The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- On Union Day, Views on Aung San
- Toward a More Perfect Union
- 100s Protest in Burma Against Voting Rights for Rohingya
- Thousands Reportedly Cross Into China to Flee Fighting, Airstrikes in Shan State
- Burma’s President Approves Plan for Constitutional Referendum: Lawmakers
- Army Blamed for Delay in Court Case of Slain Journalist
- Coastal Hotel Zone Planned for Mon State
- Kachin Group Questions Govt Murder Probe, Forms Investigation Team
- Upstart Party Wins Big in India’s Capital, in Blow for Modi
- US, China to Discuss Repatriation of Chinese Fugitives
- Anwar Conviction Complicates US Ties with Malaysia
- Aung San: A Legacy Unfulfilled
- ‘I Have Been Trying with Good Faith and Intentions to Make Peace Possible’
| On Union Day, Views on Aung San Posted: 11 Feb 2015 04:30 PM PST
 U Tin Oo, deputy leader, National League for Democracy. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) U Tin Oo, Deputy Leader of the National League for Democracy "General Aung San was a good citizen and a good leader. He was one in a million. When I joined the army in 1944, he was already the war minister and commander-in-chief of the Burma Defense Army (later renamed the Burma National Army). To paraphrase, he said that: There are no bad soldiers in my army, only bad captains. He meant that if leaders are bad, their followers will also be bad. If leaders are good and competent, their followers will also be good and competent. In the past, [military men] were very unwilling to take from people. In the early days, they were told to make a request to home owners if they wished to enter a house. So people loved them and gave them food. The military then thought only about the country. Now, they seek self-interest. The general's death brought dark days to the country. If he had survived, our country would not have ended up as it has. He could have negotiated an agreement with his comrades. His speeches are still relevant in the current age. When I think of General Aung San, I see clearly in my mind an honest, blunt, selfless person with moral courage. For example, the general was not hesitant in making friends with bitter enemies. He also said that armed organizations should not be involved in politics. He himself resigned from the military to chair the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League. In the army, he offered senior positions to ethnic soldiers such as Kachin, Karen and Chin. He set up Kachin, Karen, and Chin battalions. Later on, battalions were formed of different ethnicities, yet most of them were comprised of Burmans. Ethnic soldiers felt their proportion of representation was very small. This undermined trust. These kinds of things should be considered again today. But if I said this in front of army leaders now I would be accused of breaking up the military."
28, communications director, MyLann online restaurant directory General Aung San had qualities of a good leader; he was humble, considerate and sympathetic. On this 100th centenary, our youth should be aware that we are writing our own history and we should try to write it like the General would, or better.
'A Man of Principle'  Padoh Saw Kwe Htoo Win, general secretary, Karen National Union. (Photo: Thaw Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) Padoh Saw Kwe Htoo Win, General Secretary of the Karen National Union "General Aung San said that [Burmans] would claim back independence together with ethnic people. And he promised that we would not be enslaved by the Burmans. But later leaders did not fulfill his promises. It is more than 60 years now since independence and we still do not have equality and self-determination. That's why we ethnic people are fighting for a federal Union, democratic rights, equality and self-determination. Successive governments did not give us a chance to solve the country's fundamental political problems. We had no option but to resort to taking up arms as the [government] used guns to suppress our demands, rights and voices. General Aung San's words suggested that he had goodwill. He laid down basic political principles, but they were not applied. Successive governments after him did not talk about solving political problems. But President U Thein Sein's government seems willing to solve fundamental political problems, through political dialogue. This government says it intends to hold a Union-level conference like Panglong, but this has still not happened. Internal peace is essential. Though there is a willingness to solve political problems, if fighting emerges from one side, doubts will continue to grow. It is difficult to reach a nationwide ceasefire accord as both sides' past experiences make them doubt one another."
'We Will Never See His Like Again'  Daw Khin Ohmar, rights activist. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Daw Khin Ohmar, Rights Activist "One of General Aung San's attributes that I most respect is his long-term vision. I wish he had not been assassinated and could have provided leadership for the country. He knew that none of the ethnic groups could be left out in rebuilding the country. He honestly thought that equality was a must. That is why he gained the support of the ethnicities and why he could reclaim independence. His long-term vision was associated with honesty and moral courage. In our country, which is a very diverse one, honesty is a must to ensure peaceful co-existence. We will never again see a leader like him. He said: "You need to change your bad habits." His words are still perfectly correct now. He knew the real situation of the country's citizens. He foresaw what the challenges would be. He wanted to build a society in which people march in unity toward the same goal. The unity that those in power are now creating is a forced unity, which comes from the barrel of a gun and [would be] totally against the General's desire. Therefore, we have a long way to go."
'Urged Loving-Kindness'  U Pandavunsa, Buddhist monk and leading figure in the 2007 Saffron Revolution. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) U Pandavunsa, Buddhist monk and leading figure in the 2007 Saffron Revolution "I always thank General Aung San for his efforts to make our nation independent. His name has become virtually synonymous with Myanmar independence. It's very important for all Myanmar people to remember it. Given the speeches he made in the 1940s, I have to admit that he was a visionary leader. What he said back then, about not disguising politics as religion, is still relevant today. In 1946, the General told monks that using religion purely in your own interests was a dirty tactic, and he urged the Buddhist clergy to promote loving-kindness by preaching freedom of religion. If we Myanmar people took what he said seriously, we would not have had the kind of religious problems we experienced in the past few years."
24, accountant He is my hero and now we live in an independent country because of his sacrifices. We are very thankful, we are proud of him and admire him. 'Found Common Ground'  Maj-Gen Sumlut Gun Maw, vice chief of staff, Kachin Independence Organization. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Maj-Gen Sumlut Gun Maw, Vice Chief of Staff of the Kachin Independence Organization "General Aung San talked about the importance of values such as equality and mutual respect. We should think about how to realize these values today. There was quite strong trust between General Aung San and other ethnic leaders. They trusted him personally, and both sides had a great deal of common ground as regards the political landscape. However, as time went by, views have grown further and further apart. Therefore, it is important that the principles that General Aung San articulated be applied now. We need to negotiate to rebuild understanding and find common ground. I believe General Aung San would have kept his promises. That's why we repeatedly mention the Panglong Agreement. Otherwise, we wouldn't talk about it."
