murky intrigue, including a bone-faking art trader called Dr Alois Anton Führer, who was engaged in a trade in fake relics.

Archaeologist K.M. Srivastava of India claimed Piprahawa was the site where the Buddha's ashes were delivered to his Sakya clan, but archeologists and historians past and present seem uncertain about his claims.

According to some observers, the fortified grandeur of Tilaurakot, along with the abundance of pottery, toys, beads and other signs of human settlement, were not found in the stupa site in Piprahawa. Tilaurakot is surrounded by the remains of palaces and settlements which litter Nepal's Kapilvastu district, whereas Piprahawa is quite a distance off, standing alone on the edge of this larger, denser settlement.

The academic debates rage on, with the Indian government steering pilgrims towards alternate sites in India with tourist dollars in mind. The most recent controversy was a scholar in Orissa claiming Buddha was born in Orissa, on the grounds that Pali was spoken in Orissa, but never in Nepal.

It occurs to me the discontent of my Nepali friends seems to stem from the economic inequality between the two countries. The Nepali government, mired in bitter political fights and weakened by kleptocratic bureaucrats, hasn't been able to afford the basic care such an important historical site needs.

On our last day in modern Kapilvastu, we zip by Lumbini on our way to the Bhairahawa airport. We can see cyclists going by, carrying various colorful flags of all countries for Buddha Jayanti, Buddha's birthday. Lumbini, needless to say, falls on Nepal’s side of the border. I would have liked to have stopped and met a nun friend of mine, but we have no time. In a way, I am glad to avoid what looks like a politicized event.

It occurs to me then that Lumbini is hours away from Tilaurakot, where King Suddhodhana had his palace. Queen Mayadevi must have been in the last stages of her pregnancy when she departed for her parents' house in Devdaha. Her pains must have been intense when she stopped in Lumbini to give birth to Prince Siddhartha.

Why would people send off a heavily pregnant woman in the draining May heat on a long journey to her parents’ house? There is no explanation, 2,600 years later, other than this: Traditions are very strong in this part of the world. If tradition dictated that a woman give birth in her natal home, then she would have to be sent off there, even if it was clear she would lose her life.

And that may be the simple reason why Prince Siddhartha lost his mother, filling him with the knowledge of transience from the day of his birth. The loss of a parent is a defining moment. For the young prince, this may have been the moment that propelled him onto a journey that would question tradition and make him find an entirely new path.

Sushma Joshi is a writer and filmmaker based in Kathmandu.

The post The Search for a Buddha without Borders appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

National News

National News


President’s spokesperson rejects anti-Ooredoo campaign

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 07:02 PM PDT

In a rare case of the government responding to anti-Muslim rhetoric, presidential spokesperson U Ye Htut has taken to Facebook to mildly register his disagreement with the campaign to boycott the Qatari telecom company Ooredoo.

Kachin civilians suffer ‘systematic’ torture at hands of state security: rights group

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 06:13 PM PDT

A new report from an international rights group has documented "widespread and systematic" use of torture by state security forces against civilians in Kachin and Shan states over the past three years.

Police arrest woman accused of beating child housekeepers

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 05:11 PM PDT

Police have arrested a woman from Lanmadaw township for allegedly abusing two young housekeepers, who were found trying to escape from her fourth-floor balcony.

Bartenders to take on the region’s best

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 04:16 PM PDT

If you can tell your Rusty Nails from your Harvey Wallbangers, you might be interested in the ASEAN Bartender Championship being hosted here in Myanmar on June 20.


Speaker chastises agriculture ministry

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 04:14 PM PDT

Deputy minister's response hits a nerve with Thura U Shwe Mann, who questions why Farmer Protection Law by-laws have been delayed.

Monks push to expand monastic education

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 04:05 PM PDT

Senior monks are asking the government to allow monastic schools to teach children at higher levels, allowing poor children in the countryside access to higher education than their parents can now afford.

In Mandalay, relocated school waits for a saviour

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 04:01 PM PDT

A monastic school for poor and orphan children is struggling to survive after being forced to relocate into the countryside.


Regulators grapple with e-cigarettes

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 03:35 PM PDT

A certificate from the United States Food and Drug Administration (FDA) hangs on the shop wall. Behind the counter, small, thin battery-powered devices sit in rows, along with vials of what is known as "e-liquid".

Task force detains thousands of illegal miners in Hpakant

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 03:30 PM PDT

A special task force set up by the President's Office has arrested 1300 miners in recent months and seized large quantities of mining equipment in a crackdown on illegal jade mining in Kachin State.


Govt’s failure to deliver riles MPs, constituents

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 03:25 PM PDT

The government's failure to take action as promised in the parliament is causing difficulties for MPs, who say they are being forced to weather the blame from angry constituents.

Sunday, June 8, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


US aims to boost investment in Burma

Posted: 08 Jun 2014 01:05 AM PDT

Spending two days in Burma as a part of a commercial diplomacy tour in Southeast Asia, US Commerce Secretary Penny Pritzker inaugurated a commercial service office at the US embassy in Rangoon on Friday.

Commercial service offices, as explained to DVB by Andrew Leahy of the US embassy, serve as "an advocate and liaison for US businesses attempting to invest in a particular country," and work "directly with US businesses interested in learning more about a country or navigating the country's economic environment."

