Monday, August 25, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Spirits, Prayers Mark Hunt for Burma’s Lost Bell

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 05:21 AM PDT

Dredgers operate as part of a salvage team attempting to retrieve the Great Bell of Dhammazedi from the Rangoon River on Tuesday. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

Dredgers operate as part of a salvage team attempting to retrieve the Great Bell of Dhammazedi from the Rangoon River on Tuesday. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Divers stand on the edge of a small wooden fishing boat gazing at the murky, choppy waters below. After receiving blessings from Buddhist monks, they lower their masks and plunge one-by-one into the mighty Rangoon River, clinging to garden hoses that will act as primitive breathing devices during their dizzying descent into darkness.

From the shoreline, thousands of spectators look on, some peering through borrowed binoculars, praying the men will find what other salvage crews have not: The world's largest copper bell, believed to have been lying deep beneath the riverbed for more than four centuries.

Weighing an estimated 270 tons, the mysterious bell is a symbol of pride for many in this country of 60 million that only recently emerged from a half-century of military rule and self-imposed isolation. And for the first time, search crews are largely relying on spirituality rather than science to try and find it.

Burma's superstitious leaders have, in years past, been part of a colorful cast of characters who believe reclaiming the treasure is important if the nation is ever to regain its position of glory as the crown jewel of Asia.

It's a story of myth and mystery: King Dhammazedi, after whom the bell was named, was said to have ordered it cast in the late 15th century, donating it soon after to the Shwedagon Pagoda, Burma's most sacred temple which sits on a hilltop in the old capital, Rangoon.

The bell remained there for more than 130 years, when it was reportedly stolen by Portuguese mercenary Philip de Brito, who wanted to take it across the river so it could be melted down and turned into cannons for his ships. With tremendous difficulty, his men rolled the massive bell down a hill and transferred it to a rickety vessel, which sank under the weight at the convergence of the Rangoon and Pegu rivers and the Pazundaung Creek. The bell never reached its destination of Thanlyin, then called Syriam, which was part of Mon Kingdom and subsequently became a port of the Portuguese and French in the 16th century.

Most people in Burma believe the bell is still lying deep beneath the riverbed, buried under layers of silt. But numerous efforts to locate it with the help of sonar imaging and other high-tech equipment have failed, and some historians now question whether it even exists.

The latest operation—which is expected to last up to 45 days and cost $250,000 raised through donations—is being headed by a former naval official, San Lin, who believes the copper treasure is protected by a curse.

When he told reporters at a press conference in July that he was one of the reincarnations of the 14 guardians of the bell and could speak to the spirits of those who have blocked past retrieval efforts, many local reporters laughed, ignoring the story altogether.

But accounts of the extravagant recovery efforts have since captured imaginations—the prayers, the offerings to "nats," or spirits, the vegetarian diets adopted by the diving team in deference to Buddhist principles. Now, the stories grace the local papers' front pages. And thanks to social media, unsubstantiated rumors that the bell has been spotted have sent thousands of curious spectators flocking to the banks of the Rangoon River.

For small boat owners, shuttling passengers to within a few meters (yards) of the divers' boats has become a brisk business, with dozens of wooden, canoe-like vessels lining the rocky banks.

On shore, men and women charge 200 kyat (20 cents) for photocopied pamphlets describing the bell and its remarkable history. Food and drink stalls have popped up.

"We came because, as Buddhist people, we are responsible to pray for the bell to get it back to its original place," said Tin May, 43, dressed in her finest pagoda-wear: a traditional longyi, or sarong, and a crisp, white blouse. "I don't live far from here. But I keep getting calls from relatives living in the countryside asking for the latest news. Finally, I decided I better get a firsthand look."

Chit San Win, a historian who has taken part in several of the searches in the last two decades, wants to believe the story of the bell.

But as divers plunge into the water, some of them resurfacing within minutes because the currents are so strong, he's starting to have his doubts.

Three major historical records written about that period do not mention the bell, Win said, and King Dhammazedi, who carefully recorded all his donations, did not document gifting a bell that would have weighed more than 100 Asian elephants. The only record Win has found that mentions the bell was written by an Italian merchant, Gasparo Balbi, who came to Burma in the 16th century and wrote that he saw it.

And as for the new supernatural search technique? Win has little faith.

"The bell cannot be located with the help of astrology or spirits," he said. "It is just like consulting an astrologer to find a lost cow who would ask you to look for it in all four directions."

The post Spirits, Prayers Mark Hunt for Burma's Lost Bell appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

$17m Ecstasy Haul Is Burma’s Biggest-Ever Drug Bust: Police

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 05:14 AM PDT

Ecstasy pills are pictured in this undated handout photo courtesy of the US Drug Enforcement Administration. (Photo: Reuters / U.S. DEA)

Ecstasy pills are pictured in this undated handout photo courtesy of the US Drug Enforcement Administration. (Photo: Reuters / U.S. DEA)

RANGOON — Burmese authorities off the coast of Tenasserim Division say they have seized nearly 2.4 million Ecstasy pills valued at more than US$17 million, the largest drug bust in Burma's history.

Border guard police officers intercepted the Ecstasy-laden boat at around 4 pm on Aug. 19, according to Police Brig-Gen Kyaw Win, as the ship was headed to Malaysia from Kawthaung, the southernmost port town in Burma. Police said they believed Burma was being used as a transit point for the drugs, which were destined for Malaysia and eventually the United States.

"The name of the drug is Ecstasy. It amounted to 2.385 million tablets," Kyaw Win told The Irrawaddy. "There are two kinds of logos on the Ecstasy. One is Nike, and the other is RM."

Police seized 297 bags of the "Nike" branded pills and 180 bags of the "RM" variety, with each bag containing 5,000 Ecstasy tablets, according to Kyaw Win, who serves on the Ministry of Home Affairs' Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control.

All 15 men who were onboard the boat have been detained.

Police calculated the total value of the seizure at nearly 16.7 billion kyats, equivalent to about $17.2 million. However, Kyaw Win also said the value per pill was 70,000 kyats, which, if accurate, would put the total drug haul at 167 billion kyats.

Pressed by The Irrawaddy to clarify the discrepancy, Kyaw Win insisted that the numbers provided by police were correct.

Kyaw Win claimed the Ecstasy was not produced in Burma, though he did not indicate where authorities suspected the pills originated from, and said the investigation was ongoing.

"We are still investigating them [the 15 men] in Kawthaung," he said. "We are checking who allowed them to travel on this boat, and who else belongs to this illegal drug syndicate.

"They were heading to Malaysia. They were to land at a Penang Island harbor, according to a tip we received," he said, adding that 90 tons of illegal timber was also found on the boat.

The UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) last week hailed the signing of a "landmark" agreement to cooperate with Burma's government to "strengthen the rule law and address significant crime and drug issues," while also warning that the illicit narcotics trade in Burma posed a domestic and transnational threat. Burma is Southeast Asia's largest producer of synthetic drugs, according to the UNODC.

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Britain Will Boost Aid to Burma by More Than a Third

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 05:07 AM PDT

UK Department for International Development (DFID) Minister Desmond Swayne (left) visits a social enterprise in Rangoon's Hlaing Tharyar Township where handbags are made. (Photo: Kyaw Hsu Mon / The Irrawaddy)

UK Department for International Development (DFID) Minister Desmond Swayne (left) visits a social enterprise in Rangoon's Hlaing Tharyar Township where handbags are made. (Photo: Kyaw Hsu Mon / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Britain's newly appointed international development minister said on Monday that the United Kingdom will increase its development aid to Burma by more than a third in the next fiscal year.

Minister of State at the Department for International Development (DFID) Desmond Swayne is visiting Burma for the first time after his appointment last month, and told reporters in Rangoon that the former colonial power would be increasing its aid to Burma to US$136 million.

Britain, which has embraced the reformist government of President Thein Sein, has already doubled its aid to Burma from $50 million in 2013-14 to $100 million for the current fiscal year.

"We are increasing the budget because we believe this is a very important time for your country, and there are great opportunities to be had here, and that's why we're very keen to be able to assist more," Desmond Swayne said.

Swayne is visiting the country from Monday to Wednesday this week, spending one day in Rangoon before traveling to Kachin State, where he will visit a camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) affected by fighting between the Burma Army and the Kachin Independence Army, according to Gavin McFillivray, head of DFID's Burma office.

"Minister will be visiting an agricultural project by the LIFT project, and he is going to an IDP camp and a voter registration pilot project for the general election in Myitkyina tomorrow," he said.

Swayne will also meet with Health Minister Than Aung and President's Office Minister Soe Thane in Naypyidaw and pay a visit to Burma's Parliament.

During his stay in the former capital, Swayne met with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and visited a social enterprise making handbags in Hlaing Tharyar Township that received a microfinance loan from World Vision, which DFID funds.

He also visited a reproductive health clinic in Shwe Pyi Tha Township run by Marie Stopes International with funding from DFID,

"It’s a very impressive setup," Swayne said of the clinic. "I’m very interested to see that it's a free service and that there are satisfied customers.

