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Thursday, April 16, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Posted: 15 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

An old structure at the British cemetery in Ywar Thar Yar, near Mogok. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

MOGOK TOWNSHIP, Mandalay Region – Nestled in Pyaung Khaung Valley in the Shan Hills, some 20 kilometers east of Mogok, lies the town of Ywar Thar Yar, also known by its old name Bernardmyo, or Bernard Town.

Named after Upper Burma Chief Commissioner Sir Charles Edward Bernard, who founded it as an army garrison town in the early 1880s, Bernard Town is home to a remarkable piece of British-Myanmar heritage.

Overgrown with bushes and weeds on a beautiful Shan hillside, the 19thcentury British cemetery provides a sense of serenity and history, but also of sad neglect.

The tombstones offer sparse details on the lives of British soldiers who died between 1886 and 1893, following the Third Anglo-Burmese War, which established British rule over Upper Myanmar but was followed by years of insurgency among the population.

The soldiers who died in Her Majesty's name abroad have only their army units and date of their death mentioned. One tombstone reads: Pte. J. Pierree, 2nd Bttn, Cheshire Regn, died 16.4.1890.

The men came from four British regiments: the Devonshire, Hampshire, PWO Yorkshire and the Border Regiment.

According to a book titled The History of Mogok, written by Mogok resident U Htet Naing, British authorities decided to base troops at a military head office in Mogok in 1886, when the region was already known for its ruby wealth, and to station a garrison in the Pyaung Gaung region. Later, Bernard Town sprung up around the garrison, which constructed weapons depots, roads and bridges in the region.

Originally, the cemetery had some 100 tombstones to mark the graves of the fallen soldiers, according to elderly local residents, but these days only about 20 remain standing.

Bernard Town residents lamented the fact that the site has fallen into neglect and said authorities should take steps to preserve it, in particular since it has been attracting a rising number of foreign tourists in recent years.

"When I was child, there were many grave stones around the cemetery. We used to play around here, but later some residents took some of the grave stones to use as a slab to wash clothes on," said Ko Aung Naing, 35. "There is no one to take action against it, that's why there are fewer and fewer grave stones left."

Another threat to the site is the region's mineral wealth: Just meters from the graves is a massive, red-colored mud stream that has washed down from a mining site on a hilltop where workers are searching for rubies and sapphires.

Foreigners have been allowed to visit Mogok, considered sensitive by authorities because of ruby mining, since 2013. They are required to first gain prior government permission for a tourist visit, a process that can be facilitated by a local travel agent but may take up to two weeks.

Ko Aung Naing said since the rise in tourist visits authorities paid more attention to the site and built a boundary around it, but otherwise nothing was being done to preserve it.

U Htet Naing, author of the history book, said Mogok Township authorities should take steps to protect the graves and improve access for those who want to visit. "This is our Mogok history, we will have to maintain it and prevent it from being wiped out because of natural disasters and man-made mistakes," he said.

This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Forgotten Resting Place appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Wednesday, April 15, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Doing it Naturally

Posted: 14 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

Dr. Khin Maung Lwin is leading the charge on organically grown medicinal ingredients and is actively pushing for new markets in the region. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Natural medicines remain an important alternate remedy in Myanmar as local and foreign pharmaceutical companies look to gain a foothold in the market. A pioneer in the field of alternative medicine, Dr. Khin Maung Lwin founded Fame Pharmaceuticals in 1994. He graduated from the Institute of Medicine 2 (Yangon) in 1984, served in the Myanmar Army Medical Corps for more than five years and has also pursued post-graduate studies in the United States and the United Kingdom. Dr. Khin Maung Lwin spoke with The Irrawaddy's Kyaw Hsu Mon about the alternative medicine market in a country better known for its counterfeit drugs.

What were the major challenges when you first began producing alternative medicine products in Myanmar?

