Monday, September 8, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Floods sweep Shan border town

Posted: 08 Sep 2014 04:24 AM PDT

As many as four thousand people in Tachilek, eastern Shan State, were forced to flee to higher ground as heavy rain pounded the town over the weekend.The water has since subsided, leaving the streets of the town caked with mud and strewn with debris.

800 houses were submerged in water, destroying personal property and business assets. A local monastery doubled as a refugee camp over the weekend, before people began returning to their homes on Monday.

One local resident told DVB that her material possessions are now ruined.

"We just picked up our important documents and fled," she explained. "So many of our possessions were swept away by the water. All the rest is completely sodden and destroyed. This is really awful for everyone here."

On Monday, Tachilek police confirmed that no one is missing, quashing a rumour that a mother and her young child had been swept away.

Locals say the flood-swept roads did not allow for people to take many belongings as they fled the town for higher ground.

"The road out of town is nearly impassable, said one local man. "We weren't able to take anything with us as we escaped. We need help from the local authorities to clear the road and shore up the burst river. I'm demanding that on behalf of the local people."

A local parliamentary representative for Burma's ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party, Tun Tun Win, said that people would have to wait to assess the full scale of the damage.

"Heavy rain poured down all weekend. Five neighbourhoods were three to four feet deep in water. The good news is that it hasn't been life-threatening. However, we can't yet ascertain what has been lost or damaged. We'll know more once waters have completely receded."

Tachilek sits on Burma's border with Thailand.

The adjacent town of Mae Sai was also affected by the floods, and the Friendship Bridge connecting the two countries was temporarily closed.

Police, firefighters and Red Cross workers have been assisting the families as they pick up the pieces.

They said it has been the worst flooding in the area for 15 years.

 

Hardliner announces ABSDF split

Posted: 08 Sep 2014 04:13 AM PDT

Khin Kyaw of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF) has announced that he has left the students' army and will lead a new group of some 300 members, which he called the Union National Resistance Army, or UNRA.

Speaking on Sunday at a meeting in Bilin, Mon State, the prominent ABSDF militant said his faction would seek a separate ceasefire with the Burmese government while pledging to continue working with ethnic villagers on development issues.

Khin Kyaw, along with his comrade in arms, Kyaw Kyaw, said they had recruited some 300 members, though not all from the ranks of ABSDF. That figure is thought to include family members.

"Our policies are not much different from ABSDF," he told DVB on Monday. "We have all been together now for 26 years, during which time we had no problems over issues. But I now feel like the ABSDF is more focused on the current political situation rather than implementing its policies and strategy.

"So we have founded a new group, the Union National Resistance Army, which will be dedicated to implementing [our original] political aims and to assist local people with what they really want."

In response to the split, ABSDF Vice-chairman Myo Win defended the student groups' involvement in the current peace process and questioned the breakaway faction's motives.

"Under the current process, we are trying to resolve political problems through political means," he said. "We have no intention of moving back to Burma, nor do we wish to work on development projects. In this regard we differ from them [UNRA].

“If we look at their request to work as a separate organisation seeking its own ceasefire agreement, I think we can see it is based on personal interests, not in the interests of the country or the people,” he said.

Myo Win played down the impact of the split. "This is not a serious issue," he told DVB. "I would like to make it clear that this is not a case of the ABSDF splitting in two – it is just one or two persons."

The ABSDF was born out of the 1988 students' uprising in Burma and subsequent military coup. Up to 10,000 students, many from middle-class families in the main cities, travelled to border areas to join the armed resistance to military rule. Many have fought for years alongside hardened Karen and Kachin guerillas in the malaria-infested jungles of eastern and northern Burma.

Bullet Points: 9 September 2014

Posted: 08 Sep 2014 03:57 AM PDT

On today's edition of Bullet Points:

    • Political players react to the cancellation of 2014 by-elections.
    • Just 170 of 1,094 Rohingyas interviewed move forward with citizenship application.
    • Asian rights watchdog alleges continued use of torture in Burma.
    • Flooding devastates Shan town of Tachilek.

 

You can watch Bullet Points every weeknight on DVB TV after the 7 o'clock news.

India set to import 100,000 tonnes of rice from Burma

Posted: 08 Sep 2014 03:24 AM PDT

India, the largest rice exporter in the world, is set to import around 100,000 tonnes of rice from Burma, which was once the largest exporter of the commodity.

The move is a result of logistical bottlenecks that will hinder the transportation of rice to the northeastern states of India. The rice import is a preventive measure to avoid a supply crisis in the states of Manipur and Mizoram, where a railway construction project is underway.

In the absence of feasible transport routes to connect Mizoram and Manipur with the rest of India during this phase, the Food Corporation of India will import rice from Burma, which is well connected by road to these northeastern Indian states, according to a report in the Indian daily, The Economic Times.

Though what seems like a temporary arrangement, the move seems to further calibrate India's "Look East" policy, in which bilateral relations with Burma have always been prioritized to combat Chinese monopoly in the region.

All efforts to increase India's bilateral trade with Burma are viewed as an essential and natural strategy to increase Indian influence within a country that it shares much with, including a colonial history and a 1,009-mile border.

The decision to import rice from Burma, even despite surplus production at home, fosters a mutually inclusive economic understanding between the two countries, which are both competitors in South Asia for rice export.