Pritzker's regional tour was touted by the US Department of Commerce as one intended to elaborate on the economic dimension of President Obama's pivot to Asia, with time spent in Burma intended to encourage the "building of soft and hard infrastructure necessary to support the growth of emerging partners."

Her three-legged tour also included the Philippines and Vietnam.

Burma's emergence as a US trade partner is distinguished most clearly by a jump in US exports to the once pariah state, which, according to the US embassy, ran from US$9.8 million in 2010 to $145 million in 2013. On top of this, as of 30 April 2014, US companies have plans to invest $243.6 million in the Burmese economy.

While that figure of American foreign direct investment (FDI) in Burma is dwarfed in comparison to the latest available US FDI figures for the Philippines, $4.6 billion, and Vietnam, $1.2 billion, the reaction by US firms to the 2012 removal of the majority of US economic sanctions has been swift.

On Thursday, Pritzker met Burmese President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw, as well as Vice President Nyan Tun and Shwe Mann, speaker of the Lower House.

To each she reportedly stressed the need for the Burmese government to "build on the progress that has been made by implementing measures that increase inclusive economic development, promote government transparency and accountability, and safeguard labour rights and human rights."

That progress was evaluated last month and resulted in President Obama renewing the US classification of the situation in Burma as a "National Emergency." With that motion, the limited economic sanctions that bind US businesses investing in Burma were renewed. Those sanctions, according to US Ambassador to Burma Derek Mitchell, primarily affect "individuals and entities that materially benefited from their close ties to the former regime and who are still impeding reform in this country, the so-called 'specially designated nationals'."

One such blacklisted entity, military-owned Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings (UMEH), is set to neighbour American company Ball Corporation at Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ), currently under construction 20 kilometers south of Rangoon.

Ball Corporation will benefit from minimal government red tape and relaxed labour laws that characterise the SEZ, as will UMEH, a company already exempt from commercial and profit taxes. UMEH will continue to develop infrastructure plots at the zone, which includes heavy manufacturing and port facilities.

On Friday, representatives from Ball Company, as well as APR energy, who are constructing a large-scale thermal power plant in Burma, joined Priztler as she affirmed, "When our businesses make investments, they bring with them the highest standards, including a commitment to corporate and social responsibility."

That comment came a day after Washington-based lobby group US Campaign for Burma (USCB) released what it called a "report card", grading the six US companies that have each invested over $500,000 in Burma. Those companies were adjudged on levels of transparency, procedural behaviour, risk mitigation and social responsibility. USCB was only able to classify one of the companies, Coca-Cola, as a "responsible" investor, whereas two firms were designated as "questionable" and three as "irresponsible".

One such "irresponsible" US company, Capital Group Companies Inc, was singled out for their relationship with Burmese concern Yoma Strategic Holdings. USCB links Yoma to "human rights abuses, including environmental destruction, forced displacement, land confiscation, political detentions, and labor abuses." USCB also noted that Yoma was reviewed by the US Treasury for potential inclusion on their blacklist, for links to the previous military regime.

Yet Yoma have never featured on the list, and their CEO, Serge Pun is frequently referred to in the international media as "Mr Clean". That title comes despite his flagship enterprise Yoma Bank not appearing on the list of 100 top Burmese corporate taxpayers list for 2011-12 nor the top 500 list for 2012-13.

That Serge Pun has been able to run a multitude of successful businesses in Burma under successive military regimes and the current quasi-civilian government has raised the suspicions of lobby groups such as USCB. Last month, USCB called for the International Finance Corporation to pull out of a development deal with Yoma.

The US embassy included Yoma in 2008 as a player in the Burmese government "system of economic patronage" which insures that "certain companies, often owned by regime cronies, receive key contracts and profitable business opportunities in exchange for their support for the regime."

Yet Yoma, nor any company that Pun has been involved in, have ever been hit with sanctions, leaving Pun with a reputation as a professional and esteemed business leader in a national business environment which clearly fosters corruption.

Last week, Andrew Rickards, CEO of Yoma Strategic Holdings, told DVB that USCB's allegations are “without substance” and that Yoma, “rejects the validity of these [USCB] calls."

"If anything," Rickards asserted, "Mr Pun should be congratulated.”

While pessimistic about the current performance of US private sector investment in Burma, USCB maintains that "Responsible US investment has the potential to further the US policy goal to support 'the establishment of a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic state that respects human rights and the rule of law.'"

The rights watchdog will hope to be able to grade garment manufacturers Gap Inc with a pass mark on their next report. The fashion brand has recently announced the intention to open two factories in Burma and in doing so has indicated a commitment to corporate social responsibility.

Burma rejects Bangladeshi demands at border talks

Posted: 07 Jun 2014 11:03 PM PDT

Burma and Bangladesh will reschedule talks on the current border crisis after the Burmese delegation rejected proposals at a flag meeting in Maungdaw last week.

Bangladeshi media quoted Maj-Gen Aziz Ahmed, the director-general of Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), saying that no clear decision was made at the border flag meeting and so talks will be scheduled for Naypyidaw in the near future.

Aziz said that Burma refused a demand to withdraw its troops from positions close to the common border, and also rejected a Bangladeshi proposal to conduct joint patrols along the border.

The flag meeting was held after a recent spate of hostilities between the border guard forces of both countries which resulted in one Bangladeshi corporal shot and killed on 28 May.

During the flag meeting, Burma's delegation handed back the gun and equipment of the dead Bangladeshi soldier. The body of Corp. Nayek Mizanur Rahman was handed over on 2 June.