"Certainly our intention is to see an extension of health care services available to a large element of the population, that's certainly one of our objectives."

Marie Stopes has opened four clinics in Rangoon since 2009, and DFID has pledged more than $5 million of funding to the project from 2011 to 2016.

The post Britain Will Boost Aid to Burma by More Than a Third appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma’s Financial Intelligence Unit Probed Ne Win Family’s Investment

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 05:01 AM PDT

Bank staff in Rangoon count piles of Burmese kyat. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Bank staff in Rangoon count piles of Burmese kyat. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burma's Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) has investigated an investment in one of the country's biggest banks by the grandson of the late dictator Gen. Ne Win, according to a senior official, who declined to disclose the results of the probe.

Last month a 1.5 percent stake in Asia Green Development (AGD) Bank was transferred to Kyaw Ne Win in a purchase thought to be worth more than US$555,000. The bank's founder, Tay Za, has said he is looking to offload more of the bank, likely to the Ne Win family, due to difficulties resulting from his blacklisting by the US Treasury.

Police Colonel Kyaw Win Thein, the FIU's deputy chief, told media last week that the unit had assessed the investment before it became public knowledge in July. He refused to say if the investigation turned up anything, but the transaction was allowed to go ahead.

"The investigation has now finished but we can't publicly disclose it," Kyaw Win Thein told reporters at a meeting on Thursday on anti-money laundering and financing of terrorism in Rangoon.

The FIU deputy chief did not say why the transaction was investigated, but news of the share transfer raised questions over whether the Ne Win family's wealth was gained through illicit means.

At the time, Aye Ne Win, another grandsons of the ex-dictator, told The Irrawaddy that the China National Corporation for Overseas Economic Corporation (CCOEC), which is part of a Chinese state-owned conglomerate, was using the family company, Omni, to invest US$4.9 billion in various business sectors in Burma.

Aye Ne Win also said the family had agreed with Tay Za to buy a 60 percent stake in AGD Bank. However, Tay Za told reporters on Aug. 12 that he was reconsidering the deal for unspecified reasons.

The FIU deputy chief said that the unit—part of the Ministry of Home Affairs—had for the past two months been investigating a number of suspicious transactions and deposits in Burma's banks as part of renewed efforts to tackle money laundering.

The FIU receives about 1,000 reports of suspicious transaction each month from the banks themselves, Kyaw Win Thein said, adding that more than 70 cases had been opened involving more than $200 million.

"Most of the money laundering is connected with the drugs trade and human trafficking. Some includes the trading of antiques too," he added.

Thit Nay Moe contributed reporting to the story.

The post Burma's Financial Intelligence Unit Probed Ne Win Family's Investment appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Suu Kyi Asks Artists to Expose How Reforms Have Stalled

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 04:53 AM PDT

Aung San Suu Kyi, left, gives a certificate to a publisher who donated books to her late mother's Daw Khin Kyi Foundation, during a meeting with artists at the Royal Rose restaurant in Rangoon on Monday. (Photo: Thaw Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

Aung San Suu Kyi, left, gives a certificate to a publisher who donated books to her late mother's Daw Khin Kyi Foundation, during a meeting with artists at the Royal Rose restaurant in Rangoon on Monday. (Photo: Thaw Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON— Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is urging Burmese artists and writers to help the world understand that their country's political reforms have stalled and are not leading to democracy.

The chairperson of the National League for Democracy (NLD) met with nearly 100 artists and writers on Monday at the Royal Rose restaurant in Rangoon.

She said foreign governments were wrong in describing Burma as a democratic success story.

"We can't get development unless the real situation is known. So I would like to urge artists to expose the country's real situation publicly, and to show in a visible way that our country is not still on a real path to democracy," Suu Kyi told the group of well-known writers, cartoonists, painters, poets, photographers, editors, translators, publishers and bloggers.

She said political activists had worked with artists to promote democracy since the 1988 nationwide uprising against the then-military government. "Only if we can change the spirit is it a real revolution, and only if we see democracy as a culture, not as a political system, can it be firm," she said.

Among those in the crowd were prominent writers Chit Oo Nyo, Ah Yoe, Ah Kyi Taw, Juu and Ma Thida, as well as blogger Nay Phone Latt, artist Kyaw Thaung, cartoonists Myay Zar and Aw P Kyel, and the founder of Rangoon's Free Funeral Services Society, Kyaw Thu.

Htet Myat, chairman of the Myanmar Writers Union, said writers and artists had opposed dictatorship for over 50 years but were imprisoned many times in the process, and that they continued to face restrictions today under the reformist government that took power in 2011.

He said he was disappointed earlier this year when Suu Kyi and other NLD lawmakers accepted the government's proposed publishing law, which has been criticized as overly restrictive. "I would like to request a democracy leader and party that stand beside artists, poets, writers and the media," he said.

Suu Kyi said Parliament's passing of the Printers and Publishers Registration Law was a sign of poor communication. "I admit that with the print law, the NLD did not fully stand up for what we should have," she said. "But the media didn't negotiate with us. We agreed on that proposal because we understood that the ministry [of information] submitted the law after finishing its own negotiations with the media and reaching an agreement. It shows we need more connection to avoid misunderstandings."

The post Suu Kyi Asks Artists to Expose How Reforms Have Stalled appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Rangoon Expansion Plan Criticized for Poor Transparency

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 03:25 AM PDT

A view of the traffic near Sule Pagoda in downtown Rangoon. The city is expected to grow to 10 million inhabitants in 2040. (Photo: Reuters)

A view of the traffic near Sule Pagoda in downtown Rangoon. The city is expected to grow to 10 million inhabitants in 2040. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — The Rangoon divisional government has awarded a multi-billion dollar contract to a largely unknown public company to implement the Rangoon expansion plan, a development plan that will see Burma's biggest city grow by tens of thousands of acres.

Rangoon Mayor Hla Myint revealed during a session of the divisional parliament on Friday that Myanma Setana Myothit company had been awarded the contract. But the news raised concerns among lawmakers, who said they had not been consulted.

"The company alone will carry out the project, and we have chosen it because it is financially strong. We have done it secretly to avoid unnecessary problems," Hla Myint told lawmakers, reading a message by Rangoon Chief Minister Myint Swe.

The expansion plan will see the official city limits of Rangoon expanded by some 30,000 acres, including farmland, from Kyee Myin Daing, Seik Gyi Kha Naung To and Twante townships.

According to Myint Swe, the public company will complete 70 percent of the project within three years at a cost of US$8 billion. It will construct affordable apartments, a school for 1,000 students, a home for the aged, and five six-lane bridges.

Myint Swe said local residents had consented to the project, and that farmland had lawfully been claimed as urban property by a government order. Other development projects across the country, including the Thilawa Special Economic Zone near Rangoon, have led to widespread accusations of land confiscations without proper consent or compensation.

"The company will take sole responsibility to ensure land owners in the planned new town area are compensated properly. It will also supply utilities and build other infrastructure," the Rangoon mayor said.

However, lawmakers were not pleased by a lack of transparency in the deal, saying they did not know the company's background or how the contract had been awarded.

U Kyaw, a lawmaker representing Thingangyun Township, said the parliament was left in the dark during tender process. "We've only just been informed, which is really bad. It is important to check whether the people will benefit and whether the contract was given fairly," he said.

Nyo Nyo Thin, a lawmaker from Bahan Township, agreed. "It is not compliant with democratic norms that [the Rangoon government] kept it a secret until putting it on the table at the assembly. And once it's on the table, lawmakers should have a right to discuss it, but they didn't allow us to do so," she said.

"We don't know how the company was selected, and it is unacceptable that a single company was awarded the entire contract. I think [the Rangoon government] is not being honest by implementing the project without seeking public approval. The project area covers farmland and it is not yet clear whether farmland owners really agreed to it."

The ninth regular session of the Rangoon divisional parliament began Friday and ends Sept. 5.

The post Rangoon Expansion Plan Criticized for Poor Transparency appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Floods Displace Over 1,000 People in Hpakant

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 12:20 AM PDT

A panoramic view of Hpakant, Kachin State, in March 2014. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

A panoramic view of Hpakant, Kachin State, in March 2014. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

MANDALAY — More than 1,000 residents of Kachin State's Hpakant Township have been displaced by flooding over the past few days in the area, known for rich jade deposits that have spawned a veritable Wild West in illegal mining activities.

The Ayemya Tharyar, Myoma and Ngatpyawdaw quarters of the town have been hardest hit, with floodwaters forcing people from their homes and into monasteries offering temporary shelter to the displaced. Locals said everything from churches to private banks had also been flooded by water and mud.

"Heavy rains are to be blame. The rain was pouring all day and night and the waters could not drain from the town fast enough," said La Htaung, a pastor whose church has been inundated.

Local residents say the basin of the Uru River and tributary streams near the town have been filled with sedimentary runoff from jade mining operations in the area, affecting water flows and exacerbating the flooding problem.