The rice import also provides an opportunity for India to explore and identify the potential capacity of the northeastern states, volatile with secessionist and insurgent groups, but also shares an extensively vast percentage of its borderlines with regional neighbours. According to a report published by Gateway House, an Indian think tank, the exchange of commodities between India and Burma via its northeastern terrain will aid India in tapping into the hitherto neglected role that northeast can play in further strengthening the trade possibilities between the two countries.

At present, it is unclear whether the trade route will be via the Chittagong port or via land routes, although The Economic Times suggests the latter. Interestingly if the trade is to be via road, it will be carried out across the commonly disputed borderlines of Burma and India. The landscape of northeast India, which merges relatively seamlessly into Burmese territory, has been a belt of narcotic activity and arms trading, and is also infested with insurgent rebel groups on either side of the border.

Former Indian military commander, Rahul Bhonsle, who spearheads Security-Risks.com/South Asia, explained to DVB about the need to buckle up security at either ends of the trade routes. "In the case of the land route being used, adequate checks [must be implemented] to ensure that the [rice] transportation is not used by the criminal and militant nexus operating across the borders to their advantage," said Bhonsle.

The increasing importance of transport routes via India and Burma as a priority was emphasised at the fifth annual Indo-US strategic dialogue. The strategic importance of building transport trade routes via Burma serves a twofold purpose for India: increasing trade connectivity; and serving as a strategic entry portal into Southeast Asia.

For Burma, the export deal with India comes at a time when the rice industry faces stiff competition from its neighbours; the Myanmar Rice Federation demanded tangible rice policies earlier this year to match the level of surplus production of other rice-exporting countries.

The latest five-year national export strategy, unveiled by the Burmese government on 5 September, has accredited rice exports to be of "highest importance" in 2014-15, reported Oryza, a leading rice industry publication..

"The [Burmese] government is planning to explore newer markets for its rice exports," it said, part of a strategy to revive Burma's once famed rice export legacy.

With this deal underway, India will be importing rice after almost three decades.

Culture ministry to protect buildings, nature

Posted: 08 Sep 2014 02:53 AM PDT

Burma's Ministry of Culture announced that they will enforce fines for the misuse of properties that are designated as culturally significant, according to a statement in state media on Monday.

The announcement, published in Burmese-language daily The Mirror, said that almost all of Burma's states and regions have places recognised as either ancient, protected or heritage zones.

The three types of protected zones cover a wide range of places in Burma, including several ancient cities. Takaung, Ava [Inwa], Myay Du, and Pinle [Mong Mao] are among 15 ancient cities that will be protected.

Rangoon, the country's former capital and largest city, has the highest number of heritage buildings, accounting for 16 of 46 nationwide.

Thirty-two primate zones have also been identified in Monywa and Pakkoku districts, where restrictions on development will be applied.

Karenni and Chin states have no ancient, protected or heritage site zones, the ministry's announcement said. Mount Victoria, the highest peak in Chin State, however, has been nominated for UNESCO World Heritage Site status.

Fourteen sites in Burma are under consideration for heritage site status, though many others are considered as such by the Ministry of Culture and will enjoy some protections from the government.

The ministry warned that anyone who uses designated zones for the construction of new buildings will be subject to financial penalties. Building restrictions apply to housing, factories, hotels, roadways, electrical and telephone infrastructure, and other construction projects.

As part of broader efforts to preserve the nation's cultural heritage while allowing for development, the ministry said that although building in protected areas will be limited, plans are in place to support small businesses like restaurants and handicraft outlets.

The ancient cities of Pyu, which make up Burma's only inscribed UNESCO World Heritage Site, are slated for such development, the announcement said.

Burmese MPs react differently to cancellation of by-elections

Posted: 08 Sep 2014 01:07 AM PDT

Several political parties in Burma have reacted with frustration to the election commission's decision to cancel by-elections this year, while others — notably the National League for Democracy (NLD) — shrugged off the polls as unnecessary and "a burden".

Arakan League for Democracy (ALD) Chairman Aye Thar Aung slammed the Union Election Commission (UEC), saying it was "sowing confusion" among political parties by axing the by-elections, which were slated for November or December.

"First, they say they will hold by-elections, then they cancel them," he told DVB on Sunday. "It seems to me that they are testing the political parties. It sows confusion, because we have already started planning and choosing candidates to contest the seats."

The ALD chairman's perspective was echoed by Ye Htun, a Shan Nationalities Democratic Party MP representing Thibaw Township, who said that although he accepted the decision to cancel the by-election, he believed the UEC had acted in an indecisive manner.

"I always thought they shouldn't hold polls so close to the 2015 general election. We had a by-election in 2012, so we don't need another so soon," he said. "However, since they announced [in March] it would take place, they should stand by their decision. The Commission should not be so indecisive."

Thirty-five seats remain vacant across both houses of parliament, as well as state and divisional assemblies. Most were vacated as MPs assumed alternate roles within the government; others because of deaths or resignations.

Speaking at Myanmar Peace Centre in Rangoon on Sunday, UEC Chairman Tin Aye announced that holding a by-election to contest just 35 seats was unnecessary for two reasons: first, with general elections slated for next year, it would be asking parties to finance and compete across the country in back-to-back elections, something many were unable to do. Second, he said, even if one party swept all or a majority of the seats in the by-election, it would not affect the overall make-up of parliament.

The NLD won 43 of 46 seats at the previous by-elections in April 2012 – elections which saw party leader Aung San Suu Kyi elected to parliament for the first time. However, its reaction to the cancellation of polling this time round was rather muted.