It's been 21 years since I founded Fame Pharmaceuticals. Before I started my own factory, I worked with the government-owned BPI [Burma Pharmaceutical Industry]. Now it's called the Myanmar Pharmaceutical Factory. The BPI welcomed the private sector to work with them. So we bought raw materials and equipment from foreign countries and provided them to BPI. We shared 50 percent of the finished goods [we purchased] between us. I also distributed products to states and divisions. I worked with BPI for 10 years and gained experience and knowledge. The major challenge was competing with fake medicines on the market. We could not compete with the price. Even though we knew they were fake, we couldn't do anything. People were buying them and I had a terrible feeling about that. But this challenge remains today.

How well are your natural medicines performing on the market among the many varieties of medicine available?

There are two types of medicines in Myanmar. The first is TMHS [traditional medicines and health supplements] and the second is drugs from foreign countries. Even imported drugs include traditional medicines. We can calculate that about one third of imported drugs will be TMHS. Local manufacturers only produce traditional medicines here. Against both foreign-made health supplements and locally-made traditional medicines, we have about a 30 percent share of the market.

What are some of the difficulties in competing with other local medicine manufacturers?

I registered my products with the Department of Traditional Medicine and obtained a license. But we aren't directly competing with other local companies; we're going for organic products and they're going for traditional medicine. We are the only company producing organic medicines here. Now organic products are becoming more popular in Myanmar. People are acquiring knowledge about the side effects of using chemical fertilizers. Organic farming is becoming popular too. It is not only about food but medicines too. We produce our products from organic farming without using fertilizers—so-called organic medicines. That's why we have no competitors in the market, including even foreign TMHS companies.

Do you have your own organic farm?

We started our first organic farm in Pyin Oo Lwin Township, Mandalay Region, in 2003. It's about 55 acres. But we couldn't certify it then, because we don't have a certification body here. We couldn't just say by ourselves that it was an organic farm. We needed third-party certification. So we founded the Myanmar Organic Association here in 2006. The Myanmar Organic Agriculture Group under the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry checked over three years and approved us as an organic farm in 2010. So then it was only approved by a Myanmar independent body not by a foreign body, that's why we contacted the Germany-based International Federation of Organic Agriculture about certification in 2010. Finally, we received a certificate from the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) last year.

Do you think people in Myanmar prefer imported drugs over local, natural medicines?

Yes I do. That's why I am currently talking to people from around the country on the benefits of natural medicines. Just promoting awareness that if we continue to use chemical fertilizers, our generation will soon be harmed. We will have to transform: number one, consumers and number two, farmers. If they keep using these chemical fertilizers, they will poison their bodies. I am currently promoting awareness on the side-effects. These poisons circulate from the soil, flow into streams after rains and then marine animals also suffer. There are a lot of difficulties in setting up organic farms. I'm writing books that promote the benefits of organic farms as well as appearing on talk shows via Myawaddy TV and also holding talks in universities.

What are the most sought-after natural medicines in Myanmar at the moment?

Number one is Uro Crush medicine. Many people are suffering from renal disease. Myself and my master Dr. Khin Tun were working on research about this disease. Three patients are currently suffering from it in Thingangyun General Hospital. This medicine is most in-demand and we can't produce enough of it. All stocks have been sold out even before we've produced more. Demand is huge. Other popular medicines are also related to urinary diseases.

Products derived from organic farming can be expensive, how do you balance price and demand in the market?

Our products give value for money. I know that organic farming is quite expensive to set up. I have just spoken with farmers who want to set up organic farms. But low demand for organic products here, combined with high production costs, means the product prices are also high. Organic foods are also smaller than other generic foods. That's why we need more public awareness about this. But for us, we don't have competitors, so our fixed price becomes the market price at the time. People want the best medicines because they want to be well as soon as possible, that's why they often don't mind the price.

Do you export your organic products to foreign countries? How will your business be impacted by the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) due to come into effect at the end of 2015?