30, student activist Even as the period of history involving General Aung San is fading, elders tell the younger people about him as a bedtime story. Our country possesses many heroes like him. If we can identify these heroes, I believe it will give strength to youth. 'He Understood Reconciliation'  U Mya Aye, 88 Generation activist. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) U Mya Aye, 88 Generation Activist "It was only after I had engaged in politics for some time that I came to understand more deeply why General Aung San engaged in politics at a young age, why he made sacrifices and why he became the national leader. The more I understand him, the more I respect him. He had only one aim—to claim back independence for his country. What I like about him most was when he joined hands with Japan to establish the Burmese army and then later he re-established relations with the British. It is not easy to rebuild relations with a country you've fought against. When the British asked whether he had joined them because they were gaining the upper hand, he bluntly replied "yes." It seems almost impossible that Myanmar will see a political leader like him again; one who is pragmatic, astute and has his eyes firmly fixed on his goal. Politicians are meant to unify people and provide leadership. A politician has to show the right way when the public is wrong. If he joins the majority, though he knows that the majority is wrong, then, as the General said, he is an opportunist. Our country is a multi-faith country. If we are to build national reconciliation, we have to unify all its elements out of love for the country. No element can be left out. The General knew and understood this well. So not only Buddhists, but also Christians, Hindus and Muslims had a good impression of him. Whenever he spoke about different races and religions, he never spoke of good or bad. He only spoke about patriotism. That's why all people pine for him. He never discriminated religiously. That's what we want. That's democracy. As a politician, I respect him, and as a Muslim, I hold him in esteem. He set an example."
27, nun Whenever I see his photos and read his speeches, a feeling of adoration emerges. He gave us independence. Had he not died so early, the country would be more prosperous. 'His Pledges Are Unfulfilled'  Dr. Aye Maung, chairman, Arakan National Party. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Dr. Aye Maung, Chairman of the Arakan National Party "As an ethnic man, I respect General Aung San. Former Arakan leaders also respected him. If he had not died, our country would have been built as he had promised. Ethnic peoples signed the Panglong Agreement because they trusted him. The 1947 Constitution emerged as a result of pledges in that agreement. However, after he passed away, provisions in the Constitution were not realized. In the view of ethnic people, Burman [Myanmar] leaders oppressed them without honoring the promises made by General Aung San. If he had survived, he would have fulfilled his promises and our country would not have ended up like this. The army as established by General Aung San would be one that respects people, doesn't discriminate and gives positions to ethnicities. There are now no ethnic persons in high positions in the army. The most important thing is the military should not intervene in politics. The military is ideally meant for national security and national defense. Rather than organizing ceremonies to mark the 100th birthday of General Aung San, current leaders should try to build a genuine federal Union. Only by ensuring equality for all ethnicities in politics, the economy, social status and so on, can the promises made by General Aung San to ethnic people be fulfilled. On the anniversary of General Aung San's birth, the army should pay due respect to what he said and focus its attention on serving the interests of the people. It should be a federal army inclusive of all ethnicities. It should transform itself into one that protects diverse ethnicities from one that oppresses and kills its own national brethren." Reporting by Kyaw Phyo Tha, Nobel Zaw, Nyein Nyein, Saw Yan Naing and Zarni Mann. The post On Union Day, Views on Aung San appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Posted: 11 Feb 2015 04:00 PM PST  People wear traditional costumes of Myanmar's ethnic groups before the opening ceremony of the 25th Asean Summit in Naypyidaw on Nov. 12, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) I used to be proud of being a Bamar. In the early days of my life, I was overwhelmed with pride for our rich culture, civilization and centuries-long history. We Bamar are a people who founded three great empires and produced warrior kings who were feared by our neighbors. In the view of the average Bamar, we are superior to any ethnic group politically, economically or culturally, and other minority groups have always looked up to us with fear and envy. But once I began to explore beyond my childhood knowledge, I had to unlearn much of it. At that point, the pride I had always taken in my Burman-ness began to disintegrate, replaced by guilt and shame. I feel guilty and ashamed of my race because of its centuries-long oppression of Myanmar's myriad ethnic minorities. Even though I am not directly liable for the wrongdoings of my fellow Bamar past and present, I feel I have a share in that responsibility. And the thought that justice for those transgressions has not been brought to this day has made me particularly embarrassed. Growing up in Yangon, I was shielded from the truth by the city's relatively pluralist nature, my naivety aided by the selective history conveyed in school textbooks and state media. The facade of the "Golden Land" has always prevented an urbanite like myself from seeing ethnic minorities' true lives. What I Learned We were taught that a country called Myanmar has existed since as early as the 11th century as a land in which all peoples had been living "fraternally, peacefully and harmoniously." There were times when unity faltered and we fought each other, but our relationships were fundamentally unbroken because we were "brothers." It was because of the colonialists that we lost not just our sovereignty, but also our harmony. The colonialists used a divide-and-rule strategy to plant distrust among us, and it was all because of the British that, 130 years after they deposed of Burma's last monarch, the country finds itself trapped in one of the world's longest-running civil wars. According to this discourse, the Bamar and other ethnic groups are real "blood brothers" who are descendants of the same family. In diversity we can see commonalities and the Bamar, as the majority ethnic group, are at the center of that diversity. As the story goes, differences are only superficial and, in essence, we are one! The military, also known as the Tatmadaw, had needed to intervene in 1962 only to prevent the union from breaking up. At that time, unscrupulous elements were colluding to adopt a "federal system," which could only lead to the disintegration of the country. This is the narrative our Bamar leaders have pushed for decades. What I Relearned  Wai Yan Hpone is a freelance writer and translator living in Yangon. The true history of this country is that there was never a unified nation-state before the British came. The map of Myanmar today is only a legacy of the British occupation, an arbitrary demarcation of territory with little relation to the people that live within its bounds. Many ethnic groups lived independently in their own territories