Nyan Win, an NLD central executive committee member who attended Sunday's meeting, said that his party accepted the UEC's decision.

"When the UEC originally announced the timeframe for by-elections, it did not take these [campaign] issues into account," he told DVB. "Now the matter is pressing. Political parties believe the gap between elections is too close and the campaign rules are inconvenient. By cancelling, we feel there is less of a burden on us."

Federal Union Party Vice-chairman Saw Than Myint said that everything the government does, including the cancellation of these by-elections, is based on the decision of the ruling party.

"I would say frankly that it all depends on what the ruling [Union Solidarity and Development Party] wants. If by-elections are in its interest, it will pressure the commission to hold them," he said. "It's all political opportunism. These are the tricks of the ruling party. They control everything."

DVB spoke to several non-political players about the UEC announcement.

Maw Linn, the editor of Pyithu Khit Journal, said the reasons for cancelling the by-elections were as yet unclear.

"I can’t say clearly why the UEC did this," he said. "First, they said no by-elections, then they scheduled them for the end of this year. Now they have cancelled them. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said in parliament that by-elections should be held, and at that time, the UEC was working towards that goal.

"Now they have cancelled the by-election. I think this shows they are not reflecting seriously enough on what is happening in the country. It seems they are trying to solve problems one by one. It's difficult to say what really lies behind the decision-making."

Ko Mya Aye, a member of the 88 Peace and Open Society civil society group, offered a disheartened response.

"I simply don't know what to say. First, they [UEC] announce they will do something, then they don't. I don’t know what they are doing," he said. "I think they don’t have a clear policy on how to navigate the country in a straight direction. It is very difficult to see what they are trying to do."

In its statement on Sunday, the UEC said it had consulted with "concerned individuals and organisations" before making its decision to cancel the by-elections.

National News

National News


UEC cancels by-elections citing cost, burden on parties

Posted: 07 Sep 2014 10:09 PM PDT

The Union Election Commission has announced the cancellation of by-elections scheduled for later this year, citing concerns over costs, preparations for next year's general election and the chairing of ASEAN as reasons for the decision.

After HK halt, maid agencies look to Singapore

Posted: 07 Sep 2014 08:23 PM PDT

Singapore is shaping up to become a major destination for domestic workers from Myanmar, with a new MoU in the works.

Industry receives training to fight child sex tourism threat

Posted: 07 Sep 2014 07:47 PM PDT

Child sex tourism haunts many Southeast Asian states and while there are few signs of it yet in Myanmar there are fears that with tourism booming it is only a matter of time before sex tourists arrive.

Dethroned beauty queen hits back at tiara theft allegations

Posted: 06 Sep 2014 05:38 AM PDT

Ousted beauty queen May Myat Noe  has responded to rumours surrounding her fall from grace.

Government rejects repatriation reports

Posted: 06 Sep 2014 04:40 AM PDT

Government officials have moved to distance themselves from media reports that Myanmar would resettle thousands of Rohingya currently residing in Bangladesh.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Posted: 08 Sep 2014 07:29 AM PDT

News media are filled with pros and cons opinions on the Scotland's independence referendum. But the arguments boils down to just two crucial points. While the pro-independence crowd has argued that an independent Scotland would be able to exercise democracy, rights of self-determination, with full political decision-making power as a nation, the status quo or pro-union camp has argued that the union has lasted over 300 years for one reason: because it works; and why throw away the security and benefits of staying with the United Kingdom.

On 18 September 2014, about 4 millions of Scots will vote on whether they want their country to become independent or remain part of the United Kingdom.
According to a YouGov poll of 1 September, the lead for the no campaign at six points, down from 14 points in the middle of August and 22 points early last month. Excluding those that are still undecided, 53 per cent would vote no, while 47 per cent would vote yes.
The Guardian's essential guide on  "Scottish independence", dated  23 April 2013 wrote that 4 million people, officially registered to vote in Scotland, including those aged 16-17, will be eligible to vote; polls will open from 7am until 10pm on September 18 and voters will be faced with a single question: should Scotland be an independent country? They will only be able to vote 'yes' or 'no'.; only a simple majority vote of 51 per cent is needed to secure victory;  and votes will be counted overnight in each of Scotland's 32 local authorities and the results will be announce on the morning of September 19.
Brief historical backdrop
Scotland's relations with England have been marred by independence movements, crowns unification of the two political entities, political union and recently, the independence referendum movement. Following are important historical mile stones that form the contemporary political development of the today.

•    William Wallace and then Robert the Bruce led "wars of independence" 700 years ago.
•    In 1314,  Edward II, then attempting to subjugate Scotland, at Bannock burn was defeated by the Scottish.
•    In 1513, Scotland was defeated by the English at Flodden.
•    In 1603, the Scottish and English crown unification, when King James IV became overall monarch of the British isles.
•    In 1707, political union of England and Scotland and political power moved to London.
•    In 1745, Bonnie Prince Charlie, led the Jacobite revolt against Hanoverian rule by London.  It ended in crushing defeat at Culloden in 1746.
•    After several failed attempts, notably in 1913 and 1979, a Scottish parliament was established in 1999.
•    In May 1999, Scotland held its first election for a devolved parliament and in July the Scottish Parliament held session for the first time since the previous parliament had been adjourned in 1707.
•    In May 2011, Salmond and the Scottish National Party (SNP) unexpectedly won an historic landslide victory giving the nationalists majority control of the Scottish parliament
•    On 15 October 2012, the Edinburgh Agreement (full title: Agreement between the United Kingdom Government and the Scottish Government on a referendum on independence for Scotland) was signed between the Scottish Government and the United Kingdom Government at St Andrew's House, Edinburgh, on the terms of Scottish independnece referendum 2014 (Sources: The Guardian & Wikipedia)

Key arguments and supporters
The status quo camp argued that the UK is the most successful economic and political union of modern times, and that change needs to be slow and careful. The UK brings security and shared risk, and common values. It is supported by Ruth Davidson, Scottish Tory leader; Lord Forsyth, former Scottish secretary; Sir Malcolm Rifkind, former foreign secretary.