Both countries had previously agreed not to position troops within five kilometres of the land border. Bangladesh accuses Burmese border guard units of breaking that agreement. Burma, for its part, maintains that Rohingya militants are active in the area surrounding boundary posts 50 to 52 and that they must protect their sovereignty.

The 23-member Bangladeshi delegation was led by Cox’s Bazar Sector Commander Khandakar Farid Hasan while the Burmese team was headed by border guard police commander Brig-Gen Tin Ko Ko and the Maungdaw immigration department director.

Tin Ko Ko is reported saying at the meeting that Burmese security forces shot at Corp. Mizanur as they believed him to be a member of the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO). He noted that the insurgents frequently wear uniforms similar to the BGB.

The Bangladeshi commander reportedly rejected the allegation that the RSO maintains bases on Bangladeshi soil.

Border demarcations leave Shan farmers on Chinese soil

Posted: 07 Jun 2014 09:53 PM PDT

Farmers in villages around Namkham in northern Shan State say they plan to send a letter of petition to Burma's President Thein Sein to voice their concern that new border demarcations will leave them on the Chinese side.

Temporary border posts have been erected about half a mile from the farming hamlets of Sae Khon, Kongthar and Ban Nong in Namhkam Township, following talks between Burmese and Chinese officials last week.

Burma appears willing to cede the land – some 200 acres south of the Shweli River – to China. However the farmers say they want to remain in Burma's Shan State, having worked on these lands for several generations, according to Sai Sai Wang, the local chairman of the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (also known as the White Tiger Party).

The farmers plan to send a letter of petition to the president, insisting they want Burma to protect these lands which they inherited, he said.

"Not only the White Tiger Party, but also the Tiger Head party are joining together to help the villagers," Sai Sai Wang told DVB on Friday. "These lands belong to Shan State in Burma and we reject any agreement that marks them as part of China.

He said the farmers' petition will be sent not only to Thein Sein, but to the chief minister of Shan State, the respective district and township administrators, and other related parties.

The White Tiger Party representative said that the Burmese authorities had not informed the local people what was happening, but had only issued warnings to farmers not to try to pull out or change the border markers.

Villagers allegedly tore out and destroyed temporary border markers that were installed on 27- 31 May.

MP Sai Pho Aung from nearby Muse constituency said he is collecting information and will raise the issue in parliament.

Burmese state media on 5 June said that the government is not reassessing the border but implementing military demarcations agreed in 1960 and 1995. The report said that authorities will educate and advise the farmers who are growing crops in the areas between Namhkam and the Shweli River marked for transfer.

Burmese beauty queen arrives home after victory in Seoul

Posted: 07 Jun 2014 08:05 PM PDT

May Myat Noe arrived home in Burma on Thursday night following after her victory in the Miss Asia Pacific competition in South Korea last week.

Despite the late hour, the 18-year-old Burmese beauty was mobbed at Rangoon International Airport by fans, media, family members, friends, and representatives of the fashion and modeling businesses.

May Myat Noe became the first Burmese to win an international beauty pageant at this level; others have won contests by Internet voting, but none have won in a competition involving international judges.

In an interview with DVB, May Myat Noe said she will continue her education and volunteer as a social worker while at the same time pursuing her career as a model or actress.

 

Some excerpts of May Myat Noe's interview with DVB from Seoul:

Q: How do you feel about winning the title?

A: Very proud and happy. I'm proud that I've achieved something for my country.

Q: How did you prepare for the contest?

A: I've had several mentors who supported me – it was also thanks to their efforts, as well as my own, that I won the title.

Q: You had to compete against contestants from 40 other countries. How confident were you about winning?

A: I am aware that I am not completely perfect, but I gave it 100 percent throughout the competition. In the end, I believe that I deserved to win.

Q: What are your plans for the future after winning the Miss Asia Pacific World Super Talent 2014 pageant?

A: I have some ideas, but I will have to wait until I get back to Burma.

Q: We learnt that you were also awarded membership by the Korean Film Actors Association?

A: Yes. I just got it now. I will take a photo of the award and post it on Facebook.

Q: Are you planning to do any charity or philanthropy work?

A: Yes. I am planning to help out with a charity education programme.

Q: Any message for your fans in Burma?

A: Yes. I thank you all for your support which empowered me with the confidence to win this contest.

 

National News

National News


Cooperatives loan program criticised by hluttaw members

Posted: 05 Jun 2014 11:28 PM PDT

The Ministry of Cooperatives has rejected accusations that members of parties other than the Union Solidarity and Development Party are being refused microfinance loans.

Police nab men for faking accidents

Posted: 05 Jun 2014 10:47 PM PDT

Police on June 3 arrested five suspects they say faked car accidents in order to solicit money from unsuspecting drivers.

Saturday, June 7, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Thais crack down on illegal Burmese migrants

Posted: 07 Jun 2014 01:09 AM PDT

Thai authorities apprehended and deported 163 undocumented Burmese migrants in a raid in Mae Sot on Tuesday. Conducted by a joint task force of Thai army, government authorities, immigration officials and police, the round-up took place at Ban Sung Kwe, an area densely populated by Burmese migrants in the western Thai town.

The migrants – 49 men, 59 women and 55 children – were loaded into trucks and transported across the border to Myawaddy in Karen State.