"We've faced the floods since 2005 and it is getting worse each year," said Nang Lao Seng, a local volunteer who is helping the flood victims. "If the miners continue to pile the soil like this, our town will face serious floods in future, for sure. The authorities should take serious action against this."

Last year, more than three dozen homes were damaged due to flooding in Hpakant, a jade mining hub in Kachin State. Landslides in the area—some due to mining and others blamed on heavy rains—have killed scores of people over the last several years.

Local volunteers are helping the recent flood victims to move to shelters, as well as providing food supplies. Town authorities are reportedly attempting to unblock clogged drainage canals.

"We cannot calculate the damages yet. There are many houses in the three biggest quarters that have been flooded with mud, and the water is still pouring in," said a duty officer from the township administrative office.

Legal mining in the area was halted in 2012, after a ceasefire between the Burmese government and ethnic Kachin rebels broke down. Since then, thousands of illegal small-scale miners have rushed to fill the void.

The government has said it plans to restart large-scale jade mining in the area next month.

The post Floods Displace Over 1,000 People in Hpakant appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Ladies With Drive

Posted: 24 Aug 2014 10:21 PM PDT

Daw Ni Ni Shein reckons driving is a good job. (Photo: Simon Roughneen / The Irrawaddy)

Daw Ni Ni Shein reckons driving is a good job. (Photo: Simon Roughneen / The Irrawaddy)

YANGON— It's a hot Tuesday evening just before the start of the rainy season, and Daw Ni NiShein has parked next to Junction Mawtin, a shopping mall on Anawrahta Street just a few minutes' walk from Chinatown.

"Just to take a minute's rest," explained the 60-year-old mother of three, who has been cruising Yangon's streets in search of fares since noon, explained.

Daw Ni NiShein first got behind the wheel of one of the city's taxis a decade ago. At the time, her husband had just retired, and her children were reaching adulthood, so the full-time housewife decided to begin a new—and, for a woman in Myanmar, rare—career as a taxi driver.

According to the Yangon City Development Committee, there are over 26,000 taxis in the commercial capital, but only five of those are driven by women.

"We have around 90 drivers, but we don't have any lady drivers," said U Kyaw Lin, a director at Golden Swallow, a taxi firm based near Yangon's international airport.

Asked if he would ever consider hiring a woman for the job, U Kyaw Lin was noncommittal.

"Maybe this is not popular in Myanmar," he said, adding that it might be a problem for a woman to drive at night, when many customers are men who have been drinking.

Not Alone

Whatever the reasons for their scarcity, female drivers are a rare breed in many countries as well as Myanmar. According to the International Women's Day website, only 1.1 percent of the taxi drivers in New York City are women, with a similar figure for Toronto. In France, by contrast, women make up a relatively high 9 percent of the taxi-driving workforce.

Safety is, of course, an important issue for many women who might consider driving a cab for a living—and for passengers, with specialized taxi firms in Western cities offering the reassurance of female-only drivers for female customers. But Ma Nyein Shin, another one of the handful of female cabbies in Yangon, said that it wasn't a major concern for her.

"I work 9 to 5 every day," she said, agreeing with U Kyaw Lin's take that working after dark verges on taboo, but arguing that there was no reason a woman couldn't drive during the day.

Ma Nyein Shin previously worked in real estate. Now just one month after working as a taxi driver, her take was that the work was fun, but sometimes trying.

If she worries about anything, she said, it was Yangon's traffic, which is growing more frenetic by the day.

The number of vehicles on the country's roads has shot up dramatically since economic reforms were introduced in 2011. According to figures released by the Ministry of Transport, Myanmar had a total of 400,000 registered cars and trucks last year, up from 260,000 in mid-2012.

Together with Yangon's maniacal bus drivers, who careen through crowded streets as if seeking pedestrians to mill into, the sheer volume of traffic on Yangon's roads can be stressful even for the most experienced driver.

But despite the heavy traffic, both women say they make a decent living. Ma Nyein Shin said she gets, on average, between 10 and 15 passengers a day—enough to keep her busy, though a lot of time is lost in Yangon's sometimes glacial downtown traffic.

Daw Ni Ni Shein said she takes in around 30,000 kyat (US$30) a day in fares. "I only spend 3,000 kyat on gas, so it's a good job," she said while leaning over the steering wheel, her head almost touching the windshield as she peered left while stalled at a traffic light—the only source of illumination on the nighttime street apart from other cars.

In Demand

While many taxi companies may be reluctant to take on female drivers, there is clearly some demand for women who can handle a car. Barbara Myint Sein, the chief operations officer at Yangon's Parkroyal Hotel, said the hotel previously employed two female drivers, both of whom have moved on. "One left because she got a better salary to work as a secretary and driver," she said.

For her part, Daw Ni Ni Shein sees no reason to give up a job that has served her well these past 10 years. "No plan to stop. I will run, run all the time," she said.

Unlike Ma Nyein Shin, the more experienced Daw Ni Ni Shein is unperturbed by driving Yangon's usually quiet nighttime streets; and while both women mostly stick to the city's busy downtown core—the area centered around Sule Pagoda, from Chinatown to Botahtaung Township—Daw Ni Ni Shein is happy to do the occasional airport run.

Until just a few years ago, when foreigners were still a fairly rare sight in Yangon, a driver was lucky to pick up a passenger who wanted to make the 40-minute run to the airport in the city's northern outskirts. These days, however, most drivers charge 7,000 or 8,000 kyat for the trip—and some more entrepreneurial spirits will tack on an extra 1-2,000 kyat for running the air-conditioning.

"Oh, some drivers charge too expensive for foreigners!" Daw Ni Ni Shein—whose standard rate for the same route is 5,000 kyat—exclaims when she hears this.

Then—demonstrating that she's mastered the fine art of snagging a fare as well as any of her male colleagues—she offers me her phone number.

"Next time you fly, you call me."

This article first appeared in the August 2014 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. Htet Naing Zaw contributed reporting.

The post Ladies With Drive appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Encouraging Diners to Savor Rangoon’s Flavors

Posted: 24 Aug 2014 05:00 PM PDT

Nom Kham cofounded mylifesavour, Rangoon's first diner card. (Photo courtesy of mylifesavour)

Nom Kham cofounded mylifesavour, Rangoon's first diner card. (Photo courtesy of mylifesavour)

Since last month, Rangoon diners have been finding a smarter way to explore the commercial capital's evolving culinary scene. With the launch of the mylifesavour diner card, members can get up to 50 percent off their bill at an array of participating restaurants and bars.

With new restaurants popping up by the month in rapidly changing Rangoon, mylifesavour's cofounder Nom Kham talks to The Irrawaddy about her company's attempt to inject some variety—and savings—into the lives of diners in Burma's biggest city.

Question: What is mylifesavour's mission and how do you choose which restaurants and bars to partner with?

Answer: The mylifesavour diner card is the first dining card launched in Myanmar. We have two objectives: The first is to encourage customers to eat out frequently,which could be beneficial to restaurants. The second one is to help our members have choices for great dining experiences at great value. Our theme is 'good quality.' We select our participants[restaurants and bars] based on the food they offer, ambience and their services—all have to be of good quality. We decide who we partner. In short, we want to celebrate good quality, innovation and creativity. That's all mylifesavour is all about.

Q: How did you start mylifesavour?

A: The mylifesavour website was launched in April this year as a blog and a restaurant listing, promoting the best places to eat and drink in Rangoon. We found out that there are more than 600 restaurants in Rangoon, not including street-hawkers. We found that some are really good, some not bad and some are quite terrible. So as food lovers, we launched a blog to recommend to our readers where best to eat in Rangoon. As a result, we got positive feedback for our unbiased, independent and informative posts.

In July this year, we launched the mylifesavour diner card as we wanted to do business in Burma's food and beverage industry. With increased tourism and foreign investment, the industry here today is very exciting. Another thing is there is a change in dining customs among local people, who are eating out more. So with the card's offer of up to 50 percent discounted, people will be able to eat out and enjoy great dining experiences more often.

Q: How many participating businesses do you have so far?

A: We have 24 participators now. We are trying to grow our membership base. The more members we have, the more people will dine at our participating restaurants. That's good for our partners. Plus, we are trying to expand the numbers of restaurant partners to provide our members with more choices and more value when they go out to dine.

Q: Your card partnerships are quite diverse. So who is the mylifesavour clientele?

A:Yeah, we have a variety of restaurants and bars, ranging from high-end to affordable ones. Our target audience is affluent professionals from 20 to 45 years old. However, we do provide choices of restaurants to our target audience—from a low price bracket tie, i.e quick, casual dining to expensive, fine dining. Even on our current partnership list, we have restaurants that offer quality food at affordable prices.

Q: Mylifesavour's concept is quite novel here. Did you face any difficulties in launching it?

A: Of course we did. But we have had no complaints yet. This is because we tested out our partner restaurants before our members received their cards. Some restaurants staff had not been properly briefed. We identified these issues and ensured that all restaurants understood their obligations before our members started using their cards.