Devo-plus – devolution plus - camp said that Scotland needs to take responsibility for the taxes it spends, and mould policies to its needs and raise the taxes to match its spending. It is backed by Reform Scotland think tank; Scottish Liberal Democrats; possibly Alistair Darling; devo plus campaign; senior figures in Scottish Council for Voluntary Organisations.
The Independence camp reasoned that there is no reason why Scotland cannot control its own destiny, become equal to England, and take its full place in the world. Scotland and England would remain firm friends. It is backed by  Alex Salmond, Scottish National party, Scottish Green party, Sir Sean Connery, Sir Brian Souter, Stagecoach owner, the Scottish Socialist party and Solidarity.

Ethno-national referendums
According to Matt Qvortrup in his research piece titled, "The History of Ethno-National Referendums 1791–2011", he writes:"There have been 157 ethno-national referendums since the Second World War. Thirty-four of these were held between 1989 and 1993 and were all more or less direct consequence of the fall of communism. That such momentous events shake the political kaleidoscope is not surprising, nor, perhaps, is it surprising that the developments left their mark on legal practice. There is a bit of a sea change in the new doctrine adopted after 1989. As Matthew Craven has observed, "Of the new states that were to emerge in the 1990s … most held plebiscites or national polls by way of authorization."

But cautioned that  not all the ethno-national referendums held after 1989 are related to the end of the Cold War. The referendums in Canada in 1992 and in Quebec in 1995 are a result of an internal dynamic, and the same is true for the polls held in St. Kitts and Nevis in 1998 and the plebiscite in Burundi in 2005.

He further pinpoints the fact that democracy and rights of self-determination goes hand in hand as follows:

"The history of ethnic and national referendums started in the wake of the French Revolution. Nationalism and self-determination went hand in hand, and this was resolved through referendums. E. H. Carr, the British historian and theorist of international relations, observed correctly that Self-determination and democracy went hand in hand. Self-determination might indeed be regarded as implicit in the idea of democracy; of if every man's right is recognised to be consulted about the affairs of the political unit to which he belongs, he may be assumed to have an equal right to be consulted about the form and extend of the unit."

Also touching on the issue of "Independence Referendum", Wikipedia has collected  data, which are highly interesting.

Accordingly, from the period between 1990 to 2014, there have been 26 independence referendums, which mostly gained independence, with some achieving de facto independent status. The up-coming or expected independence referendums are to be held in Scotland, Catalonia, Kurdistan, New Caledonia and Bougainvillea. All will be recognized referendums by the concerned state, except for Catalonia, which is part  of Spain, and Kurdistan, belonging to Iraq.

Scottish secession drive
With the poll indicating that the pro-independence trailing behind closely the pro-union campaign, the outcome could go either way. If the pro-independence prevail, a new nation-state will be born and political and economic adjustment will follow, especially between the UK and Scotland, followed by fine tuning of international relations and commitments. Other than that, the status of UK in UN security council and its international relations would have to be reviewed. If the pro-union camp wins, the "devo-plus"- devolution plus - and "devo-max" - devolution maximum - will likely follow, so that the Scottish desire to be independent could be softened or dampened, even if it is going to be for the time being.

According to an opinion piece in The Guardian, on 4 September, Simon Jenkins, who also admitted to be a pro-independence supporter, pointed out that " the no campaign offers merely stasis. Even with devo max, Scots would remain in political shackles. It's time to break free."

He further said that the result " will be nothing like the alarms or promises made by both sides. Pick apart the no vote's "devo-max" and the yes vote's "independence-lite", and the practical differences are not great. Both will deliver a distinctive Scotland yet one still close to England. Whatever deal follows whatever vote, there will be joint citizens, open borders, a common currency, joint banking, arrangements on welfare, security, tax-gathering and broadcasting. Scotland may set its taxes differently, but the scope for drastic change will be limited."

The beauty of the Scottish independence referendum is that it is so matured, civilized and democratic, all nation-states facing such ethnic self-determination should take it as a model for various ethnic conflict resolution.

What can Burma learn from Scottish experience
Lately, a report in SHAN, in an opinion piece, on 19 August 2014, highlighted a point regarding secession issue troubling the USDP-Military regime, which is in the midst of nationwide ceasefire negotiation with the ethnic armed groups, striving for more rights of self-determination.

One of the problematic issue, from the nine sticky points highlighted by the report, regarding the nationwide ceasefire agreement draft, is "the Panglong spirit and Panglong promises", which the USDP-Military government  had rejected the latter saying it contains the right of secession.

President Thein Sein, meeting with leaders and representatives of the political parties, at Mingala Hall of Yangon Region Government, on 29 March 2014, said:
"The door is kept open to discuss all matters except matters related to secession from the Union of Myanmar, and issues that can harm national sovereignty."
On a lot of occasions, during the ceasefire talks between the ethnic armed organizations and the government, this line of argument has been repeatedly aired, making it the principle fall-back position of the regime.