Two days later, on 5 June, another raid, this time in the southern Thai town of Ranong, resulted in the capture of 136 Burmese migrants who had recently been smuggled into Thailand on foot, according to Ranong provincial governor Cherdsak Jampathes said at a press conference that same day.

A joint force of Thai military and police had caught them in a rubber plantation after a tip-off, he said.

The detainees were listed as 103 men, 23 women and 10 children. The migrants reportedly said they entered Thailand from Kawthaung on the Burmese side of the border where smugglers or traffickers had brought them after a three-hour trek through the jungle in the middle of the night.

After questioning, several illegal migrants reportedly told Thai authorities that they had planned to go to Mahachai near Bangkok, where thousands of Burmese get jobs on fishing boats or work in fishery processing factories.

Others had paid to be transported to Songkhla in southern Thailand, a town with many rubber plantations also known for reemploying Burmese migrants. Others were headed for Malaysia, the governor said.

The detainees told Thai authorities they had paid 6,000 baht for the attempted trip to Mahachai; 10,000 baht for Songkhla; and 20,000 baht to get to Malaysia.

All brokers and migrants will be charged with immigration offences, Thai newspaper Khaosod quoted officials saying.

Ranong Governor Cherdsak alluded loosely to the 22 May military coup in Thailand, saying it was important for the Thai armed forces to work closely with other offices during this time of unrest in the country.

Perceiving the peace in Karen State

Posted: 06 Jun 2014 11:24 PM PDT

For as long as long as it has existed, Htee Baw Day – an isolated hamlet perched on a mountaintop in eastern Karen State – has known little security.

A steep, rooty path, bisected by streams and fallen logs, provides the villagers' only access to the outside world, and the closest settlement is at least two hours' walk away. The Moei River – marking the frontier between Thailand and Burma – takes four hours to reach over treacherous, vertical terrain.

For the families that live in the village, their relative proximity to the border has been fortuitous. "We stay in this area because it is under KNU [Karen National Union] control, and if the army attacks, we can go to Thailand," says Paw Moo Poe, a village elder.

Htee Baw Day has been razed to the ground twice, he says – once by the Burmese army in 1999, and ten years later by the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army or DKBA, most of which has now transformed into a government-sponsored "border guard force" militia. After the village was destroyed last time, most of the 22 families who lived there fled over the border to Thailand. Just seven have returned, and their crops now grow around the charred remains of abandoned homes.

Over six decades of civil war, tens of thousands of civilians in eastern Burma have become well-acquainted with this kind of insecurity, and have lived in constant fear of attack by the Burmese army and its allied paramilitaries. Htee Baw Day is located in what is known as a "black zone," or insurgent-controlled "free-fire" area, where government troops have impunity to abuse civilians.

If all goes to well, however, the residents of Htee Baw Day – and hundreds of villages like it around Karen State – will be able to breathe easier soon. Political realities on the ground began to change in 2012 when the KNU and its allies entered into a ceasefire with the government. Negotiations leading towards a comprehensive peace plan are underway, albeit cautiously.

Previous efforts at securing peace in Karen State, throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, ended in failure. And as far as Hpa Moo Poe is concerned, there is no reason to believe anything will be different this time. "We have experienced this before: the two sides talk, but the talks always break down. Again and again," he said.

Saw Ngwe, 62, originally came to Htee Baw Day in 1995, after the Karen National Union (KNU) was forced to cede much of its territory to the government after the fall of its provisional capital, Manerplaw. The village's proximity to Thailand attracted his family to the area, but the fighting soon followed them.

"Before 1999, we could stay here easily. There was not so much fighting here – it was further inside [Karen State]," he said. "We were protected because we were near the border. But after 1999, the government had a plan to clear out all the KNU, and we were forced out."

He and his family returned from Thailand most recently last year, and have started to farm their land once again. "Now it is a little bit better, so we feel confident to live here," he said.

But the families who have chosen to return feel as though they are living on borrowed time. "I don't believe in the peace process, because we have had to move many times … we always come back to the same place, because even though we have to leave, this is our home," said Naw Moo Bu, whose family has spent three stints living on the Thai side of the border. "Before we left, we had buffaloes and goats, but we lost everything. We aren't going to buy new ones, because we can't be sure there is going to be peace," she said.

Denied the ability to farm in Thailand, the families that have returned have done so at least partially out of desperation. "We are not sure about our safety. We came back to plant crops and grow our food," said Paw Moo Poe. "If we stay on the other side, we cannot grow crops, so it is best for us to stay here."

In some respects, life in Htee Baw Day has improved markedly over the past two years. Residents report they feel much safer when travelling, as they now have little reason to be afraid of run-ins with government-aligned forces. "Things have changed. In the past, the enemy came here all the time. But now, they never come," said Paw Bu, a farmer who lives in the village.

Despite recent efforts to remove them, landmines – thousands of which litter the Karen Hills – still menace Htee Baw Day. "After the ceasefire was signed, the KNU soldiers came to clear the landmines. But they didn't clear everywhere: just the places where we usually walk, and where we grow our crops," said Paw Bu. "There are still landmines around here."

The government has offered them resettlement in state-controlled areas, but Paw Moo Poe is wary of their intentions. "The Burmese government said we could move to a new village, and they would provide us with clean water and sanitation equipment. But we don't trust them," he said.