On a few occasions, some members didn't check the website at all, so they weren't aware of the time or day restrictions that had always been applied to a particular offer.

To avoid this, we are planning to publish the top offers from our website in hard copy. I think it will be OK over time, as the concept is still quite new here.

The post Encouraging Diners to Savor Rangoon's Flavors appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

India, Pakistan Intensify Cross-Border Firing as Ties Sour

Posted: 24 Aug 2014 11:07 PM PDT

Indian security personnel walk past the main gate of Pakistan High Commission in New Delhi on Aug. 19. (Photo: Reuters) 

Indian security personnel walk past the main gate of Pakistan High Commission in New Delhi on Aug. 19. (Photo: Reuters)

SRINAGAR, India — Indian and Pakistani troops intensified firing across the border over the weekend killing at least four, an Indian official said on Sunday, straining ties between the arch rivals who recently called off top-level diplomatic talks.

Last week India said its foreign secretary would not meet with her Pakistani counterpart as scheduled on Monday because of plans by Pakistan to consult separatists from the border state of Jammu and Kashmir ahead of the meeting.

The cancelation dashed any hopes of near-term peace deliberations, chances of which had risen after Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif attended the inauguration of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi about three months ago.

The Himalayan region of Kashmir has been a bone of contention between India and Pakistan since both countries became independent in 1947. They have fought three wars and came close to a fourth in 2001 and there have been regular clashes on the Line of Control that divides Indian- and Pakistan-controlled Kashmir.

Giving ammunition to hawks on both the sides against resuming talks, firing across the border has picked up.

According to India's Defence Ministry, there have been 70 ceasefire violations by Pakistan in Jammu and Kashmir since Modi took over.

"Pakistani troops violated ceasefire again today and restored to heavy firing targeting 22 Border Security Force (BSF) posts," BSF Inspector General for Jammu frontier, Rakesh Sharma, told Reuters.

Sharma said two people were killed on Saturday and four were injured, including a BSF man. "We gave them befitting reply causing equal casualties on their side," he said.

The Pakistan army's press office did not reply to calls seeking comment. But Pakistani military sources said on Saturday night that in July and August India's BSF had committed 23 ceasefire violations by resorting to unprovoked firing.

Pakistani media reported on Sunday that three people were killed and 11 injured in "unprovoked firing" by Indian troops.

BSF says Pakistani troops are firing to give cover to the militants for infiltration into Indian territory.

A senior Indian army officer said that they have foiled 15 infiltration attempts this month in which 10 militants and two Indian soldiers were killed.

The latest firing has forced 1,000 border residents to flee to safer locations, a senior Jammu and Kashmir bureaucrat said.

"Our contingency plans are in place to provide all possible relief to people who might move out of their villages if tensions escalate," said Shantmanu, divisional commissioner of Jammu district.

Additional reporting by Reuters' reporter Maria Golovnina.

The post India, Pakistan Intensify Cross-Border Firing as Ties Sour appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

China Targets Ordinary Uighurs With Beards, Burkas

Posted: 24 Aug 2014 10:15 PM PDT

Police from a Special Weapons and Tactics team stand guard outside the South Railway Station in Urumqi, Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, on May 1, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Police from a Special Weapons and Tactics team stand guard outside the South Railway Station in Urumqi, Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, on May 1, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

AKSU, China — Outside a mosque in China's restive west, a government-appointed Muslim cleric was dodging a foreign reporter's question about why young men of the Uighur ethnic minority don't have beards when one such youth interrupted.

"Why don't you just tell them the truth?" he shouted to the cleric under the nervous gaze of several police officers who had been tailing the reporters all day in the oasis city of Aksu. "It's because the government doesn't allow beards."

A plainclothes Uighur policeman swiftly rebuked the young man. "Be careful what you say," he warned.

The tense exchange provided a fleeting glimpse of both the extremes of China's restrictions on minority Uighurs (pronounced WEE'-gurs) and the resentment that simmers beneath the surface in their homeland. Such a mood pervades Xinjiang's south, a vast, mainly rural region that's become a key battleground in the ruling Communist Party's struggle to contain escalating ethnic violence that has killed at least a few hundred people over the past 18 months.

The personal matter of facial hair has taken on heavy political overtones in the Uighur heartland. Also proscribed are certain types of women's headscarves, veils and "jilbabs," loose, full-length garments worn in public. Such restrictions are not new but their enforcement has intensified this year in the wake of attacks Beijing has blamed on religious extremists.

In a recent sweep of Urumqi, the region's capital, authorities last week said they seized 1,265 hijab-type headscarves, 259 jilbabs and even clothes printed with Islamic star-and-crescent symbols. Officials also "rescued" 82 children from studying the Quran, the government said.

The prohibitions on Islamic attire and beards have attracted widespread criticism, with many experts saying such repression angers ordinary Uighurs and risks radicalizing them.

"It's a self-fulfilling prophecy, it's self-perpetuating. The more they crack down on it, the more people re-Islamize. This is a pattern we see all over the world," said Joanne Smith Finley, an expert on Uighurs at Britain's Newcastle University. "The Chinese state has created a growing terrorist threat where previously there was none. It has stimulated an Islamic renewal where there wouldn't necessarily have been one."

A major thrust of the yearlong crackdown on terrorism has been a campaign against religious extremism, with arrests of hundreds of people for watching videos apparently hailing terrorism or extremist ideology. But authorities also are targeting beards, veils and other symbols of religious piety in a campaign that creeps ever further into Uighurs' daily lives despite official claims that the government respects religious freedom.

"At the moment, we face a very serious, intense and complex situation with fighting terrorism and maintaining stability," a party newspaper, the Xinjiang Daily, said in an edict to "front-line" minority cadres in late July. Officials, it said, must also act to control weddings without singing and dancing and funerals where there are no feasts—referring to Uighur customs the government says Islamic conservatives have barred.

Young Uighur men are discouraged from keeping beards and those who have them are stopped at checkpoints and questioned. So are women who wear Muslim headscarves and veils that obscure their faces. Some public places such as hospitals bar such individuals from entering. Earlier this month, the northern Xinjiang city of Karamay announced that young men with beards and women in burkas or hijabs would not be allowed on public buses.

In the city of Aksu, Ma Yanfeng, the director of the city's foreign propaganda office, said the government was concerned that Uighurs were being unduly influenced by radical Islamic forces from overseas.

"It's because they have been incited by others to do so," Ma said, noting that traditional dress of Uighur women is multicolored. "Those clothes that are all black are a sign of influence from foreigners like in Turkey and have to do with extremist thinking."

Unlike in Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan or parts of South Asia, veils and abayas are relatively new to Uighurs in Xinjiang, only growing in popularity in recent decades, scholars say.

Uighur historically have used "ikat" textiles with bold patterns and brilliant colors, an aesthetic they share with Uzbeks, Tajiks and other Central Asian cultures. Contemporary Uighur women, especially those in cities, dress like other urbanites though they aren't likely to bare a lot of skin.

Uighurs have been adopting veils and beards in a shift toward more pious lives, partly as symbolic resistance to Chinese rule and partly out of a desire for the egalitarianism associated with Islam to mend social inequalities, said Smith Finley, the Newcastle expert who has studied Uighurs since 1991.

The shift is also in reaction to dashed hopes for independence after bloody riots in 1997 and the ensuing crackdown, she said.

Some Uighurs see their current plight as punishment from God for not being good enough Muslims. They think "if I'm a better Muslim, then the Uighurs as a whole will be better Muslims and our future, our situation, will be better," she said.

Chinese authorities apparently make little distinction between these expressions of piety and the kind of extremism that poses a threat to society.

In May, police in the county of Luntai raided women's dress shops and confiscated jilbabs. A photo on the local government's website showed four male police officers at a shop examining textiles while a woman in a black jilbab, likely a shop assistant or owner, stood in the background watching.

The rubber-stamp legislature in the southern prefecture of Turpan says on its website it is considering a law to impose fines of up to 500 yuan ($80) for wearing veils and cloaks in public. The legislature says the law would help safeguard social stability, cultural security and gender equality and even protect health—because, the proposal says, burkas deprive skin of sunlight and can cause heatstroke in summer.

Elsewhere, officials have been rounding up dozens of Uighur women to attend indoctrination sessions and to trade their jilbabs and veils for traditional Uighur silk dresses.

"After today's ideological education, I now understand that the jilbab is not our ethnic group's traditional attire, and I recognize that veils and wearing jilbabs is incompatible with Islamic culture and is a backward and bad practice," a woman named Ayiguli Bake was quoted by a local party-run newspaper as saying in a scripted fashion.

But on the streets of Kuqa and Aksu, many women could be seen wearing headscarves that covered their necks, though black cloaks were nowhere in sight and in most instances only elderly men had beards.

Chinese officials probably are targeting outward manifestations of piety because they cannot "fundamentally alter people's inner states," said Gardner Bovingdon, a Xinjiang expert at Indiana University.