But the interesting posture is the recent linkage of the secession clause, written in 1947 Union of Burma Constitution, and the Panglong Agreement, openly rejecting the "Panglong Promises" as the foremost obstacle and hindrance for the ongoing peace process.

Conclusion
To wrap up, first, the ethnic self-determination or ethnic upsurge is very much alive and the tendency is increasing, rather than decreasing. Second, if the count of ethno-national referendums, specifically, the independence referendum, are of any indication, the stateless or non-state nations and ethnic groups will continue to exercise and struggle for their rights of self-determination, if given the chance. If not, open conflicts would continue to pop-up. Third, all ethno-national referendums are not only striving for secession and many will be happy to practice harmonious, peaceful co-habitation, if there would be a proper give-and-take, power-sharing mechanism,  like genuine federal union for example.

Last but not least, the Burmese government should learn from all these episodes that by merely pressuring the other ethnic groups to refrain from leaving the union coercively is no guarantee that it won't exercise their rights of self-determination in the future, as the recent Scottish independence referendum has explicitly shown. And the best way to do it is to ask for voluntary participation, which is already the case now for non-Burman ethnic nationalities, and try to grasp the existing opportunity to cement it by being fair and equal to all the other ethnic groups, in power-sharing, resources-sharing and all other political aspects.

Statement by Shan Community Based Organizations

Posted: 08 Sep 2014 07:25 AM PDT

Namkham farmers' protest highlights urgent need for moratorium on resource extraction during peace process.
Silica mining in Namkham Eng final2
The anti-mining protest by over 3,000 villagers in Namkham, northern Shan State, on September 5, 2014, highlights the lack of protection against damaging mining, and the urgent need for a moratorium on resource extraction in ethnic areas until there is genuine political reform and peace in Burma.

Since 2012, six companies have been mining silica in the hills south-east of Namkham for export to China. Large amounts of mining waste have been dumped in the Nam Siri Stream, which nine villages rely on for farming as well as domestic use. This has polluted and clogged the stream, causing it to overflow into nearby fields, destroying crops, irrigation channels and weirs. At least 100 acres of fields have been destroyed so far.

10-wheel trucks have been transporting the minerals day and night to China, passing through residential areas, damaging roads, creating dust pollution and causing accidents, killing several villagers.

In August 2013, about 5,900 farmers in Namkham signed a petition to the Naypyidaw government calling for the mining to stop. After this, the Shan State Mining Minister Sai Aik Pao personally came to inspect the damage, and ordered the mining companies to stop operations. However, the mining has continued.

The Namkham Shan Farmers' Group therefore organized the protest on September 5, demanding an immediate stop to all mining in Namkham. They also demanded that the stream and surrounding fields be restored to their original state, and proper compensation paid for the damage to farmers' fields. Members of the Shan Farmers' Network from eleven townships joined the protest to support the Namkham farmers' demands.

Namkham is an active conflict zone, with Burma Army attacks against Kachin, Ta'ang and Shan resistance forces causing further displacement this year. Silica mining is being carried out with the protection of local pro-government militia. Mining companies in this area with links to militia include Myanmar Mya Oo, Ngwe Kabar Kyaw and Ban Thissa, which is connected to the Pansay militia, led by USDP MP U Kyaw Myint. The first company to carry out mining in the area was GSM, linked to former Minister U Aung Thaung.

Shan CBOs are gravely concerned at the lack of transparency around these mining operations, the failure to protect local communities from damaging impacts, and ongoing militarization and conflict linked to security for resource extraction projects in this area, including the Chinese oil and gas pipelines.

Damaging mining operations such as these are taking place throughout Shan State, even though political negotiations have yet to begin over control and management of natural resources under the peace process.

"Naypyidaw is selling off all our valuable resources even before getting to the negotiating table. By the time a settlement is reached, there will be nothing left," said Shan CBO spokesperson Muay Noom Hom. Shan CBOs urge the authorities to comply with the Namkham farmers' demands. They also call for an immediate moratorium on all resource extraction in ethnic areas until a negotiated peace settlement is reached that leads to political reform and ensures the protection of rights of local communities. Shan Community Based Organisations include:

Shan Human Rights Foundation
Shan Sapawa Environmental Organisation
Shan State Development Foundation
Shan Students' Union (Thailand)
Shan Women's Action Network
Shan Youth Network Group
Shan Youth Organisation (Taunggyi)
Shan Youth Power
Tai Literature and Culture Society
Tai Youth Network, Workers' Solidarity Association,
Contact persons:
Nang Muay Noom Hom: +66 81 992 8683 (Burmese)
Hor Hseng: +66 93 264 9487 (Shan and English)
Website: www.shanhumanrights.org, www.shanwomen.org
Attachments: a map of the Namkham mining area, and photos of the mining impacts

Sunday, September 7, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Burma’s Sexist School Requirements Hurt Women—And Society

Posted: 06 Sep 2014 05:00 PM PDT

In this year’s matriculation exam, the 22 top-scoring students were all young womenâ€"a significant feat, especially given that the overall passing rate is usually low. Looking at these results, one may wonder whether female students in Burma are smarter than their male counterparts, or if they simply excel at taking exams. In a country where test scores are based on how well you can reproduce information from memory, it may be a matter of both. But the most important question is what these top-scoring female students will be able to achieve in the next 20 years. Will they take leading roles in various sectors?