Htee Baw Day has no electrical power, running water or access to social services provided by the government. The village has no school, and many of its children study in Thailand. "The government wants to build a village near the road, but we don't want to live there … If the ceasefire breaks, we will not be able to leave quickly because we will already be in their territory," Paw Moo Poe said. "By staying here, we will be safer."

Tenuous steps towards peace haven't undone 60 years of mistrust; violent breaches of the ceasefire still occur. Last month, the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) released a report documenting abuses across the state, which noted that "some forms of human rights abuse … remain of serious concern, [but] others have almost disappeared. At the same time, new forms of abuse and local concerns are emerging in the evolving security environment."

The report details a litany of violations against civilians since 2012, including the shelling of villages and extrajudicial killings, and notes that as the peace process solidifies, displacement related to development may serve as a new flashpoint for civilian grievance.

"Before we left, we had buffaloes and goats, but we lost everything. We aren't going to buy new ones, because we can't be sure there is going to be peace.”

"I think scepticism and concern regarding the peace process is very understandable, given Karen communities' long history of suffering and abuse during the armed conflict," said Ashley South, a consultant with the Myanmar Peace Support Initiative, a Norwegian-backed programme that attempts to facilitate cooperation between the government and ethnic armed groups. "My personal view is that the peace process is problematic in a number of ways, but still represents the best opportunity to address the political, social and economic causes underlying decades of armed conflict in Myanmar."

It is difficult to deny that the negotiations between KNU and the government since 2012 have been the most successful in decades, and they have already brought about signs of progress that would have been unlikely in the recent past. Both Naypyidaw and Burma's myriad ethnic armed groups want to see a nationwide ceasefire pushed through by the end of the year, even if the two sides fundamentally disagree on what it should look like.

This past week, the KNU's central executive committee travelled to the capital, where it met with Burma's top civilian leaders and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Min Aung Hlaing, the most recent in a long line of consultations between the two sides. But Naypyidaw's newfound closeness with the KNU may just be a function of divide-and-conquer tactics to undermine unity between Burma's ethnic armed groups.

If it is able to secure peace in the south, some fear that the government forces will intensify offensives in the north, targeting the Kachin Independence Army and its allies, and – perhaps – ignite armed conflict with the notoriously reclusive and well-equipped United Wa State Army, with which the government has had a ceasefire arrangement since the 1990s.

Closer to home, the KHRG report claims that the military has increased its footprint in Karen areas since 2012, fortifying existing bases across the region while continuing to rotate troops to the front lines, despite ongoing talks.

"In my opinion, the single development which could do the most to build trust and confidence in the peace process would be the withdrawal of Myanmar Army troops from some frontline positions," said South. "My understanding is that the KNU have secured an agreement in principle to this effect, during recent meetings with the commander-in-chief and president in Naypyidaw."

The Norwegian-backed peace support initiative has come under intense criticism since its inception in 2012. Its detractors claim its activities make the peace process appear to be more durable than it really is, and help justify the diversion of resources away from refugee camps on the Thai side of the border, which their residents – as well as residents of villages close to the border, like Htee Baw Day – still feel provide a necessary safe haven.

But through its efforts, the KNU's relief and development arm – the Committee for Internally Displaced Karen People – now receives funding from international donors, and the KNU agencies that provide social services across vast swathes of Karen State can now do so openly.

"It’s very important that MPSI and other initiatives make clear that foreigners cannot guarantee peace," South said. "However, the ability to work in previously inaccessible, conflict-affected areas is a demonstration of the realities of the peace process."

The high politics transpiring in Naypyidaw or Oslo mean little to those on the ground in places like Htee Baw Day, whose desire to escape insecurity speaks to fundamental needs that are as yet unfulfilled. "If we can be sure there will be peace, we will have a big feast – pigs, buffaloes! But of course we are not sure, so not yet," joked Naw Moo Bu.

The residents of Htee Baw Day and thousands of similar villages throughout Burma’s ethnic minority regions can do little but ride out the ebb and flow of the peace process as developments occur. "I'm just a villager – I depend on my leaders," said Saw Nge. "If the leaders say that it is peaceful now and that it is stable, I will believe them."

Rangoon monastery kicks off anti-Ooredoo tour

Posted: 06 Jun 2014 09:21 PM PDT

A Rangoon monastery is organising an anti-Ooredoo event on Saturday in order to urge the public to boycott the Qatar-based company and its products in a bid to protect the Buddhist religion.

Magwe Pariyatti Monastery in Rangoon's North Dagon Township has spearheaded a campaign against Ooredoo since it was awarded one of two telecommunication licenses in 2013 to operate in the mobile-starved country. With an investment of US$15 billion, Ooredoo has promised to roll out a network that would reach 90 percent of Burma's population in two years.

But Buddhist monk Parmouhka said that his monastery plans to travel across the country to inform people not to purchase the company's products, starting with Saturday's event.

"We are doing this because Ooredoo is owned by Muslims and they are going to use their profits from their business in Burma to build mosques in this country and fund Muslims to marry our women," Parmouhka said. "They are a company that will destroy our race and it poses a threat to our religion."

Thiri Kyar Nyo, public relations manager for Ooredoo, said in an email that the company's products and services will win over the public once it has hit the market. Additionally, Ooredoo employs more than 700 locals, which makes up almost 80 percent of the company, and Thiri Kyar Nyo said it plans for its Burmese staff to be at 99 percent in five years.