"I can't make you stop admiring a more rigorous, scriptural Islam, but I can make you shave off that beard, I can make you take off that scarf," Bovingdon said. "So that's what I'll do."

The authorities' heavy hand has reportedly sparked protests. In the rural town of Alaqagha, 40 kilometers (25 miles) south of Kuqa, police fired into a crowd in May when villagers violently protested the detention of women and girls for wearing headscarves and Islamic robes, according to the US government-funded broadcaster Radio Free Asia.

On a recent evening in Alaqagha, rows of surveillance cameras perched atop street lights watched residents breaking their fasts at a small outdoor market. Pistol-carrying police who were trailing Associated Press journalists kept an eye on the villagers, who included women with headscarves shopping at donkey-drawn fruit carts.

"It's the state's way of saying 'we don't trust you, we see your religion as being something that's inherently of concern to us,'" said Sophie Richardson, China director at Human Rights Watch. "'We are going to treat it as fundamentally problematic behavior, not as the basic right that it is.'"

The post China Targets Ordinary Uighurs With Beards, Burkas appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Interpol Seeks Clues to Thai ‘Baby Factory’

Posted: 24 Aug 2014 10:05 PM PDT

Surrogate babies that Thai police suspect were fathered by a Japanese businessman who has fled from Thailand are shown on a screen during a news conference at the headquarters of the Royal Thai Police in Bangkok August 12, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Surrogate babies that Thai police suspect were fathered by a Japanese businessman who has fled from Thailand are shown on a screen during a news conference at the headquarters of the Royal Thai Police in Bangkok August 12, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

BANGKOK — Interpol said it has launched a multinational investigation into what Thailand has dubbed the "Baby Factory" case: a 24-year-old Japanese businessman who has 16 surrogate babies and an alleged desire to father hundreds more.

Police raided a Bangkok condominium earlier this month and found nine babies and nine nannies living in a few unfurnished rooms filled with baby bottles, bouncy chairs, play pens and diapers. They have since identified Mitsutoki Shigeta as the father of those babies—and seven others.

"What I can tell you so far is that I've never seen a case like this," Thailand's Interpol director, police Maj. Gen. Apichart Suribunya, said Friday. "We are trying to understand what kind of person makes this many babies."

Apichart said that regional Interpol offices in Japan, Cambodia, Hong Kong and India have been asked to probe Shigeta's background, beginning last week. Police say he appears to have registered businesses or apartments in those countries and has frequently traveled there.

"We are looking into two motives. One is human trafficking and the other is exploitation of children," said police Lt. Gen. Kokiat Wongvorachart, Thailand's lead investigator in the case. He said Shigeta made 41 trips to Thailand since 2010. On many occasions he traveled to nearby Cambodia, where he brought four of his babies.

Shigeta has not been charged with any crime. He is trying to get his children back—the 12 in Thailand are being cared for by social services—and he has proven through DNA samples sent from Japan that he is their biological father. He quickly left Thailand after the Aug. 5 raid on the condominium and has said through a lawyer that he simply wanted a large family and has the means to support it.

Kokiat said Shigeta hired 11 Thai surrogate mothers to carry his children, including four sets of twins. Police have not determined the biological mothers, Kokiat said.

The founder of a multinational fertility clinic that provided Shigeta with two surrogate mothers said she warned Interpol about him even before the first baby was born in June 2013.

"As soon as they got pregnant, he requested more. He said he wanted 10 to 15 babies a year, and that he wanted to continue the baby-making process until he's dead," said Mariam Kukunashvili, founder of the New Life clinic, which is based in Thailand and six other countries. He also inquired about equipment to freeze his sperm to have sufficient supply when he's older, she said in a telephone interview from Mexico.

As for Shigeta's motives, Kukunashvili said he told the clinic's manager that "he wanted to win elections and could use his big family for voting," and that "the best thing I can do for the world is to leave many children." Kukunashvili declined The Associated Press' request to talk to the clinic manager.

Kukunashvili, who is based at the company's headquarters in the country of Georgia, said she never met Shigeta but received reports from her Thai staff.

She said that in April 2013, she sent faxes in English and French to Interpol's head office in Lyon, France, and an email through the agency's website, but they went unanswered. Apichart of Interpol in Thailand said the local office never saw the warnings. An Interpol spokesman in Lyon did not immediately return a call seeking comment.

Kukunashvili also sent Shigeta an email to express suspicion, and attorney Ratpratan Tulatorn responded on his behalf in an Aug. 31, 2013, email that the clinic owner provided to the AP.

The attorney said Shigeta was involved in "no dishonesty, no illegal activities." He said his client hoped to keep using New Life, but the company then stopped working with him.

Shigeta's activities drew no attention until early this month, when an Australian couple was accused of abandoning a baby with his Thai surrogate mother—but taking his twin sister—after learning the boy had Down syndrome. Though the couple disputes the allegation, the case prompted a crackdown by Thai authorities on what had been a largely unregulated industry.

After the Australian case emerged, police received a tip that prompted the raid on Shigeta's Bangkok apartment.

Ratpratan, the lawyer, appeared during the raid to insist that Shigeta had done nothing wrong.

"These are legal babies, they all have birth certificates," Ratpratan told Thailand's Channel 3 television station. "There are assets purchased under these babies' names. There are savings accounts for these babies, and investments. If he were to sell these babies, why would he give them these benefits?"

Ratpratan is no longer Shigeta's lawyer, and his replacement has not responded to requests for comment. Shigeta's current whereabouts are unknown.

The post Interpol Seeks Clues to Thai 'Baby Factory' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

National News

National News


Ethnic leaders want Suu Kyi in on ceasefire

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 03:22 AM PDT

Leaders of ethnic armed groups say they want Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to observe the signing of the nationwide ceasefire agreement and the accompanying political dialogue.

Parliamentary commission proposes open list PR system

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 03:20 AM PDT

In another step towards introducing the controversial proportional representation (PR) electoral system, a parliamentary commission decided last week to recommend to the Amyotha Hluttaw that an open-list proportional representation system should be introduced for next year's general election.

Army will discuss federalism

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 03:18 AM PDT

The Tatmadaw has agreed to discuss the potential formation of a federal army, one of the ethnic armed groups' key demands in the ongoing peace process.

President wants civil service to change mind-set over corruption

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 03:00 AM PDT

Corruption is still rife in the civil service, President U Thein Sein has reminded his cabinet colleagues during a regular meeting of senior government ministers at the Presidential Palace in Nay Pyi Taw last week.

Activists on trial

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 02:54 AM PDT

Two verdicts last week highlight a justice system that is targeting human rights defenders and the government is only paying lip service to reform, a UK group says.

We need to re-define “political prisoner” rights groups say

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 02:33 AM PDT

Former prisoners of conscience are joining forces to pressure the government to define the term "political prisoner".

Over 310,000 in Rakhine State still need aid

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 02:32 AM PDT

Two years after inter-communal violence first broke out in Rakhine State more than 310,000 people are still in need of humanitarian assistance there, says the UN's Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

The miracle maker

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 02:25 AM PDT

Nepalese doctor returns sight to hundreds of people in Myanmar during recent visit where he operated on patients in Yangon and Myeik.

Sandak Ruit, the ophthalmologist who has returned sight to over 120,000

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 02:23 AM PDT

It's hard to imagine Dr Sanduk Ruit wielding an axe, as he did as a poor Sherpa boy growing up in the foothills of the Himalayas.

Work on Mandalay Convention Centre to go on day and night

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 02:19 AM PDT

Construction work on the new Mandalay Convention Centre (MCC) which began in August will run for 24 hours to ensure it will be complete by December 2015, an official from Mandalay City Development Committee (MCDC) said last week.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


To Hopeland and Back (X)

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 05:12 AM PDT

Day One. Sunday, 17 August 2014.

The trip begins with the long-awaited but unexpected good news from Rangoon where the armed resistance movements' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) and the government's Union Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC) made an announcement on Friday, 15 August, the first day of their latest formal meeting that Naypyitaw had accepted the country should be a federal state. "With the agreement on Federalism, the main obstacle has gone," one NCCT member was reported as saying. "The rest will be just technical details."


It is, without doubt, a historic breakthrough considering the fact that the country has gone through 52 years of hell, beginning 1962 when the armed forces staged a coup citing federalism (equated with secession) to justify it.

I'm, by nature, always in my element when things go wrong, because I tend to confidently look for the silver lining in the clouds. But when things look bright and promising, I become uneasy and try to look for a catch in them.

So when I was invited to attend the tripartite meeting—government, armed resistance movements and political parties—which is to be held tomorrow, I knew I had to go at least to see, hear and get the feel of things.

My plane is a new one, Mann Yadanarpon Airlines (MYA). Departure time is 16:30 (Burma Standard Time), half an hour later than Thailand's. Check-in time is 14:30, So I find myself plenty of time to kill when I get there.

Fortunately, I have brought three books:

  • ·       China: A History by John Keay (ordered by phone by Sao Khwan Mong in Taunggyi)
  • ·       Three Presidential Frontrunners for 2015 in Burmese (Guess who?)
  • ·       Dhammapada ("The Way of Nature" a manuscript for proofreading)


And here are some of the quotes I would like to share with you:
  • ·       He who does not forget the past is the master of the present.