and practiced different governance systems, from monarchies and fiefdoms to chieftainships. When the Bamar empire reached its peak, other ethnic peoples swore allegiance to the kingdom, but for the most part the various peoples of Myanmar coexisted with self-determination. In the eye of non-Bamar ethnic peoples, post-independence Myanmar has never been a union but rather a unitary state. The principles of the historic Panglong Agreement have been ignored, and the Bamar are acting as if ethnic areas were their own. Ever since independence, successive regimes have prioritized the Burmanization process. A value for ethnic diversity exists in name only, and minority identities are being subsumed by that of the Bamar. Though Myanmar is a multiethnic state, Bamar culture, the Burmese language and Buddhism represent it. Other ethnic groups, languages and religions have been systematically suppressed and assimilated into the dominant one. When the Panglong Agreement was not realized, many of our ethnic minorities resorted to armed struggle against the Bamar-dominated central government. As the civil war escalated, the country became increasingly militarized, giving the Tatmadaw a reason to further tighten its grip on power. In the eyes of Tatmadaw elites, Myanmar's rebel groups are enemies of the state, justifying ruthless counterinsurgency strategies against both militants and civilian populations. For ethnic minorities, the Bamar are synonymous with the Burma Army, which has perpetrated numerous atrocities upon them—forced grabbing of their lands and resources, forced labor, forced relocation, murder, rape, torture, arbitrary taxation and summary execution, to name a few. Ethnic nationalists also fear their language and culture will become extinct because of bans on teaching ethnic languages at school. Many people in ethnic borderlands have never seen a Bamar like myself from Myanmar proper. The only Bamar they know is the army, an institution that has colonized their lands for decades, and has tried to cleanse their ancestral homelands of native peoples. They hate the Bamar because they hate the Burma Army. Unlearned History Those who go to government schools in Myanmar cannot see or hear the feelings of our ethnic brothers. We are taught that the Tatmadaw is the only patriotic professional army, a fighting force that has defended the country from both foreign and domestic "rebel" forces. Federalism means balkanization and it is the Tatmadaw's time-honored mission to save the country whenever it is in crisis. The education system gave us no opportunity to explore beyond the textbooks, however, or to challenge the state's ideologies and discourses. With the passage of Union Day today, another government-imposed target date for the signing of a nationwide ceasefire agreement will have gone unmet. In my view, as long as the decision makers in the Myanmar government and Tatmadaw are not convinced that achieving peace rests upon respecting our ethnic brothers' rights and finding justice for their deprivations, there will be no genuine peace. There is a historic phrase by Gen. Aung San: "If the Bamar get one kyat, the other ethnic groups must get one kyat respectively." The utter failure to fulfill Aung San's promise has led to a sarcastic joke among ethnic minorities: "After Aung San visited the seven states, the Bamar got seven kyats but other ethnic peoples got only one kyat each." I want the Bamar chauvinists in the Tatmadaw and the government to reflect upon their past ideologies and actions. I also want them to ask themselves whether they really want peace. We Bamar have broken promises since independence, and have consistently cheated and exploited our ethnic brothers. We are the majority—we have power and we enjoy privilege. That's why we must show tolerance, respect and sympathy to our less dominant minority groups. Failing to do so is shameful. Whenever I hear the grievances of my ethnic friends, I feel guilty and ashamed. As long as we cannot prove that the Bamar are a civilized, rights-respecting people, I will not be proud of myself as a Bamar. Wai Yan Hpone is a freelance writer and translator living in Yangon. He has worked with several local media organizations and has so far published two translated books, as well as contributing to both local and international publications. The post Toward a More Perfect Union appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| 100s Protest in Burma Against Voting Rights for Rohingya Posted: 11 Feb 2015 06:30 AM PST  Protestors in Rangoon demonstrate against a government decision to allow people without full citizenship, including Rohingya Muslims, to vote in an upcoming constitutional referendum. RANGOON — Hundreds of people have demonstrated in Rangoon, Burma's biggest city, to protest a government decision to allow people without full citizenship, including members of the Rohingya ethnic minority, to vote in an upcoming constitutional referendum. Most Muslim Rohingya are not citizens, and prejudice against them is high in the predominantly Buddhist nation. Parliament is debating several constitutional amendments. It recently approved a proposal by President Thein Sein to allow people with temporary identification cards such as Rohingya to vote in a referendum planned for May. Communal tensions have led to violence in recent years that left at least 280 people dead and 140,000 homeless, mostly Muslims confined to squalid camps in the western state of Arakan. The post 100s Protest in Burma Against Voting Rights for Rohingya appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Thousands Reportedly Cross Into China to Flee Fighting, Airstrikes in Shan State Posted: 11 Feb 2015 06:15 AM PST  A Burma air force MiG-29 fighter jet is seen at Rangoon airport. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) Several thousand residents of the Kokang region in northern Shan State have fled into neighboring China's Yunnan Province to escape ongoing heavy fighting between the Burma Army and Kokang ethnic rebels, according to a rebel spokesman, who said that the army launched numerous airstrikes in recent days. Htun Myat Lin, general-secretary of the Kokang rebel group known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), said residents had fled the area around the town of Laukkai in northern Burma. "More local residents fled their homes because the Burma Army used planes to bomb yesterday and they fired artillery at night. They used jet fighter and helicopters. They [residents] became more nervous," he told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. He claimed that up to 10,000 local residents and Chinese traders fled across the Burma-China border into Yunnan Province to escape the escalation in the fighting. A MNDAA member residing in Yunnan Province close to the border said about 2,000 refugees had crossed into southern China in recent days. He said the refugees were taking shelter in the towns of Zhengkang and Nanping in Yunnan Province, adding that road links between Yunnan Province and the border were temporarily closed off by Chinese authorities. A Chinese academic in the Yunnan capital Kunming said authorities were preparing shelter, food, running water and health care for the refugees. He added that Chinese authorities had sent troops to the Burma-China border to strengthen security. News agency Reuters quoted a Chinese foreign affairs spokeswoman on Tuesday as saying that refugees from Burma had entered Yunnan Province and "have been looked after." Htun Myat Lin said the MNDAA and its allies the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and