Burma is the only country I know of where universities have different entrance requirements depending on the applicant̢۪s gender. Here, women must score higher for admission to many of the institutions that groom students for some of the most coveted professions in the country. This is true at medical schools, engineering schools and technology schools, for example. And what̢۪s the rational? To hinder women from reaching positions of power?

We live in a male-dominated society. The majority of government offices in Burma are headed by men, and of the 659 seats in Parliament, only 20 are held by women. In the education sector, the majority of teachers are women but there are very few women rectors. The recent appointment of a woman education minister gave a glimmer of hope that things are changing, but slowly. All other ministers in the government are men.

Ironically, even though medical schools require women applicants to score higher than their male counterparts on entrance exams, many more women become medical students. This seems to be an interesting exception to the gender bias, but the explanation is very much rooted in gender stereotypes and our expectations for what women should aspire to become.

When I was growing up, my friends and I all wanted to be doctors. Even at the tender age of 10 or 11, and without really knowing the extent of a doctor̢۪s duties, we would state our ambitions boldly to anyone who would listen. Looking back, I think we must have been influenced by peer pressure, as well as our parents and relatives who often told us that entering the medical field was the mark of a successful life, especially for girls.

We failed to realize then that society was encouraging us to pursue roles that we might not have found personally fulfilling. We did not have an opportunity to consider other less-common professions because everyone urged us to be â€Å“obedient” daughters and to never deviate from what was deemed the â€Å“best” path. Maybe this is one reason why many girls in Burma attend medical schools but then do not go on to actually become doctors.

Another example of society̢۪s tendency to stereotype our professional roles is in the education sector. Women are perceived to possess maternal instincts, and that has led society to think that we are better suited than men to become teachers. Many parents also consider teaching to be a respectful profession for their daughters. But again, the result is that we end up with teachers who are not truly passionate about teaching because they were thrust into the role by others. I hope more women in Burma learn to identify and pursue their own interests in life.

In other countries, women are encouraged to enroll in science and technology courses, but here, they are deterred because they need to score higher on entrance exams to study at these universities. In my opinion, it̢۪s downright discrimination. I worry about the future of Burma̢۪s technological development because we are missing contributions from many women who could have otherwise become great engineers.

Chie Ikeya, an assistant professor in Southeast Asian studies at the National University of Singapore, wrote about the history of Burmese women in her book, â€Å“Reconfiguring Women, Colonialism and Modernity in Burma.” She explains that women in Burma once had a reputation for being independent and equal to men, and that this was known not only by British colonial civil service officers, but also by Western writers. If women here enjoyed such rights during the old times, isn’t it a shame that we no longer do today? As a nation, doesn’t it mean that we have not progressed much in terms of being inclusive of all citizens?

According to the latest census, women outnumber men in the national population. Given that, it is about time for the people of Burmaâ€"especially government officialsâ€"to start offering opportunities for women to take up more significant roles, rather than confining us to roles traditionally perceived as suitable. Our society only needs to give women a chance, and then I am confident that we can surprise the sceptics. Indeed, women, as the bigger population, could become a driving force behind the development of Burma.

Khin Hnin Soe is the principal of Myanmar Metropolitan College in Rangoon. She can be reached at khsoesoe@gmail.com.

The post Burma’s Sexist School Requirements Hurt Womenâ€"And Society appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


By-elections cancelled

Posted: 06 Sep 2014 11:48 PM PDT

This year's by-elections have been cancelled because the period for campaigning would take place too close to that of the general elections in 2015, Burma's Union Election Commission (UEC) Chairman Tin Aye announced on Sunday.

Addressing a gathering of political party representatives and civic leaders at the Myanmar Peace Centre in Rangoon, Tin Aye said that the by-elections, which were due to be held before the end of December, were unnecessary for two reasons: first, with general elections slated for next year, it would be asking many parties to finance and compete across the country in back-to-back elections, something many were unable to do. Second, he said, even if one party swept all or most of the seats in the by-election, it would not affect the overall make-up of parliament.

A total of 35 seats remain vacant in upper and houses, as well as state and divisional assemblies.

In October 2013, the UEC chairman made it known that he thought the state was too busy—and the seats in question too few—to consider holding by-elections ahead of the 2015 general election.

He pointed to Burma's chairmanship of the ASEAN bloc, the country's preparations for the SEA Games in December, and the logistics involved in conducting a census in 2014.

At the time of speaking, only 15 seats were waiting to be contested.

In an exclusive interview with DVB in March, Tin Aye said the next general election will be held in November or December 2015.

Last month, UEC Director Thaung Hlaing said that political parties could be dissolved if they do not compete for at least three seats in future elections, citing a 2012 amendment to the Political Registration Law.

Miss Myanmar ‘looks like an angel, but she is the devil’, say pageant sponsors

Posted: 06 Sep 2014 10:38 PM PDT

The organisers of the Miss Asia Pacific World beauty pageant have hit back angrily at Miss Myanmar Mae Myat Noe following her press conference last week, accusing her of deceit and lies.

"She looks like an angel, but she is the devil," said Miss Asia Pacific World media director David Kim, speaking to DVB on Saturday. "She is lying, lying, lying."

Kim's comments came as the pageant organisers launched their own media campaign, defending themselves against a litany of allegations by Mae Myat Noe, who was dethroned as Miss Asia Pacific World 2014 in August. She had won the crown in Seoul three months earlier, and was mobbed by fans on her return to Burma.