       Sima Qian, China: A History
  • ·       The conqueror gets enmity

      The defeated lies down in distress
      Only those who give up both victory and defeat rest in peace
       The Dhammapada
By the time we arrive at Mingaladon airport, it is already 20:00, because the plane, as most airlines are in Burma, does not fly directly to Rangoon but had stopped by at Mandalay before continuing to Mingaladon. 

 It takes another hour to pick up our bags, hire a taxi and arrive at the hotel, Summer Palace, near the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) where the meeting is going to take place tomorrow.


I go white when the reception tells me it will cost me 55,000 kyat (1,800 baht/$60) per night. But my friend who had booked the room and noticed the funny look on my face gently advises me, "This is not Chiang Mai and you should count yourself lucky and thankful to get it."

The upshot of it is that I pay my rent for two nights and meekly let myself led to my room in the 6th floor by a hotel porter.

As I the elevator climbs up, I notice that it has a ground floor (instead of 1st floor) but no 4th floor.
So each of us is a freak in his/her own way after all. 

BURMA PEACE PROCESS: As defining moment nears, concept of federalism looms larger

Posted: 25 Aug 2014 12:22 AM PDT

The latest round of peace talk held from 15 August to 17 August has not been able to thrash out all the differing views between the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) and Union Peace-making Work Committee (UPWC), although it was said to have almost reached all agreement on most points, quite a number of issues still needs to be tackled.



According to both NCCT and UPWC sources, from 122 points, only 4-5 points remains to be resolved. They are transitional period of the Ethnic Armed Organizations' (EAOs) – from signing of Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) to the duration of political discussion phase - sustainment and livelihood; how many groups should be involved in the NCA discussion; recruitment; which ethnic armed groups will be eligible to sign NCA; and who should be invited to sign as witnesses to the signing ceremony.

It is becoming quite clear that the acceptance of federal system by the government side is not that all clear, according to Nai Hong Sar, also known as Nai Han Tha, top NCCT negotiator and leader of the New Mon State Party (NMSP).

In an interview with The Irrawaddy, Burmese section, on 21 August 2014, he said. " The ethnic nationalities are of the same opinion - regarding the peace process -, but the government side doesn't seem to be the same. The military, the parliament and government sometimes don't seem to have the same opinion. But this recent discussion has become a lot more better."

He further said:" At the earlier stage, the military has stood on its original ground of not accepting the ethnic nationalities' demand for equality and rights of self-determination, and didn't want to change their position. Now they are not mentioning or taking stand on the issue of federalism. They come to the discussion in the capacity of National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) and accepted the federal issue in principle, but don't elaborate much. Whether they definitely accept or reject would be known only when the political dialogue takes place. At this moment, they have not spoken their stance on federalism and could be generally taken as being accepted."

Transitional period EAOs' sustainment
The sticking point on how the transitional period sustainment for the EAOs is likely to be formidable. For it involves infringement on sovereignty clause, where the opinion of government or the military is concerned. But which the EAOs see it quite differently and take it as their rights to be entitled to the shared-sovereignty, leading to the principle of shared-rule. In other words, the government is of the opinion that the EAOs should not extort protection money - from the point of EAOs it is levying revolutionary tax -, involve in extraction of natural resources, and illegal trading and so on. The government takes it as forcible or coercively exercising power-sharing or infringement of its sovereignty monopoly, which is supposed to be solely its domain. But the crux of the problem is that the sustainment of EAOs' troops depend solely on such revenue, without which their armies would face extinction. This would be a major hurdle for the two parties to overcome.

A military-published Burmese language, Myawaddy newspaper wrote in an opinion piece, written by Ban Aung Hla, titled " Only if implemented according to the current existing laws", on 19 August 2014, as follows:-

" Currently, some armed ethnic groups are engaged, as if they are government, miserably in extortion of protection money, selling teak woods and other natural resources, and illegal importation of goods. Because of their new recruitment - for their armies - young people in the villages could not even conduct their livelihood and have to flee."

Also elsewhere in the same opinion piece, it blames and accuses the ethnic armed groups that, although the government is conducting the peace process, according to the international norm, " Some armed groups are engaged in new recruitment, building new base camps, manoeuvring outside their designated areas, acting as if trying to protect their territories."

How many parties should participate?
On the issue of political framework, especially how many actors should be involved, the NCCT and UPWC have some discrepancy. While the NCCT insists that the government, army and parliament should be one party, the EAOs as one party, and other political parties combined as one party, to conduct a tripartite dialogue, the UPWC side is for, at least, 8 parties meet, which would include the government, the parliament, the military, EAOs, political parties, civet society organizations, intellectuals and people from business sector.

According to an opinion piece in Eleven Media Group of 19 August 2014, the 8 parties dialogue could lead to the similar situation like the Nyaungnabin constitutional drafting process, where the military bullied its way and stage-managed to promulgate the military-drawn 2008 Constitution.

Who should sign the NCA?
Another crucial issue is the criterion of who should participate in the signing of NCA. The government side seems to be only ready to include 14 EAOs that have signed the state-level and union-level ceasefire agreement, plus the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Ta-ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), which have not inked the agreement. The NCCT is for all-inclusiveness, except the government-supported militias, which have been combating the EAOs, together with the Burma Army all along.

One of the he 10-point guidelines of the NCCT published by the SHAN, on 5 August 2014, indicates:

" Ethnic Armed Group signatories must meet the requirements set out at the Law Khee Lar Conference: Signatories to the Laiza Conference, having concluded a ceasefire with the Government, possessing "required attributes" of an ethnic armed group, not being an armed group under control of the Government, and not being an armed group fighting a foreign government."

Who should be invited as witnesses?
The last issue is who should be involved as witnesses to sign the NCA. According to NCCT, the government side is reluctant to accept Aung San Suu Kyi as a signatory, whereas the NCCT is keen to have her as a witness.

The Irrawaddy report of 19 August 2014 writes that ethnic leaders say they want her to participate more in the peace process, even perhaps as an eyewitness during the signing of the nationwide ceasefire accord, which could come as early as October.

"We proposed this to the government already, but there has been no response yet," said Hkun Okker, secretary of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), another alliance of ethnic groups.

According to SHAN report, on 5 August 2014, the NCCT week-long Laiza conference of the 18 armed organizations that concluded on 31 July had proposed Japan and Norway be invited as signatory witnesses to the planned nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) signing, according to sources returning from the Sino-Burmese border.

The Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), set up by the first Laiza conference in November, had already proposed 7 other dignitaries and nations as witnesses:
·       Secretary General, United Nations
·       Secretary General, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean)
·       United States
·       People's Republic of China
·       India
·       Thailand
·       United Kingdom

Federalism deciding factor for durable political settlement
The bigger picture is, as always, the position or acceptance of the federal union, as a governing system, which is the heart of ethnic nationalities demand. According to the interview conducted by The Irrawaddy, on 21 August 2914, Nai Hong Sar responded to the question of how the ethnic nationalities see the government insistence of adhering to the sovereignty and integrity of the union as below:

"Our ethnic rebel forces haven't asked for secession, but rather federalism and equality. If we can't have them, we will need to remain as armed rebel forces. If needed, we will secede. None of the ethnic rebel forces are looking to secede if they can get what they ask for. That's the truth."

As it is, the question of whether the peace process would be successful or not would solely depend on the military's political will to accept the concept of federalism in words and deeds. And employing decentralization or devolving some decision-making power, within the mould of the present unitary system, wouldn't be able to satisfy the non-Burman ethnic nationalities' aspiration and would only further delay the peace process, and might even push the situation back to an all-out military confrontation across the country. For now, the ball seems to be in the military court and the progress of peace process will solely depend on how it is going to handle it. 

Sunday, August 24, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Another wrong turn in Mong La

Posted: 24 Aug 2014 06:04 AM PDT

Let's raise a glass to celebrate that the BBC has discovered Mong La and brought us the news that it is "Myanmar's lawless region where anything goes" (See Jonah Fisher's 18 August installment). Now let’s have another glass to help dull the pain that the BBC's reportage not only produces Orientalist narratives but also takes an unsophisticated pro-statist view which ignores that "anything" also goes in Burmese government-controlled areas. Instead, it attempts to elicit shock from viewers with a visual postcard of "un-Burmeseness" in an area beyond the clutches of the state.

Burma's recent reforms have created an atmosphere of journalistic possibilities, but many foreign journalists have failed to capitalise on the opportunities presented by access to areas previously restricted to engage in more extensive coverage of ethnic politics. Many Burma-based correspondents remain unfamiliar with the historical context of their subjects, their editors also share this ignorance and limited budgets often restrict reporting to the confines of the capital and the former capital, preventing them from developing a keener understanding through on-the-ground contacts. The recent BBC story on Mong La is emblematic of a larger malaise that tarnishes reporting of events beyond Rangoon and for this reason the following article critically examines the report.