fighters of the Arakan Army and Shan State Army–North were confronting the Burma Army, which has been sending reinforcements to the region. The Kokang official claimed that the army deployed Russian-made helicopter gunships, the Mi-35, as well as Russian-made MiG-29 fighter jets to bomb and strafe rebel positions in Laukkai Township. He added that the strikes had avoided hitting targets near the town. A video obtained by The Irrawaddy on Tuesday purportedly shows a recent airstrike being carried out by an attack helicopter in the region. In recent days, rebels reportedly attacked and overran an army outpost in Mawhtike town. Htun Myat Lin said rebel attacks had continued. "We launched an attack last evening in Laukkai town. We destroyed two buildings that belonged to the Burmese authorities. We lost a soldier in the attack," he said, adding that two Kokang soldiers had died and one had been injured in recent fighting. Tar Parn La, an official from TNLA’s foreign affairs department, said fighting between the Burma Army and TNLA troops broke out in four areas near Laukkai town between 2 am to 6 am on Wednesday morning. "The Burma Army has been reinforcing its troops. They are sending more troops from Light Infantry Division [33]. We don’t know the exact number of troops. But we got reports that they were carried in more than 40 trucks. Some of them were already deployed in Laukkai town, and others are waiting for deployment," he told The Irrawaddy. Northern Burma has seen increased clashes in recent months between government forces and the KIA, the TNLA and MNDAA, all of which lack a bilateral ceasefire with Naypyidaw. In December, clashes first erupted in the Kokang region and fighting has spread there since. It is unclear how many casualties both sides have sustained in the recent fighting. The Burma Army lacks an official spokesperson and has not released any statements about the clashes. State-run media on Tuesday ran an article that said that "renegade groups of Kokang have ambushed the troops of the Tatmadaw." Attempts at reaching a nationwide ceasefire accord between the government, army and an alliance of 16 ethnic armed groups, including the KIA and TNLA, hit a deadlock in recent months. The Kokang are an ethnic Chinese minority living in a mountainous area between the Salween River and China border, which is part of a self-administered zone granted to the Kokang in the 2008 Constitution. A 2009 Burma Amy offensive crushed the MNDAA and its influence in the region, and sent tens of thousands of civilians fleeing into China. At the time, the army raided the Laukkai home of Kokang leader Peng Jiasheng. In late December, the octogenarian leader told Chinese state media in an interview that the MNDAA was trying to regain some territories it lost in 2009. The Kokang leaders supported the Communist Party of Burma until it disintegrated in 1989 and fell apart into a number of armed ethnic groups, including the well-armed, 20,000-man strong United Wa State Army, who are believed to be supporting the Kokang and other armed groups in northern Burma with arms and ammunitions. Additional reporting from Hong Kong, China, Echo Hui. The post Thousands Reportedly Cross Into China to Flee Fighting, Airstrikes in Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Burma’s President Approves Plan for Constitutional Referendum: Lawmakers Posted: 11 Feb 2015 04:10 AM PST  Staff sell copies of Burma's Constitution at the Lower House of Parliament in Naypyidaw in 2012. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Burma's president has given the green light to hold a referendum this year on amendments to the country's military-drafted Constitution, two lawmakers said on Wednesday. President Thein Sein gave his approval late on Tuesday to hold the plebiscite, which could take place as early as May. Burma is due to hold a general election toward the end of this year. "Now that the law has been enacted, the Election Commission is soon expected to name a suitable date for the referendum in May," Thein Nyunt, a Lower House lawmaker, told Reuters by telephone. Upper House representative Aye Maung also confirmed the approval of the referendum on the Constitution, which opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has been campaigning to amend, primarily because of the extensive powers it grants the military, which ruled Burma for 49 years. The post Burma's President Approves Plan for Constitutional Referendum: Lawmakers appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Army Blamed for Delay in Court Case of Slain Journalist Posted: 11 Feb 2015 03:56 AM PST  A team exhumes the body of Aung Kyaw Naing, a journalist killed by the Burma Army, on Nov. 5, 2014. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The case of a Burmese journalist shot dead while in military custody has yet to be taken up by a court more than four months after his death, with the victim's widow saying a lack of Burma Army cooperation is behind the delay. Aung Kyaw Naing, also known as Par Gyi, was killed while in Burma Army custody in early October. He had been reporting on clashes between government troops and ethnic Karen rebels in Mon State's Kyaikmayaw Township when he was detained. It was not until nearly three weeks after he was killed that the military announced on Oct. 23 that he had been fatally shot while attempting to seize a weapon off a soldier and flee custody. Ma Thandar, Par Gyi's widow, told The Irrawaddy that she had filed an inquest at the police station in Kyaikmayaw Township before her husband's body was exhumed on Nov. 5, but the process of bringing the case before a court has been beset by delays. "We still haven't been able to bring the case to court," she said on Wednesday. "We went to Kyaikmayaw yesterday. The township officer there said they had completed all of their work but they can't build the case because they don't have enough information for that." Police said they interrogated more than 20 civilian witnesses but they have been unable to interrogate members of the military and the Burma Army has not handed over as evidence the items that it confiscated on Par Gyi's person, according to Ma Thandar. "In the report of the Myanmar Human Rights Commission, they suggested that the case should be brought before a civilian court to ensure transparency, but the military has not collaborated on it to bring the case to court," the family's lawyer Robert San Aung said. He added that investigators building the case have hit an impasse because they have not received a statement from the military that would allow prosecutors to establish the case's defendants. "We sent a letter to the Ministry of Home Affairs on Feb. 1. We will wait 60 days for the case to be brought to court. If it has not happened by then, we will submit a letter directly to the president," Ma Thandar said. "It is a great violation of human rights and citizen's rights. If we can't sue the military, they are above the law. If they have a clear conscience, the case should be brought to court. The delay in the case proves that they did wrongly." President Thein Sein ordered an investigation of Par Gyi's case in late October last year by the Myanmar Human Rights Commission, which released the findings of its month-long inquiry in early December. The report concluded that Par Gyi was not tortured while detained by the Burma Army, despite witnesses at the exhumation of Par Gyi's body claiming that it bore signs of torture. Ma Thandar, who was present at the exhumation and was among those alleging torture, has said the report was "fabricated." The post Army Blamed for Delay in Court Case of Slain Journalist appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Coastal Hotel Zone Planned for Mon State Posted: 11 Feb 2015 03:34 AM PST  A view from the beach at Inn Din village in Mon State's Ye Township. (Photo: Mon Kyae) RANGOON — The Mon State government has approved the development of a hotel zone on an 8-mile stretch of the state's pristine coastline, according to a state minister. The project, which will be managed by domestic firm Aurun Co., will be implemented in three phases over the next two years in Kabyar Wa, just south of the capital Moulmein, according to Min Nwe Soe, the state's minister for planning and economics. "This area is still kept natural, not damaged by people, and it has beautiful coastal areas suitable to developing the tourism industry," said Min Nwe Soe. The project was officially approved in Sept. 2014, and phase one of infrastructural development will begin soon. Phases two and three are expected to be complete by the end of 2017, according to Aurun Co Ltd., which is best known as a mining firm. Htay Thwin, managing director of the company, said that his firm expects to spend on US$12 million on infrastructure and a few small initial developments, and will partner with international companies to build about 100 bungalows, several 3 star hotels and restaurants, playgrounds, pools and other resort facilities. He said the company carried out a survey from May to July, 2015, and presented it to the government. "I realized that this beach was the most beautiful beach in Mon State," said Htay Thwin. "After seeing my survey, the Mon government allowed me to implement the resort project there." He added that he is now having discussions with firms from Thailand, Singapore, Australia and Europe to partner on developments in the zone, which he said will prioritize job creation, support for local businesses, improving education and vocational training. Htay Thwin said he also plans to establish a special zone devoted to marine and environmental research. Kabyar Wa is known as one of Mon State's most spectacular beaches, but the lack of transport and communications infrastructure has stifled its development as a tourist destination. A further obstacle to development has been the presence of government troops, as the area was designated as a "black zone" until recently, making it off limits to travelers. The state is home to an ethnic armed resistance group, the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA), which has long been at odds with the government, though a new ceasefire deal was reached in February 2012. Mon State already has one well-known beach—Set Se in Thanbyuzayat Township—which has been somewhat commercially developed, but the government seeks to promote tourism elsewhere in the state as a means of development more broadly, said Min Nwe Soe. In late 2014, the state government awarded another contract for the development of a museum, hotel, restaurant in Thanbyuzayat near the "death railway," a World War II-era track connecting Rangoon with Bangkok, Thailand. It has been non-operational since the late 1940's but parts of the route have become popular among tourists seeking historic sites. The total number of visitors to Burma rose sharply after power was transferred from the military to a quasi-civilian government in 2011, surpassing 1 million for the first time in 2012 and reaching 3 million last year, according to government statistics. The tourism sector suffered under the years of military rule partly as a result of a tourism boycott designed to avoid funding the regime. In early October 2014, the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism announced that 2016 would be designated as "Visit Myanmar Year," in an attempt to revamp the tourism sector amid chronic complaints of accommodation shortages and weak infrastructure for communications and transit. A similar campaign was launched in 1996. The post Coastal Hotel Zone Planned for Mon State appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Kachin Group Questions Govt Murder Probe, Forms Investigation Team Posted: 11 Feb 2015 01:25 AM PST
 Kachin Baptist Convention members and residents of Myitkyina, Kachin State, carry the coffins of the two murdered schoolteachers on Jan. 22. (Photo: KBC/Facebook) RANGOON — An investigation into the recent deaths and alleged rape of two young women in northern Shan State has been criticized by a local religious group claiming investigators threatened villagers and spread fear across the community. A spokesman for the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) told The Irrawaddy that the group plans to form a committee to independently carry out an investigation into the incident, which left two of the organization's volunteer schoolteachers dead and possibly raped in their bedroom late last month. The spokesman said that an ongoing investigation carried out by a joint team of police, township authorities and members of the Burma Army produced a group of suspects comprising both civilian villagers and Burma Army soldiers. KBC expressed its confidence that the villagers were innocent, and voiced concern that the incident could be used as a premise for abuse of innocent people by authorities. "Most of the villagers are worried about this," said Lama Yaw, the Myitkyina-based communications officer for KBC. "They are making scapegoats of our villagers. We are very worried about their security." The government-led team has not disclosed the results of the investigation, which is still ongoing, though two ethnic Kachin villagers were implicated on state television on Saturday by Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Ko Ko. The minister did not identify the villagers by name, but said they fled the village—Kaung Kha, where the incident took place—and sought shelter with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), ethnic armed insurgents that are currently in conflict with the government. The minister said that the investigation team had asked KBC to bring the two men back to Kaung Kha. "Coordination has been made with KBC to uncover the truth. … Those two suspects will be sent for and further investigation will be carried out when the two arrive," he said during the broadcast. Lama Yaw said KBC did not have discussions with Ko Ko or investigators about the two alleged fugitives, claiming that "it isn't true," and that the minister "is just spreading rumors." The spokesman said that 15 senior members of KBC met with investigators in Muse, a border town near Kaung Kha, on Tuesday, but that they were not informed of two missing suspects. KBC said that investigators met with them to explain that the probe was still ongoing and they are not yet ready to release a public report of their findings. Results of post-mortem medical examinations and potential matches from DNA samples—which Ko Ko said were collected from 45 villagers and 28 Burma Army soldiers—have not been disclosed. Lama Yaw said that KBC sent a letter to the president on Feb. 4 requesting that the group's members be allowed to monitor the investigation. KBC said that it had not received a response to the letter. The National League for Democracy (NLD), as well as rights groups and foreign governments, have called for a timely, transparent and credible investigation into the murders. On Jan. 28, a military-owned newspaper announced that the Army was not involved in the murders, and that claims of military involvement made after the results of the investigation were disclosed would be subject to legal action.