On 2 September, the young Burmese beauty queen held a press conference in Rangoon, where she said that the pageant organisers had changed her age from 16 to 18 for the competition; and that, after winning the title, they had coaxed her to have plastic surgery, which she refused. She also said she was coerced into escorting rich businessmen on dates while in Korea.

On Friday, the Miss Asia Pacific World organisers hit back, circulating a detailed press release that claimed to account for all of Mae Myat Noe's expenses and time schedule. They rejected the claim that she had escorted anyone during the time they hosted her in South Korea, and also rejected accounts – reported in some media – that she had been asked to preform sexual favours for important clients.

The pageant hosts also circulated photographs which appear to show Mae Myat Noe recovering in hospital from a breast augmentation – an operation, Kim said, that she herself had requested.

With regard to the contestant's age, the media director said that she had lied, saying she was 18, but that the pageant team had discovered one month before the competition that she was, in fact, only 16. Since the scandal broke, at least one news report has claimed that Mae Myat Noe was born in October 1998, which would make her only 15.

"Lying, lying, lying," Kim said by telephone to DVB. "That's all she did.

"She looks like an angel, but she is the devil," he fumed, adding that her mother "controlled everything".

Kim said that both governments have been notified of the organisers' position as the scandal threatens to become an international incident.

"She [Mae Myat Noe] is destroying the relationship between Korea and Myanmar," he said. "Many people in Korea are now very angry."

Kim further alleged that Mae Myat Noe and her mother have damaged the Miss Asia Pacific World brand and reputation.

When asked if they would be seeking legal recourse, the pageant spokesman said that if Mae Myat Now were to apologise, "we may forgive her".

At her press conference last week, the teenage beauty queen said she would not return the pageant's tiara unless they in turn apologised to her.

DVB could not reach Mae Myat Noe and her mother for comment this weekend.

Meanwhile, Burma's national director for Miss Asia Pacific World, Hla Nu Tun, has given a tearful interview with Myanmar Celebrity website in which she backed up the sponsors' version of events, saying Mae Myat Noe had lied: about her age, about escorting men, and the breast operation, and said that the organisers had done everything to help her.

"The sponsors would not need to ask Mae Myat Noe to act in an improper way," she sobbed. "I knew that she had many weaknesses and we tried to hide them. She is not that beautiful. There are many more beautiful girls than her."

Hla Nu Tun said that the Miss Asia Pacific World directors in Korea had ordered her to give interviews supporting the organisers' conduct. She said that she was reluctant because she did not want to her country to lose face.

“I would like to apologise to Mae Myat Noe in order to convince her to give back the tiara," she said through tears. "I apologise not because I was wrong. I apologise for the sake of the country and I am asking her to give back the crown.”

Picking on the little guys: Phuketwan

Posted: 06 Sep 2014 08:49 PM PDT

The tragic story of Burma's boatpeople is now known the world over; countless Rohingya Muslims pay brokers to transport them by boat to neighbouring countries, in a desperate attempt to escape poverty and violence. Many die on harsh seas, others fall into the hands of human traffickers. The United Nations estimates that tens of thousands of people in the region — many of them stateless Rohingya Muslims — risked their lives to flee by boat since just the start of this year.

But this story goes back much, much further. Before Burma's reforms began and steered the world's attention to the once-isolated Southeast Asian nation, and before a rash of riots beginning in June 2012 caused a sudden, mass exodus of Rohingyas, people were already fleeing and someone was paying attention.

Alan Morison and Chutima Sidasathian (known by her nickname, Oi) run a small, online news website based in Phuket, Thailand. As editor and reporter, respectively, they are currently the entire staff of Phuketwan. Morison and Chutima were among the first journalists to report on Rohingya asylum seekers crossing the Andaman Sea en route to Malaysia. They became known as a consistent and trustworthy source of information on the obscure topic, and hence were often contracted by international media to assist with reporting.

Their years of reporting and assisting other journalists were relatively unhindered until July 2013, when they published an article quoting excerpts from a Reuters investigative report about the smuggling of Rohingyas. The Royal Thai Navy brought defamation charges against the pair, who now face up to seven years in jail. Their trial will begin in March 2015, and Morison, an Australian, is bound to remain in-country on a criminal visa until a verdict is reached. His visa status could cause the publication to shut down.

Reuters, a London-based news agency, is not facing charges over the disputed content and has been silent about the case against Phuketwan. To make matters more awkward, news soon emerged that Chutima was hired by Reuters to facilitate parts of their investigation, which was recently awarded one of journalism's highest honours: a Pulitzer Prize.

Some speculate that the pair is being singled out and punished for their work, which ultimately helped to bring this horrendous story of abuse and neglect into the global conscience. DVB spoke with Morison and Chutima about their work, their charges, and the responsibilities of a free and professional press.

 

Q: Before Reuters reached out to you, Phuketwan was already well known for breaking the story of Thailand's ‘push back’ policy, a short-lived directive to send asylum seekers back to sea with no assistance. How did this story come about?

CS: We were doing an interview with a commander in 2008. We asked if there were any concerns about security in the Andaman Sea, and he mentioned the Rohingya. After that, we decided to come back. I tried to ask for permission from the Thai navy to get on the patrol boats, because I wanted to know more about the Rohingya. But they wouldn't give me permission.