The Mong La story is not new. The Trouser People by Andrew Marshall includes one of the early journalistic accounts of the area and its publication in 2002 inspired countless other journalists to head up to Mong La. Covering this topic and others, such as a comedy troupe in Mandalay, has become a rite of passage for those trying to draw attention to their journalistic prowess by reporting on events taking place beyond Rangoon. But, their stories are essentially an unwitting repackaging of older ones, as these writers often appear unaware that theirs is a well-trodden path.

The attempts in the recent BBC report to ascertain the political conditions that allowed for the emergence of Mong La are amateurish. The author employs descriptive exoticism, referring to the "weird wild world of Mong La”. There's nothing weird or wild about Mong La when one considers how it came into existence and that many of its illicit features are also present elsewhere in Burma.

It is useful to point out that the Burmese government did not give the territory of Mong La to its present leaders, but recognised their authority to administer it. In fact, central government leaders have exercised only limited control over the area. In the early independence period, the Chinese Kuomintang remnants exercised control over this area. In the early 1970s, the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) extended their control over the region and established the "815 War Zone". After a mutiny triggered an internal revolt within the CPB, four separate self-administered regions emerged in its place as the result of ceasefire negotiations with the military.  The 815 War Zone became known as Special Region Four, which is now known as Mong La – its administrative center. The three other special regions that emerged were administered by ethnic Wa, Kokang and Kachin organisations.

The so-called "secretive leadership" of Mong La is headed by Lin Ming Xian, one of several Chinese volunteers from the adjacent area of Yunnan, who joined the CPB in the late 1960s. He is Sino-Shan and also has a Shan name, Sai Leun, and became one of the CPB's  most effective military commanders. After the mutiny he established control over this area and formed the organisation now known as the National Democratic Alliance Army.

Fisher's covert nighttime foray into the jungles of eastern Burma to find a "hidden, illegal" gambling complex conjures memories of The Secret Life of Walter Mitty. When one leaves Rangoon for reporting upcountry, the likelihood of discovering illegal gambling halls increases dramatically. And gambling by proxy – the gist of the "headset scoop" – has been commonplace in the border casinos of Laos, Burma and Cambodia for almost a decade.

“When foreign journalists resemble travel writers in their coverage of ethnic areas, one of the few potential sources of independent analysis on the situation in ethnic areas is lost.”

One of the most disturbing aspects of this Mong La report is its lack of context. The story leans on a crutch common to bad travel writing – the superlative. The implicit treatment of Mong La is that it is the "unique-est" in terms of lawlessness. But are drugs, gambling, Chinese-ness and the illicit trade of endangered wildlife unique to Mong La? To argue so would be on par with the tomfoolery of suggesting that ngapi is bland. Moreover, the suggestion that we should be shocked that the lingua franca, the currency, the electricity and cell phone system are Chinese belies an innocence of how borders operate and ignorance that such dynamics are commonplace across Burma's border with China in both government and non-government controlled areas. Like many others, the author has gone for the low hanging fruit – the Mong La story – and  revels in revealing the outrage of its Sino-centrism to us. Such is a tired tale oft repeated over the last twenty-odd years.

What is at stake is that when foreign journalists resemble travel writers in their coverage of ethnic areas, one of the few potential sources of independent analysis on the situation in ethnic areas is lost. Part of the problem is that  journalists often know little about ethnic issues and, instead, may sometimes construct stories framed in terms of the exotic. In doing so, they fail take into account that many of the dynamics they report on are commonplace in other parts of Burma and operate under the awareness of officials. In contrast to Mong La, there are many places where the Burmese government and other complicit parties do not tolerate nosing around by journalists. This is evidenced by the jail sentences recently issued to journalists from the Unity Weekly journal for their reporting on an alleged secret weapons factory in central Burma.

But myopic perspectives, such as that of the BBC, fail to acknowledge that these dynamics are symptoms of a larger crisis of governance, rather than their cause. Instead, they imply that government rule is more desirable than that of non-state actors. In the case of Mong La, the leadership's efforts at creating a multi-cultural community — in part through the use of multiple ethnic languages and support for the cultural rights of its non-majority ethnic groups — is unusually open for Burma. But more to the point, important issues regarding ethnic politics critical to the future of Burma remain insufficiently addressed by the media.

But let's not throw the baby out with the bathwater. The report draws attention to the trade of endangered wildlife in Mong La. Although, again, the trade in endangered wildlife is pervasive, and most journalists do not report on it unless it is right under their nose. One need not go to the lawless land of Mong La to find the trade, but look to the high-end aquariums and zoos across Southeast Asia. Bottoms up.

 

Danny Deck frequently travels to Burma and has visited Mong La.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not reflect DVB's editorial policy.

 

 

BUSINESS WEEKLY – 24 August 2014

Posted: 23 Aug 2014 11:40 PM PDT

 

Ups and downs

Burma's currency was stable again this week; the buying rate for Burmese kyat on Friday was still 971 to the US dollar, while also selling at 971. The price of gold fell from 676, 500 kyat per tical to 669,000 kyat. Fuel remains the same as last week: petrol 820 kyat; diesel 950 kyat; and octane 950 kyat per litre. High-quality Pawsanhmwe rice remains at 1,300-1,700 kyat per basket, while low-quality Manawthukha rice is still set at 900 kyat per basket at most Rangoon markets.

 

China aims to legalise Burmese rice imports

Chinese officials will enter discussions geared towards allowing the legal import of Burmese rice, according to Yu Ding Cheng, chairman of the Chamber of Commerce in Yunnan, China. Seizures of illegal rice have led to a steep decline in value. Yu Ding Cheng said that he met with Burma's Federation of Chambers of Commerce in efforts to boost cross-border trade on 14 August. The Myanmar Rice Federation said that they do not expect to meet this year's target of exporting two million tons of rice, as value and demand have both dropped.

 

UK to supply Rangoon airport with refueling vehicles

Flightline Support Ltd, a UK-based manufacturer, has secured export contracts worth over UK£600,000 in Burma and Morocco, the British government announced on Thursday. "Flightline Support are among the first UK companies to clinch orders in [Burma] since the trade sanctions were lifted 12 months ago", the government website said, noting that the British firm will supply Rangoon airport with two 20,000-litre aircraft refuelling vehicles. Ray Harris, Managing Director of Flightline support, recently visited the re-opened British embassy in Rangoon to meet UK Trade & Investment staff. According to the government website, they discussed "forging stronger ties with Myanma Petroleum Products Enterprise and the Myanmar Ministry of Energy".

 

Muse economic zone to be complete by 2017
A Central Economic Zone planned for Muse, on the Burma-China border, will be complete by 2017, according to a project official. State media reported that project director Ngwe Soe said in a televised announcement on Sunday that the project will be implemented by the Shan State regional government and New Star Light Construction Co. About 18 real estate developments are planned, including housing, hotels and jade trading facilities. The zone will require more than 300 acres of land and will cost 50 billion kyat (US$50m), the report said.

 

Malaysian firm to supply bulldozers to Hpakant

Malaysia's UMW Group has reportedly secured contracts worth US$63 million to supply more than 60 units of Komatsu equipment to jade mining firms in conflict-ridden Hpakant in Kachin State. According to Malaysia's The Star on Friday, UMW Engineering Services Ltd secured contracts to deliver Komatsu equipment – presumably excavators, caterpillars and bulldozers. Jade-mining activities were suspended in May 2012 in Hpakant due to security reasons, but Burma announced recently that the suspension will be lifted on 1 September.

 

Telenor expects to follow Ooredoo roll-out within a month

Following the official launch of Qatar-based telecoms giant Ooredoo in Burma last week, Norwegian rival Telenor, the only other international player in the country's lucrative telecoms market, announced that it will roll-out next month. Speaking exclusively to DVB, Myanmar CEO Petter Furberg said Telenor would be operational in Rangoon, Mandalay and Naypyidaw "sometime in September" and would cover every region in the country within the first year. He said the firm was launching both 2-G and 3-G networks to cater for Burma's geography and social conditions.

See full interview: https://www.dvb.no/news/dvb-talks-to-petter-furberg-ceo-of-telenor-in-burma-2/43435

 

Korean firm to provide electrical components

South Korean electrical firm LSIS, part of the LS Group conglomerate, has signed a contract to supply high voltage distribution panel boards to Burma's Asia General Electric (AGE) over the next five years, the Korea Times reported on Friday. Under the agreement, LSIS will also provide more than 3,000 vacuum circuit breakers (VCBs), the report said. AGE, which supplies key electrical parts to Burmese state-run forms and other companies, will reportedly manufacture complete switchgears using VCBs at its Burmese plant.

 

Burmese SMEs in line for bank loans

Thailand-based Small and Medium Enterprises Development Bank has pledged for provide 20 billion kyat (US$20 million) this year in loans for small and medium businesses in Burma starting from 27 August. According to an announcement by the bank last week, a business can apply for a loan of 20 million to 50 million kyat at an interest rate of 8.5 percent. More than 120,000 SMEs are registered in Burma making up over 99 percent of the country's enterprises.