The post Kachin Group Questions Govt Murder Probe, Forms Investigation Team appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Upstart Party Wins Big in India’s Capital, in Blow for Modi Posted: 10 Feb 2015 08:47 PM PST  Aam Aadmi Party chief and its chief ministerial candidate for Delhi, Arvind Kejriwal addresses his supporters in New Delhi on Tuesday. (Photo: Adnan Abidi / Reuters) NEW DELHI — An upstart anti-corruption party won a smashing victory in elections to install a state government in India’s capital, dealing a huge blow to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist party. While the results from last weekend’s elections will not have any bearing on the structure of the federal government, they sent a clear message to Modi that he was not invincible despite his party’s strong showing in state elections since it was swept to power last year. They were also an indication of voters’ frustration with endemic corruption. Thousands of jubilant supporters of former tax collector Arvind Kejriwal and his Aam Admi Party, or Common Man’s Party, beat drums and danced in celebration after India’s Election Commission announced results Tuesday showing AAP’s overwhelming win. "Such a big mandate is very scary, and we should live up to people’s expectations," Kejriwal told his cheering supporters, who yelled "Five years, Kejriwal!" and showered rose petals on him outside the party’s headquarters in New Delhi. Analysts said the scale of the defeat of Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party was a wake-up call for the government. "Modi came to power in May making promises to people. But he has nothing to show on the ground even though eight months have passed," said Zoya Hasan, a political analyst with New Delhi’s Jawarhalal Nehru University. Kejriwal, whose promises of subsidized electricity also helped him win over voters, said the arrogance of leaders in Modi’s party led to the BJP’s poor showing. The party had been on a winning streak since demolishing the competition in national elections in May, with many attributing its success to Modi’s charisma and his promises to increase economic growth and end corruption. Kejriwal has made opposition to widespread graft a centerpiece of his political work. During a brief stint as New Delhi’s leader last year, he promised tough action against police officers and officials caught accepting bribes, and encouraged ordinary people to carry out sting operations by filming officials accepting bribes. Modi said he spoke with Kejriwal on Tuesday, congratulating him and assuring the federal government’s support in developing the capital. "The AAP is going to write a chapter in history, in the history of politics," party supporter Nandidi, a homemaker who goes by one name, said while celebrating outside party headquarters. With most votes counted, the Election Commission said the AAP won 66 out of 69 seats, with the BJP winning just three. The AAP was ahead in the one remaining constituency in the 70-seat assembly. "Something dramatic has happened," a dejected BJP spokesman Nalin Kohli said. The Congress party, which governed the capital for 15 years until its defeat in 2013, was nowhere on the radar. One Congress party leader, Rita Bahuguna, said the vote amounted to "a referendum on Modi’s arrogant style of functioning, communalizing politics in the country." She suggested the BJP’s profile as a Hindu nationalist party had exacerbated communal tensions, leading to Hindu-Muslim clashes earlier this year in northern India, as well as encouraging a series of attacks on New Delhi churches. The BJP had hoped to make a comeback in New Delhi, where it lost its stronghold 15 years ago, and many speculated the party decided to field former police officer and party outsider Kiran Bedi, a former Kejriwal ally, to strengthen the local leadership. Bedi, who lost in an east Delhi constituency, apologized to her party’s leadership and workers. "I couldn’t live up to their expectations," she said. Kejriwal, a graduate from the prestigious Indian Institute of Technology and a former income tax official, became hugely popular during his 2013 election campaign, which honed in on corruption as the country’s greatest menace. While no party won an outright majority in that election, Kejriwal led a minority government for 49 days before resigning, leaving New Delhi under temporary federal government control. While his resignation initially appeared to have left him in the political wilderness, Tuesday’s results reflected his continued broad support, particularly among middle- and working-class voters. "Democracy is winning today … because an honest man is standing for us," 22-year-old student Pradeep Kumar said. The post Upstart Party Wins Big in India’s Capital, in Blow for Modi appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| US, China to Discuss Repatriation of Chinese Fugitives Posted: 10 Feb 2015 08:43 PM PST  The flags of the People’s Republic of China and the United States on Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington DC, during a Chinese state visit in 2011. (Photo: Hyungwon Kang / Reuters) LOS ANGELES — Senior US officials will meet in August with their Chinese counterparts to discuss the possibility of repatriating Chinese officials who have fled to America with billions of dollars of allegedly stolen government assets, according to a State Department official. The issue is a thorny one, as no extradition treaty exists between the US and China. That has made America, and other countries such as Australia and Canada, attractive destinations for Chinese officials fleeing the country and a haven for the assets they have allegedly stolen. Western governments have long been reluctant to hand over suspects because of a lack of transparency and due process in China’s judicial system. International human rights groups say torture is used as a tool for extracting confessions in Chinese interrogations. Government officials convicted of corruption have been sentenced to death. Officials from both countries met for two days in the Philippines last month, with the US delegation led by David Luna, the US State Department’s senior director for National Security and Diplomacy. Luna confirmed to Reuters that he attended the meetings and said talks will reconvene in August and will include law enforcement and legal experts. The countries will share specific intelligence on allegedly corrupt Chinese officials and stolen assets and will also discuss potential ways to send the fugitives back to China. The Chinese Foreign Ministry declined immediate comment, as did the country’s Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, the Communist Party’s anti-corruption body. Alternatives to extradition exist, US officials say, including deportation for violations of US immigration law. Canada, which has no formal extradition treaty with China, has recently expelled suspects wanted by Beijing, including Lai Changxing. Lai, a businessman wanted for corruption, was sent back to China from Canada in 2011 on the promise that he would not be executed. He was sentenced to life in prison. Last year Chinese officials said more than 150 "economic fugitives", many of them described as corrupt government officials, were in the US. Neither country has publicly provided a figure for how much stolen money has been smuggled out of China and into the US. But the Washington-based Global Financial Integrity group, which tracks illegal outflows from countries, estimates that between 2003 and 2012, $1.25 trillion of illicit cash left China. Some of that moves around the world through dummy bank accounts and other means, and once in the United States, it is often invested in real estate, making its original source hard to trace. The preliminary talks between US and Chinese officials were held on Jan. 27 and 28 in Clark, Philippines, as part of an Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) international working group, called ACT-NET. The group, which involves multiple APEC countries, including Russia, was formed in Beijing in August 2014 to fight cross-border corruption. The talks took place amid an intensifying and far-reaching anti-corruption drive in China by President Xi Jinping, and a ramping up of efforts between the US and China, including the sharing of criminal intelligence, to crack down on cross-border corruption. It was agreed after the talks that more formal negotiations within