"I think any suspicion about our company will quickly dissipate once people start to see more of our brand and the positive effects that we will bring to the people of Myanmar [Burma]," Thiri Kyar Nyo said, adding: "I myself [am] a Myanmar and a Buddhist, I'm very proud to represent my organization."

Burma, a predominantly Buddhist country, has faced communal violence in the past over religion. Aung Naing Oo, director-general of Myanmar Investment Commission, said that such anti-Muslim campaigns against foreign investors will only hurt the country if it gains traction.

"It would not be a good sign for the environment if these campaigns become widespread and if they start targeting more and more investors," Aung Naing Oo said, adding that boycott campaigns don't typically persist in other countries. "So I assume it won't last long in Burma either."

Sithu Aung Myint, a well-known columnist who has criticized the anti-Ooredoo campaign, said the campaigners need "a valid reason" for opposing Ooredoo, instead of one based on bigotry.

"It would be hard for the government to step in because it is the consumer's right to decide not to use service or buy products from a certain company," Sithu Aung Myint said. "But if they, for example, escalate on using hate speech in their campaign, then the government can interfere."

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


An Inside Look at Letpadaung

Posted: 06 Jun 2014 06:00 PM PDT

The view looking down into the Sabe copper mining site near Monywa in Sagaing Division. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

LETPADAUNG, Sagaing Division — The Letpadaung copper mine project near Monywa in Sagaing Division has sparked public outcry in recent years, especially after a government crackdown on protesters in 2012 injured than 70 people, including several monks.

Local residents and human rights groups have demanded its closure, citing environmental destruction, forced relocation and illegal land confiscation as reasons to scupper the project. Almost two years after the crackdown, an agreement between the mine's operators and those opposing the project has yet to be reached.

The mine is a joint venture between China's Wanbao mining company and the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd (UMEHL), a Burmese military-owned conglomerate.

The Letpadaung venture is part of the companies' wider Monywa copper extraction efforts, which target four copper deposits at the mountains of Sabe, Kyeesin and Letpadaung.

The Letpadaung venture is a 30-year project that is likely to produce 100,000 tons of copper annually and as such is the most promising of the deposits in the area, but at present its development is only 40 percent completed.

Still, its operators say there is no turning back now.

"We have invested up to US$1 billion in this project," the project manager told The Irrawaddy during a guided tour around the Letpadaung site last month.

"So the project can't be stopped and it has to continue."

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A Conversation With the Swedish Ambassador to Burma

Posted: 06 Jun 2014 05:45 PM PDT

Sweden

Swedish Ambassador to Burma Klas Molin is a resident in Bangkok but visited Rangoon on Friday for the opening of a new embassy office. (Photo: Kyaw Hsu Mon / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Sweden opened its first embassy office in Burma on Friday. The two countries have had relations since 1955, but Swedish officials previously worked with their Burmese counterparts while based at an embassy over the border in Thailand. At the opening of the new Swedish embassy office in Rangoon's Mayangon Township, The Irrawaddy spoke with Swedish Ambassador to Burma Klas Molin about business relations, foreign investment and press freedom.

Question: Are you the first ambassador to Burma in over half a century?

Answer: Good question. We have had relations since 1955, but no-one [Swedish ambassador] has been resident, living in the country. We've been covering this country from outside—first from India, and for many years from Thailand. In that sense, there is no change. I am an ambassador and I am a resident in Bangkok, and I am accredited to Myanmar [Burma] from Bangkok. What is new, and what is interesting, especially today, is that we're opening an embassy office here in Yangon [Rangoon]. Technically, it's an office under the embassy in Bangkok. But it will have staff from Sweden.

Q: Can Burmese citizens apply for Swedish visas through this embassy office here, or must we still apply in Thailand?

A: Still through Thailand. We're working on facilitating the possibility of applying through another European embassy in the Schengen cooperation. But so far, we don't have an agreement with another country that has an embassy here, so unfortunately for the moment there is no change on that front.

Q: Do Swedish investors have their eyes on Burma?

A: Yes, many Swedish companies, just like companies from other countries, are very interested. But only a few have established themselves, so far, mostly through representative offices or a local agent. It's usually retail, they have someone who has an organization. For instance, we have bus companies, Scania and Volvo, and they both have local representatives that are supplied from outside, from Thailand and Malaysia, where there is manufacturing and assembly of buses and trucks, construction equipment. Also Ericsson, the big telecommunication company, is here with several people, and they are expanding because they are also active in helping set up a telecommunications network in Myanmar.

Q: Are companies particularly interested in heavy industry here?

A: We have companies with lots of experience in those sectors. I think they, as many others, are cautious because the legal framework can be a little opaque, not quite clear to them yet, while infrastructure is not fully up and running. There's a big need for modernization. And it's also hard to find staff. Sometimes I think they are deterred because things have gotten very expensive, especially in Yangon—the prices for rent, for housing, for the good staff. And it's good that there is demand, but it's also a bit of a deterrent perhaps for smaller companies. So a lot of interest, still a slow trickle of companies actually coming in, but many delegations traveling here and studying different sectors.

Q: Do you think Burma's economy is on track?

A: If you look around, obviously things are changing very quickly. There is a very ambitious reform program that the government has put forward. Many challenges remain. It's been a long time when the country was more or less isolated from the outside world, from the international economy, so you don't change that overnight. But again the interest is there, and continued understanding that trade is good and can be a very positive factor. … The government is very interested in attracting foreign direct investment, and that's one good factor, but in order to actually convince investors there needs to be a lot of things instituted in the legal framework, on infrastructure, on salaries, education and training. It's happening, but it will take some time, and everyone understands.