Read more:

https://www.dvb.no/news/smes-to-receive-loans-after-eligibility-survey-burma-myanmar/42786

https://www.dvb.no/analysis/burma-must-boost-smes-myanmar/43353

Growth at any cost: Strategic direction or tunnel vision?

Posted: 23 Aug 2014 10:46 PM PDT

A lot has changed in Burma since the country's transition began in 2011. This remains an indisputable – albeit somewhat overplayed – fact. Keen to participate in the country's uneven process of opening up, uncomfortable compromises have had to be made on all sides – something which seemed unthinkable only a few years ago. In the realm of macro-level policies shaping the future of Burma, though, the power players dominate. There is a marked asymmetry between the traction given to voices propounding a tried-and-tested model of 'development', and those pushing for a more heedful and cautious approach. Despite the coverage afforded to Burma in recent years, few people seem to be asking either why this is, or what the consequences might be.

For more than 50 years, the world largely looked away as torture, ethnic cleansing and acute poverty stalked Burma. Compulsion to leave the bloody past behind by engaging with Burma's oligarchs is, perhaps, understandable in the world of realpolitik. Alongside this, though, account must be taken of the coterie of actors keen to pursue a model of development that prescribes quick fixes to economic and social problems, ensuring the demand for their expertise and safeguarding their role in Burma's future at a stroke. Slow and steady no longer wins the race.

Put simply, the quicker these issues can be rendered in language comprehensible to policy makers, the quicker solutions can be identified. The national census undertaken earlier this year was the clearest evidence yet of the international community's resolve to "understand" the country – and the subsequent violence a stark reminder of the cost of subsuming wider social cleavages to it. What we do understand, though, is that Burma's natural resource-reliant economy is pressed by the twin needs of economic diversification, and rationalisation of its regulatory environment. Far less clear is the causal relationship between a resolute focus on these economic fundamentals and dramatic improvements to social welfare. Moreover, there is a very real risk that giving primacy to rapid economic growth over social welfare fans the flames that make the reform process so unstable.

More haste, less speed

The potential for natural resource exploitation to fuel further conflict is clear, not least in border regions where the brutalisation of civilian populations has continued unabated since President Thein Sein took office in 2011. With a number of important issues unresolved – including how the distribution of resource dividends might take place on an equitable basis – the auctioning off of some of Burma's most valuable assets is proceeding apace. Despite Burma's welcome application to the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, the ongoing reluctance of companies involved to disclose information relating to their ownership structures does not bode well for those championing accountability as attendant of foreign capital investment.

Of course, this investment will be central to the diversification of Burma's economy in the future – itself vital if the cadre of well-connected oligarchs are to have their virtual monopolies challenged. Without this, the provision of public services cannot be improved, and the country's gaping income and wealth inequality cannot be bridged. Recognition of the singularity of recent Burmese experience should, then, be evident in the policies proposed to address these issues. Yet such thinking is not forthcoming. Instead, the proposed direction going forward centres on tourism and garment manufacturing.

The rise in foreign visitors to Burma in recent years has been dramatic, straining the country's tourist infrastructure. Increasing the capacity to cater for this deluge seems like a quick win – it will create jobs, bring welcome tourist dollars into the economy, and let potential investors get to know the lay of the land. Policies capitalising on these facts are almost incontrovertible, and can be implemented rapidly. This, in part, explains the ease with which institutions, such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), have been able to fund luxury hotels and urban renewal projects.

But apprehension remains that the jobs created by these programmes will be reserved for a tiny minority of well-educated Burmese, with promises exaggerated to legitimise the building of what the World Bank's private sector investment arm, the International Finance Corporation (IFC), calls "critical business infrastructure". Concerns have also been raised about the potential of such projects to serve the interests of oligarchs and strongmen, rather than creating opportunities for the country's largely unskilled labour force. Yet it is the creation of these jobs that must underscore a more sustainable and equitable recalibration of Burma's economy in the future.

President Thein Sein's agricultural reform strategy is sharpening this need even further. In essence, the government is prioritising modernisation through market liberalisation and mass land confiscation, aimed at driving vast numbers of the population towards other forms of work. The government is keen to show that internal economic migrants will find work through the development of labour intensive industry. Neighbouring Cambodia and Bangladesh are examples of how this can create jobs, and form the backbone of an export-oriented strategy designed to engage with the global economy. They are also vivid examples of how the pursuit of rapid economic growth in a weak regulatory environment can threaten the rights, lives and livelihoods of the most vulnerable.

Scrutiny of this growth model has thus far been limited, despite the clear risks associated with genuflection to it. The possibility that Burma's transition is nurturing an authoritarian plutocracy in the guise of a market democracy is very real. A slew of questions remain unaddressed. Should we be confident that global retailers like Gap will be at the vanguard of standard setting, given its response to last year's Rana Plaza tragedy? What is the likelihood that companies relying on scale and volume will work with local small-and-medium enterprises to build the domestic economy, adhere to international standards in their supply chain management, and consult communities adversely affected by their investment? Consultation of recent history is not encouraging here.

Given the close association of the majority of Burma's most influential businessmen with the military, these concerns have a strong foundation. Ongoing forced relocation of communities affected by the flagship Thilawa Special Economic Zone, and the government's draconian response to their protests have been well documented. The administration's backsliding on its amnesty for political prisoners,complicity in crimes against humanity in Arakan State, and crimes committed by the military all evidence the international community's willingness to prioritise fast-tracked economic reforms, hoping improvements to social welfare will be a positive externality. This is an enormous risk. To mitigate against this, the pace of engagement with Burma's ruling elite must be tempered, and be made conditional on road-maps that redefine and subsequently reward concrete progress over time.

Quid pro quo?

Perhaps the most pressing issue to be resolved is the country's ongoing civil war. The difficulties standing in the way of realising a comprehensive, nation-wide peace settlement should focus the efforts of all stakeholders to making a settlement workable, not provide a basis for kicking the can down the road. Rather than finding ways to circumvent security issues, human rights abuses, and regulatory loopholes, the leverage of the international business and aid communities must be put to use here. Withholding investment from areas of ongoing conflict as long as military spending remains high and reports of human rights abuse surface, would be a good start.

“The pursuit of rapid economic growth in a weak regulatory environment can threaten the rights, lives and livelihoods of the most vulnerable”

The experience of other governments who have faced the "resource curse" should also be drawn upon and considered independently, rather than refracted through the ideology of international financial institutions and recast to fit their prescriptions. A resource-sharing agreement between national and sub-national governments will be the cornerstone upon which Burma's future is built. Reaching an agreement will require consultation, debate and compromise. Currently, there is little pressure on stakeholders to reach this type of agreement from investors or international governments. Without establishing such an agreement, though, the likelihood is that the spoils of Burma's resource endowment will be appropriated by a tiny elite, and that capital investment and the provision of public services will remain impoverished.

Furthermore, evidence of an improved regulatory environment must be demonstrable. Putting in place the mechanisms for local governments to tax effectively, remain accountable for their practices, and more generally build trust between citizens and the state machinery are long-term projects. The argument that foreign investment drives up standards has its merits – at least in some sectors – and the same could be said of infrastructure projects of bodies like the ADB. But this is no substitute for the maturation of local level institutions, and the skill development of indigenous personnel to staff them. The advanced industrial economies of the world took generations to build this institutional infrastructure; can we seriously contend that this revolution will take place in Burma over the course of a few years?

Whether our focus is on institution building, economic diversification, or improving the climate of human rights, meaningful consultation with stakeholders at every level is crucial. Building bridges with Naypyidaw at the expense of civil society organisations and grassroots activists will result – indeed, is resulting – in a parochial understanding of the fundamental issues facing the country.

Governments, businesses and aid organisations retort that the immediate focus must be establishing trust at the highest levels of government to effect any change. The grain of truth in this should not obscure the fact that without actively building relationships with grassroots organisations we risk both legitimating and building a more efficient, authoritarian regime whose record speaks for itself.

In a climate in which haste trumps prudence, the responsibility to tread with care often gets muted. Up to now, the nature of international engagement with Burma has been geared towards formulating quick fixes to deeply complex issues. An absence of forethought as to how these policies will affect the welfare of Burma's diverse peoples risks both upsetting the country's already fractious social balance, and entrenching the role of the military as a result. How will our willingness to reward rapid economic reform while ignoring egregious human rights abuses play out? Only time will tell.

 

David Baulk holds an MSc in Development Studies from the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, and is a former researcher for Burma Campaign UK. He now works for a Burmese women’s rights organisation in Chiang Mai, Thailand.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not reflect DVB's editorial policy.

National News

National News


Leprosy sufferers struggle in Mon State

Posted: 22 Aug 2014 01:58 AM PDT

High in the hills of Myanmar's war-torn borderlands, a clutch of new leprosy cases among communities virtually cut off from medical help is a sign that the country's battle with the ancient disease is far from over.