the ACT-NET forum will take place in August back in the Philippines, which chairs APEC for 2015. The US delegation will likely include officials from the State Department, the Department of Justice, and the Department of Homeland Security, Luna said. Luna said law enforcement officials from both countries will discuss specific cases and possible joint investigations into Chinese fugitives and stolen assets. "There are alternatives to extradition", Luna told Reuters. He said legal avenues being explored to potentially circumvent the lack of an extradition treaty between the US and China include the United Nations convention against Corruption, and the UN convention on Transnational Organized Crime. Luna said there is no formal agreement to return stolen assets to China, but the issue is "part of an ongoing bilateral dialogue, there are ongoing cases, and it is a priority." He refused to divulge details about any specific investigations. The US has applauded China’s recent anti-corruption campaign and is invested in helping in the fight, and more generally in fighting international corruption. Part of the APEC leaders’ declaration after their 2014 summit in Beijing was a commitment to "deny safe haven for corrupt officials and their illicitly-acquired assets." In December Luna’s boss, William Brownfield, the State Department’s assistant secretary for international narcotics and law enforcement affairs, said both countries had identified "a finite number" of alleged Chinese fugitives "and agreed to develop a strategy to address each of those." Brownfield spoke after a December meeting in Beijing of the US-China Joint Liaison Group on Law Enforcement Cooperation, a separate forum from the APEC group that met in the Philippines. Heading the Chinese delegation in the Philippines, according to an agenda seen by Reuters, was Cai Wei, deputy director general of China’s Department of International Cooperation in the Ministry of Supervision. Also present was Chen Long, director of the Department of International Cooperation. The post US, China to Discuss Repatriation of Chinese Fugitives appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Anwar Conviction Complicates US Ties with Malaysia Posted: 10 Feb 2015 08:38 PM PST  Malaysia’s opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim speaks at a rally on the eve of the verdict in his final appeal against a conviction for sodomy in Kuala Lumpur, February 9, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) WASHINGTON — The sodomy conviction of Malaysia's opposition leader has set back, but not derailed, Washington's improved ties with a country that is becoming increasingly important for US diplomacy and trade policy in Asia. The White House strongly criticized the conviction of Anwar Ibrahim, whose case was widely seen as politically motivated. That could dash Prime Minister Najib Razak's hopes this year of being the first Malaysian leader to be invited to the White House since 2004. The Obama administration has been considering inviting Najib as Malaysia takes the lead of the 10-nation Southeast Asian bloc that has become pivotal for Washington's engagement with the region. Anwar began a five-year prison term Tuesday. He posed the most serious threat to Najib's ruling coalition, whose popularity has eroded after more than five decades of dominance. An earlier sodomy conviction against Anwar was overturned in 2004 after he'd served six years in prison. That case also drew US criticism and contributed to a rocky period in US-Malaysian relations in the aftermath of the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s. But ties have improved on Najib's watch. Last April, Barack Obama became the first US president to visit Malaysia since 1966, and the two leaders played golf while both vacationed in Hawaii in December. Malaysia is important to the US for various reasons. It is among 12 nations in a trans-Pacific trade pact, the main economic plank of the administration's so-called pivot to Asia. Negotiators are scrambling to finalize a deal amid US hopes that Congress can approve it later this year. Malaysia, a moderate Muslim nation of 30 million people and currently a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council, is also important partner for US in countering violent Islamic extremism. On Tuesday, Obama's special envoy for the global coalition to counter the Islamic State group held talks with Malaysia's defense minister. The State Department credits Malaysia with taking steps to halt flows of foreign fighters. The US and Malaysia cooperate on counter-terrorism and have deepening military ties, conducting joint exercises and other training activities. Malaysia sent military medics to Afghanistan, and has supported a US-backed drive to counter proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. So while the White House was quick to speak out over Anwar's conviction for sodomizing a male aide—considered a crime in Malaysia—it spelled out no negative consequences for the US-Malaysia relationship, which was upgraded last year to a "comprehensive partnership." National Security Council spokeswoman Bernadette Meehan said the case raised "serious concerns about rule of law and the fairness of the judicial system in Malaysia." But she added, "we remain committed to expanding our cooperation on shared economic and security challenges." The measured US response reflected the delicate line Washington attempts to tread, criticizing infringements on political freedom in Asia without sacrificing its strategic goals. Thailand is another case in point. Last May's military coup prompted the US to suspend military aid, straining American relations with its oldest Asian ally. But this week the US pressed ahead with its annual Cobra Gold military exercise in Thailand, albeit on a smaller scale than past years. It is the largest, multi-nation military drill the US conducts in the region, with 3,600 American troops taking part. Malaysia's regional importance intensifies in 2015 as it takes the rotating chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Asean provides the main multilateral forum for US diplomatic outreach in Asia, hosting an annual summit that Obama typically attends in the fall. It is a crucial year for the grouping, whose members range from rich city-state Singapore, communist-governed Vietnam and sprawling island nation and emerging democracy, Indonesia. Asean is aiming to achieve economic integration by the end of 2015. The US is looking for Asean to make progress on a legally binding code of conduct to tamp down tensions between China and its neighbors in the disputed South China Sea. State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said Tuesday she was not aware of plans to change US participation in Asean meetings in the light of Anwar's conviction. "We're not engaging in quid pro quo actions," she said, but added that the verdict and the Malaysian government's intent to expand a sedition law to prosecute critics could influence the course of the bilateral relationship. The post Anwar Conviction Complicates US Ties with Malaysia appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| Aung San: A Legacy Unfulfilled Posted: 10 Feb 2015 04:30 PM PST  General Aung San, the architect of Myanmar's independence. (Illustration: Bagyi Lynn Wunna) Since the 32-year-old Aung San was killed in 1947, Myanmar has suffered from a crisis of leadership. The architect of national independence left a giant hole that no one has been able to fill over the past nearly 70 years. Even now, as the country tries to scale back from the abyss after decades of military rule, it continues to struggle in the absence of strong and visionary leadership. Myanmar seriously needs another Aung San, but there is no one close to the widely revered general. Myanmar people still remember him as a selfless leader with integrity, whose shrewd dealings with both the British and the Japanese in the mid-20th century helped Myanmar break free of imperialism and achieve independence. Sixty-eight years since he was assassinated by a political rival, General Aung San remains an unrivaled political figure in modern Myanmar. As his centennial birthday approaches on Feb. 13, the country will embrace grand commemorative celebrations mainly organized by the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party and its leader, the General's daughter, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The martyred Aung San is regarded as the father of modern Myanmar and the founder of the Myanmar Army. He is lovingly called "Bogyoke," meaning "General" in Myanmar language. Aung San worked for unity, equality, democracy and prosperity in Myanmar—goals that are yet to be fulfilled. Myanmar people still long for these ideals and believe that if the General had survived, the country would have evolved along this path.  Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of His immediate successor, U Nu, the most senior member of the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League and Myanmar's first prime minister after the country gained independence on Jan. 4, 1948, failed to build unity with the various ethnic groups. A coup was launched in 1962 and the military has since ruled, in various guises, without pause. In January 1946, General Aung San said in a public speech that "No man, however great, can alone set the wheels of history in motion, unless he has the active support and co-operation of a whole people. No doubt individuals have played brilliant roles in history, but then it is evident that history is not made by a few individuals only." This reflected the value he placed on the participation of individual citizens in the building of the country. But it was an ideal that failed to materialize. In Myanmar since independence, only a handful of individuals "made" history—the military leaders that consistently ruled the country without the consent of ordinary citizens. When individuals strived to overturn the military's influence, they were systematically defeated. Myanmar became a failed state. Those new generations that fought for democracy were in fact struggling to achieve General Aung San's own aspirations. Even now, whenever protestors stage demonstrations, images of the General are frequently held aloft. When demonstrations were crushed, so too were General Aung San's photos scattered across the streets. Aung San once said, "I am never relieved when it comes to Burma's fate. Even in my dreams, I cry and am angry for my country as it is not independent." If he were still alive today to witness the oppression and disunity in Myanmar, he would undoubtedly shed even more tears. Aung San urged politicians to work for unity among all citizens, including ethnic nationalities. Otherwise, the General said, Myanmar "won't be able to fully enjoy the essence of independence." He was absolutely right. Aung San always underscored the importance of unity and this led to the signing of the Panglong Agreement that enshrined equal rights and political autonomy for ethnic nationalities in 1947. But successive leaders failed to build on this legacy and Myanmar descended into civil war. Aung San said, "When we build an independent Burma, ethnic people and Bamar [Burman] must have equality without discrimination." One of his favorite quotes, applicable for all ethnic people, was: "If Bamar get one kyat, Shan and Kachin must get one kyat respectively." The military leaders who ruled the country with an iron fist after 1962 failed to honor Aung San's pledge. They undercut unity, not only with ethnic people, but also pro-democracy groups and all those who spoke out against oppression. Aung San may be long dead but the aspirations he articulated are still as relevant as ever. If Myanmar is to realize the General's hopes—of peace, democracy and prosperity—current leaders must create an atmosphere of collaboration with all stakeholders, including opposition parties and ethnic groups. To work towards this, all that's needed is the genuine political will. Otherwise the country will remain in crisis. Kyaw Zwa Moe is the editor of The Irrawaddy English edition. This article originally appeared in the Feb. 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Aung San: A Legacy Unfulfilled appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
| ‘I Have Been Trying with Good Faith and Intentions to Make Peace Possible’ Posted: 10 Feb 2015 04:00 PM PST  Minister Aung Min at the meeting between NCCT and UWPC in Chiang Mai, Thailand, last week. (Photo: Nyein Nyein/The Irrawaddy) The Burmese government has officially confirmed that the goal of signing a nationwide ceasefire agreement with ethnic armed groups will not be achieved before Union Day on Thursday. Ethnic leaders stated last week that without agreement on several outstanding points of contention, it would not be possible to sign a peace accord. Aung Min, vice-chairman of Union Peacemaking Work Committee, spoke with The Irrawaddy reporters Kyaw Kha and Nyein Nyein in Chiang Mai last week, after a meeting between government negotiators and ethnic armed group representatives from the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) failed to set a firm date for a seventh round of discussions on the peace accord. Question: President Thein Sein last month called for the signing of a nationwide ceasefire agreement with ethnic armed groups on Union Day, Feb. 12. Rebel groups said it was too soon to sign an agreement, as their conditions for a durable peace have not been met. What do you say? Answer: If we had held a seventh round of talks with the NCCT before Union Day and reached overall agreement at that meeting, we would have been able to sign the nationwide ceasefire pact. But, the fact is that it has been put off. The reason, as you might know, is that many ethnic groups have been celebrating their national days, which are usually held in January and February. Last week, Mon National Day was celebrated in Mon State, which meant Mon representatives [of the NCCT] were absent, and therefore we could not hold the meeting. Consequently, we can't sign the agreement on Union Day. Q: The United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) has called for the signing of an agreement which guarantees the establishment of a federal system of government. Does the government have a view on this? A: Let me quote the nationwide ceasefire accord draft. It enshrines a provision that a federal union will be implemented in accordance with the outcomes of political dialogue. It is not that we do not accept a federal union, but it would be implemented after discussions. If they say they must have it immediately, I would say that we still need to have discussions. Q: What agreements were reached between the government and the NCCT at the most recent meeting in Chiang Mai? A: The NCCT and the Union Peacemaking Working Committee held a coordination meeting on Dec. 22-23. We discussed the date, venue and topics for the seventh round of talks. We have generally agreed to meet in Rangoon within a week after Union Day, but we have yet to set the exact date. Q: The Union Peacemaking Central Committee (UPCC) reportedly met in Burma before you came to Chiang Mai. What were the guidelines adopted by the UPCC meeting? A: The nationwide ceasefire agreement is the most important one. We still can't reach agreement on eight points in the agreement. The UPCC meeting set guidelines for those eight points. That's all. Q: The UPCC meeting has reportedly made certain concessions to the demands of ethnic rebel groups, including the inclusion of the term "revolution" into the text of the ceasefire agreement. Do you have anything to say on this point? A: We have to discuss this with them to reach a compromise. We still can't reach agreement on eight separate points of the ceasefire agreement. We only have a general understanding of which points we can and which we cannot concede, we don't know specific details. We can only talk about concessions at the discussions with the NCCT. The NCCT will also not be willing to talk about them before ceasefire discussions. We started with disagreement over 112 points in the national ceasefire agreement. We kept on negotiating, and now there are only eight points left for discussion. So, suffice to say, the negotiations are making progress. Q: Do you think a nationwide ceasefire agreement can be signed before the 2015 election? A: I am working hard for it. Personally, I am desirous of it. I don't know which government will come to power at the next election, and therefore, I have been trying with good faith and intentions to make peace possible while I am still in the cabinet. The post 'I Have Been Trying with Good Faith and Intentions to Make Peace Possible' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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