Q: The government's negotiations with ethnic armed groups are not over yet. Does ongoing fighting make investors hesitant to enter the country?

A: You would have to talk to companies obviously, but they all very interested in learning. And when we dialogue with companies, we think it very much in our mandate to give them our assessment of what's going on. Also, here it's very positive that there is structured dialogue around a national ceasefire. It's not an easy thing, and we see that, and everyone knows it's not an easy thing, or you would have had a national ceasefire agreement by now. Even when you have a national ceasefire agreement, of course that's not necessarily the same thing as peace everywhere, and we understand that, and I think the serious investors will also understand this. To answer your question specifically, I'm not sure how much it deters them. I think it's the factors that I have been pointing to before, on infrastructure, legal framework, etc., but of course those who do care and who take time and learn about this will ask more and will want to know. We are happy to see there is movement, that there is development, but we also realize there is a long way to go.

Q: What would you say about the state of Burma's press freedom?

A: I see changes, especially in print media the last few years. There has been certainly a dramatic change and the possibility for certain publications to come to Yangon and have their offices in the country, and we think that's very positive. Media freedom is extremely important to us, it's part of the overall democracy and human rights concept. On broadcast media, we see that there are stronger restrictions. It's not as open, it seems to us that there's more to be done there.

The post A Conversation With the Swedish Ambassador to Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (June 7, 2014)

Posted: 06 Jun 2014 05:15 PM PDT

MOGE Looks for Joint Venture Partners in 'Corporatization' Plan

Burma's controversial government-controlled oil and gas agency the Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise (MOGE) is inviting foreign companies to bid to take part in a new round of industry developments.

MOGE is seeking expressions of interest to take part in joint ventures ranging from onshore block exploration to pipeline construction, said the Myanmar Times, quoting agency director Than Min.

No details of the potential joint ventures have been announced but firms interested in being considered must register by June 30, Than Min told the weekly newspaper, adding that it marked the beginning of a corporatization program for MOGE.

MOGE has long been tainted by its close links to the former military regime, which struck secretive deals to sell Burma's offshore gas abroad, notably most of the 50 billion cubic meters so far confirmed in the Shwe field in the Bay of Bengal to the China National Petroleum Corporation.

The Burmese government is preparing to apply for membership of EITI, the international Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, which requires countries to be more accountable about business concerning natural resources such as oil and gas.

Race to Approve Bourse Rules Before 2015 Start-Up Deadline

Rules for the administration of a new stock exchange in Rangoon have yet to be finalized and approved, a key official said, despite an October 2015 start-up deadline.

A set of proposed rules based on the Securities Law passed by Burma last year have been submitted to the country's attorney general, but they are only part of the process to establish a Securities and Exchange Commission, which will oversee licensing brokers, dealers and underwriters, Myanmar Securities Exchange Center managing director Shigeto Inami said, according to the Myanmar Times.

The Center is the administrator of Burma's outmoded and tiny shares dealing business, which has only two companies listed, both of which are government-linked. The Center is a joint venture between the state-owned Myanmar Economic Bank and Japan's Daiwa Institute of Research Limited.

Japan is helping the Naypyidaw government prepare for a modern, electronic stock exchange.

Shigeto Inami told the Myanmar Times he was unsure if a regulatory system will be in place by October next year. "At the moment we have a law but no authority to govern," he was quoted saying.
Burma is the only country in the 10 nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations which does not have a functioning stock exchange.

Bangladesh Considers Nuclear Power Plant on Bay of Bengal Island

The Bangladesh government is considering building a nuclear power station on an island in the Bay of Bengal off the country's southern coast.

An exact location for the plant has not been identified but some of the remote islands referred to by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina are quite close to Burma's border.

"We have many isolated coastal islands in the country's southern part. I have envisaged building another nuclear power plant to meet our growing demand for electricity," Hasina was quoted by Bangladeshi media as saying at a meeting with the country's Ministry of Science and Technology.

Russian companies have begun building a large 2,000 megawatt nuclear power plant in northwest Bangladesh which is scheduled to be completed during 2017.

Bangladesh suffers from severe electricity shortages like Burma and is also building coal-fueled power plants, said the industry news website Energybangla.

Electricity shortages in southern Bangladesh are so bad that scores of factories in the port city of Chittagong have had to close down, Energybangla said.

New Burma Airlines Tout for Business at Bangkok Trade Fair

Two new private Burmese airlines used a travel trade fair in Bangkok this week to promote their businesses and plans for cross-border services.

Mann Yatanarpon Airlines, which currently operates only within Burma, announced at the Thailand Travel Mart its plans for flights between its home base Mandalay and three venues in Thailand—Chiang Mai, Bangkok and Phuket—said trade newspaper TTR Weekly.

"[Local] carriers will have to prepare for competition once the ASEAN single aviation market begins to take off as part of the ASEAN Economic Community," airline marketing manager Wutyi Maw told the paper.

Also present at the Bangkok trade fair was Rangoon-based Asian Wings Airways which already runs flights between Mandalay and Chiang Mai. The firm outlined plans to use Mandalay as a hub for incoming travelers to fly on to several smaller airports within Burma, said TTR Weekly.