We have to compete with other ASEAN countries first. There are few organic TMHS medicines in the other 9 countries, so we have a possible market. We're always in touch with these other countries to discuss the issue. That's why we're starting to export these medicines to ASEAN countries, as well as defending our market too. We opened a showroom in Singapore in January. The biggest market in the world is the United States, so as a second step, we've appointed an agent in the United States to distribute our natural medicines. It's not that easy to sell our products there, although we've had our farm approved by USDA now. It is just the first step to launching our products there soon.

We are producing 76 items. We will sell 10 items in the US market first. We will also sign a memorandum of understanding with one of Thailand's medicine distributors. Seven countries [Kuwait, India, South Korea, Japan, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand] already sell FAME products through local distributors. What I want to say is we won't just defend our products to compete with other countries in the AEC, we will counter-attack. We're now preparing everything from prices to packaging and quality to be able to compete. If we can offer good service as well as quality, we will be ahead of the game.

This interview originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Doing it Naturally appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Tuesday, April 14, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

A Taste of North Indian Tradition

Posted: 13 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

YANGON — From Shan to Kachin to Japanese food, speakeasies to pizzerias, the area between Yangon's central railway station and U Wisara Road has become a hot spot for lively bars and diverse cuisine.

There are fresh vegetables, fruit and fish served at street markets; fast food prepared by street vendors; noodles and sushi; tea and cocktails—all within walking distance of Bogyoke Market.

Amid this hubbub of activity, where competition is high and choices abundant, award-winning Indian restaurant Bawarchi has now opened its doors.

First established in 1998 in Bangkok, Bawarchi has earned a reputation for delivering excellent traditional northern Indian cuisine. With five branches in the Thai capital and eleven across India, the restaurant chain has expanded to cities as far-flung as Auckland, San Antonio and Dubai.

Bawarchi's latest venture opened in Yangon's Dagon Township near the Park Royal Hotel in late 2014.

After making reservations for a Sunday lunch a few days in advance, this reviewer arrived to find an ornately decorated interior dominated by wall-to-wall ebony woodcarvings. The smattering of Indian diners was the first good sign the restaurant would meet expectations.

The Hindi word "Bawarchi" means "chef," and in India almost everyone knows the 1972 film of the same name about a family with such a bad reputation that nobody wants to work as a cook for them. The opposite is true of this restaurant chain that has been awarded "Best of Bangkok" on numerous occasions.

Soon after placing our orders with the attentive and friendly staff, complimentary starters arrived—a very crisp flatbread with red sweet and sour sauce and a green spicy herbal dip. Perfect to awaken our appetites.

While our selections remained on the traditional side, we soon found the dishes retained a welcome modern twist.

The classic Mulligatawny (3,500 kyat), a lentil soup, was a rich yellow color, mildly seasoned and perfectly balanced, with an optional dose of lime juice added for a kick of freshness. It remained at almost the same temperature for minutes and was an ideal entrée.

We decided against beer, since the spices in the food would dominate. Instead we ordered lime juice (3,000 kyat) which, with a dash of salt and sugar and a slice of fresh lime, made for one of the best yet sampled in Yangon.

Other fresh fruit juices, soft drinks, cocktails, beers and whiskeys were available, including the astronomically-priced Johnnie Walker King George V Scotch Whiskey, at 40,000 kyat per glass.

All the main dishes were served simultaneously. The bharwa paneer tikka (5,500 kyat), made of chunks of paneer (a non-melting curd-cheese) grilled on the tandoor, was tender on the inside and crisp on the outside. Served with tomatoes and loads of fresh coriander, it was an explosion of tastes and textures and a superb vegetarian alternative to chicken tikka.

Raita (3,500 kyat), a cool condiment made of cumin and black mustard, fresh vegetables such as cucumbers, tomatoes and onions, and fresh yoghurt, was a great partner for the karela fish curry (6,500 kyat).

The karela, a bitter melon also known as a gourd that is widely grown in Africa, Asia and the Caribbean, was offset by the coconut milk and curry leaves and therefore shone through very elegantly. The fish was well textured and evenly cooked; not at all dry, but glossy and compact.