Some months later, the Navy, after I pushed them very hard, they sent me a picture. They said, ‘Ok, here's a picture of the Rohingyas that we arrested yesterday at Surin Island.’ It was a picture of them laid out on the beach. And I thought, ‘Jeez, this is a very good story!’

I went to my university, one of my friends — he is an officer — he also knew about the Rohingya. He's the one I started the investigation with. He said he saw that they have a new policy to deal with the Rohingya by the Internal Security Operations Command [ISOC, a unit of the Thai military]. So any police station that had any Rohingyas in their custody had to transfer them all to the ISOC in Ranong province. So we just went to Ranong and we scanned every area. This side, that side, the top of that mountain, whatever.

Several days later, we found a kitty boat, a Rohingya boat, in a village. The people there told us, ‘This is from the Rohingya’, so we checked it out. We found that the boat had stopped at Red Sand Island.

 

Q: Before that time, were you aware that there was a problem of Rohingya smuggling?

CS: No, no, we weren't aware of smuggling, but I had read some information on the Internet about violence in Burma, and that they [Rohingyas] weren't citizens.

At the time, we wanted to send a message back to their families because nobody was covering this, and many people were drowning on these boats. You know, the high sea, the monsoon, many people ended up dead.

 

Q: So those that do make it to Thailand, what happens to them?

AM: There were about 2,000 Rohingyas in detention here for quite some time. After the discovery of women and children on the boats [in January 2013], Thailand changed its policy and, for a time, took Rohingya into detention centres. About six months later they found that they couldn't find a solution. They had to somehow get rid of these people quietly, without too much attention.

That's when they started the practice of ‘soft deportation’.

All of Thailand's intentions to do right by those people just fell by the wayside; they couldn't find a third country, in the end they didn't know what to do with them so they developed the policy of soft deportation, and they all just disappeared.

Oi and I spent a night up in Ranong because we had been told by somebody that a convoy [of detained Rohingyas about to be deported via land crossing] was coming. We were waiting for these buses to turn up, I think there were three buses, and sure enough it was Rohingya who had been captured down south and trucked up to the Ranong immigration detention centre.

We were there when the buses arrived in the middle of the night, around 2am. They had to be fingerprinted and go through all the normal checks, and treated as Burmese would be who are being deported. But with the Rohingya it's a little bit different, they don't actually go back to Burma, they drop them off on the beach.

 

Q: Is there no documentation of these deportations?

AM: There would be, in Ranong. There would be a record that they'd all been sent back to Burma, but they're just left on a beach.

A ‘soft deportation’, I would say, is dropping people off at a beach in Burma and either letting human traffickers pick them up or leaving them to their own devices, rather than handing them back to officials.

Q: Subsequent investigations have concluded that some asylum seekers are intercepted by human traffickers, who keep them captive in jungle camps and demand ransom for their passage to Malaysia. Have you been to any of these camps?

AM: Oi has. She's raided some of the camps, but I think they seldom find any people in them because the word gets around and the locations are shifted. What we've heard lately is that the camps are now becoming less accessible to everybody and guarded by more people. They have the guards further out so no one can get in. It's more difficult these days for the authorities to get at them, as well.

 

Q: You've clearly been very active on these issues. Phuketwan reported consistently on the arrival of the boats in January 2013, which you mentioned a moment ago. Has the lawsuit affected your ability to carry out your work?

CS: It has burned a lot of energy; it takes up a lot of our time.

But also, the military is involved in every issue in Thailand. It [the lawsuit] makes things difficult, because I still have to report what happens, what's going on. I can't avoid them, because they are in charge of the country. There are some officers that just intimidate us. It's not that all of them are bad, but just some.

 

Q: In April, a Reuters spokesperson told DVB that your role in the agency's investigation was ‘very limited’. How, exactly, were you involved in the Reuters investigation?

CS: They emailed Alan because they were looking for someone who was working on the Rohingya issue. I was working for them as a fixer, and they used all my material, all my contacts. I accompanied them for parts of the investigation.

 

Q: What do you think about how Reuters has reacted to your case?

CS: They ignored me [laughs]. I'm very disappointed. Very disappointed. They should stand for the principle of support for the press and for free media in Thailand.

AM: The way Khun Oi’s role as fixer was dismissed by Reuters was a disgrace, unbecoming behaviour from Pulitzer Prize-winners. Oi worked with Jason [Szep] twice, I believe. All the other international teams she has worked with haven’t been so reluctant to recognise that Khun Oi’s contacts on the Rohingya saga in Thailand, built up over the years, allowed them to quickly get to the people involved.

Reuters have let the little guys take the rap. It’s their 41 words, not ours. But they are nowhere to be seen. We have enormous amounts of support from every rights group and media body with even the vaguest interest in the case, except for Reuters.

 

 

 

 

National News

National News


Germany offers support in return for minority rights

Posted: 05 Sep 2014 09:00 PM PDT

Chancellor Angela Merkel last week pledged further economic support for Myanmar if it holds fair elections next year and does more to protect ethnic minorities.

Guns, drugs seized in raid on business figure's home

Posted: 05 Sep 2014 05:14 AM PDT

Police arrest and charge U Ye Tun Kyaw, managing director of Natural Force Co, Ltd, an energy sector services provider that has worked with MOGE, Daewoo, PTTEP and more since being established in 2007.

Yangon bomb accused tells court he faced death threats

Posted: 05 Sep 2014 03:21 AM PDT

A man charged with allegedly carrying out bombings in Yangon in October 2013 has told a court he was told he would be killed if he didn't plant the devices.