Ministry Says Planning Work Has Begun on China -Burma Railway

Survey work for a trans-Burma railway running from China to the coast at Kyaukphyu has begun, according to a report quoting the Ministry of Transport.

The 950-kilometer line will follow the route of the twin oil and gas pipelines also linking Kyaukphyu with China, said Eleven Media citing a ministry report.

"The report notes that religious and historical buildings are located on the 950 kilometer route, the report said. The ministry pledged that it would adhere to international standards in the project and that it would proceed with transparency," said Eleven Media.

Kyaukphyu is where gas is piped ashore from the Shwe field in the Bay of Bengal and also where China has built a deep-draft port terminal to receive crude oil shipments from the Middle East for its pipeline.

The railway was agreed by Burma's former military regime and is considered by China to be vital to its involvement in the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone. The proposed railway enters China via the border town of Muse.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (June 7, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Reforms for Whom?

Posted: 06 Jun 2014 05:00 PM PDT

political opening

There are more magazines and journals under the reforms, but citizens are still waiting for good news in the form of concrete improvements to their lives. (Photo: Reuters)

More than three years have passed since Myanmar embarked on a series of reforms that many foreign observers hailed as the start of a new democratic era. For most people inside the country, however, the signs of change have been far less dramatic.

Ask the average person in Yangon or any other part of the country if their life has improved since the current quasi-civilian government came to power in 2011, and their response will likely be ambivalent at best.

Yes, they might say, there are more newspapers for sale now. But if you read them, what will you find? War still raging in the north, sectarian violence on the rise, journalists and protesters getting locked up—the same old story.

How about the economy? Doesn't that look more promising than before?

Yes, if you were rich to begin with. But if you were poor before, you are still poor today—maybe even poorer, because even if the standard of living hasn't risen, the cost of living certainly has.

Perhaps these are early days, and things really will pick up dramatically in the long run. But if you were to listen to many of Myanmar's newfound foreign friends, you would think that the country has already taken great strides, and that the Golden Land gold rush can only continue apace.

For many, resource-rich Myanmar, with its vast pool of cheap labor and seemingly unlimited potential for development, is simply too good to pass up. Add to this the fact that it occupies a strategically important corner of Asia, at the crossroads of India, China and Southeast Asia, and you can soon understand why foreigners are so keen to increase their influence here.

Aung Zaw is founder and editor of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at aungzaw@irrawaddy.org.

Even when it was a pariah to much of the rest of the world, Myanmar was an attractive place for investors and governments from neighboring nations. Now, however, it's not just a handful of countries vying for a piece of the action, but a whole world of well-wishers with dollar signs in their eyes, looking to pull Myanmar into their orbits.

It was the United States that opened the floodgates when, in November 2011, President Barack Obama sent his secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, for a historic visit that signaled the end of Myanmar's long era of isolation from the West. But even before then, some countries—notably Norway and several European Union nations—were moving closer to engagement with a regime that many critics considered beyond redemption after decades of human rights abuses and disastrous mismanagement of the economy.

Norway always seemed an unlikely advocate for closer relations with the junta, given its history of supporting the pro-democracy movement. By bestowing the Nobel Peace Prize upon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the figurehead of the movement, the Norwegian Nobel Committee raised her stature to that of an international icon. And by funding and hosting the Democratic Voice of Burma, Oslo put itself firmly on the side of those seeking democratic reforms inside Myanmar.

All of this began to change in the late 2000s, when Oslo decided it was time to change its tack and begin putting more emphasis on economic engagement and stop urging Norwegian companies to refrain from trade and investment in Myanmar.

In due course, Norway's controversial gamble on engagement paid off, both in terms of reforms (which one Norwegian diplomat haughtily informed me Oslo had "foreseen") and in terms of lucrative contracts with Myanmar's self-styled "reformist" government (including a license for Norwegian multinational Telenor to develop Asia's last frontier in mobile and Internet expansion, and another for Norwegian state-owned firm Statoil to explore one of Myanmar's most promising offshore oil and gas blocks).

Now Norway and many other countries—from Australia to the United States, and Germany to Japan—are so heavily invested in this reform success story that nobody wants to hear that it is still far from clear whether Myanmar is really moving in the right direction.

Perhaps from a distance, such doubts seem unwarranted. But until the people of Myanmar can begin to feel that they are the true beneficiaries of their country's supposed "reforms," foreigners who have done well off of the government's newfound openness should probably keep their self-congratulations to themselves.

Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in- chief of The Irrawaddy. This viewpoint first appeared in the June 2014 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Reforms for Whom? appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

National News

National News


GAP to bring ‘Made in Myanmar’ to US shelves

Posted: 06 Jun 2014 01:05 PM PDT

American shoppers will soon be finding "Made in Myanmar"clothing back on the shelves, with clothing giant Gap Inc setting up manufacturing in country.

Palaung ethnic rebel claim Tamadaw commander dead

Posted: 06 Jun 2014 12:25 PM PDT

The Ta'aung National Liberation Army has claimed responsibility for the killing of a Tatmadaw battalion commander and two other officers during clashes in Shan State's Kutkai township.

Myanmar commits to ending sexual violence in conflict

Posted: 06 Jun 2014 12:22 PM PDT

Myanmar has agreed to endorse the Declaration of Commitment to End Sexual Violence in Conflict ahead of a major global summit next week, the British embassy in Yangon has announced.