While there wasn't much room left for the dal bawarchi (4,000 kyat), a vegetarian curry, it was hard to resist the slow-cooked black lentils and the creamy texture that was melt-in-your-mouth stuff.

Ideal to wipe up the remainder of our curry and dal were servings of roti (1,000 kyat), a flat, crispy type of bread from Punjabi roasted on the tandoor, and kulcha (1,800 kyat) which was stuffed with onion and fluffy on the inside with a hint of sweetness.

Wine was not yet available, although the Bawarchi website lists an array of wines from all over the world. My one quibble is that none of these wines are from India. Last November, I sampled at least 10 different Indian wines during the Asian Wine Fair in Hong Kong, all of which would have met Bawarchi standards.

The chain plans to open two more restaurants in Yangon in the near future—a sign it is anticipating success in a city strongly influenced by Indian cuisine. Next time, appetite permitting, I'll stay for dessert.

This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post A Taste of North Indian Tradition appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Monday, April 13, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

History Lessons

Posted: 12 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

Police at Letpadan, Pegu Division, attack a vehicle bearing images of Thakin Ba Hein, President of the All Burma Federation of Students' Union in 1938; nationalist leader Thakin Kodaw Hmaing; and student Bo Aung Kyaw who was killed in protests in 1938. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Once again, Myanmar has been rocked by student demonstrations and, once again, the authorities have reacted with force, to the extent of using hired thugs in Yangon to beat and drag protesters away.

The brutality on the part of the police, who injured dozens during a violent crackdown on student protestors in Letpadan, Bago Region, in March, was condemned by local civil society organizations.

But international reaction to the crackdown was limited to expressions of "concern" and, to the dismay of many, pro-democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has expressed little or no sympathy for the young demonstrators.

Dr. Thein Lwin, a leading figure in the current educational reform movement, was even stripped of his post as a National League for Democracy central committee member in February over a perceived conflict of interest.

Regardless of whether or not one sympathizes with the students' demands for educational reform and more transparency in such matters, it would be wise to take them seriously and listen to their grievances. Anyone familiar with Myanmar's recent history knows that student-led movements have been harbingers of upheaval and political change.

That is to be expected in a country with a long and proud tradition of literacy and intellectual life.

Protests in 1920

In November 1920, students in Yangon protested against what they perceived as unfair university reforms that the British colonial power wanted to impose. The action gained widespread support and gave new impetus to Myanmar's independence movement. The day of the "University Boycott," as it became known, is still commemorated as Myanmar's National Day, even if the day varies in accordance with the Myanmar calendar.

At the beginning of 1936, the students went on strike again. This time, after the establishment of the Yangon University Students' Union, they were better organized. The spark was the expulsion of prominent student leaders in the 1930s, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's father Aung San and Thakin Nu, known as U Nu when he became the country's first prime minister after independence finally arrived in 1948.

Aung San had been expelled because he had refused to reveal the name of the author of an article titled "Hell Hound at Large," which appeared in the student magazine "Oway." The article was highly critical of the British rulers and it was only much later that the name of the writer was revealed: Nyo Mya, a close friend of Aung San's.

Nyo Mya went on to study journalism in England and the United States and became both a prominent author and a member of parliament representing Monywa constituency. Aung San had shown both courage and outstanding professionalism by upholding a fundamental principle that every journalist in Myanmar today should adhere to: Never reveal your sources, and protect the identity of those who want to remain anonymous.

The 1936 student strike was a success, and both Aung San and Thakin Nu were reinstated. But the students pressed on, now even more vocally, calling for independence from Britain.

Student protesters gather in Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

On December 20, 1938, during a third student boycott, the movement suffered its first casualty. Aung Kyaw, a young student, was hit on the head by a baton-wielding mounted policeman and died. He was posthumously conferred the title Bo (leader), and there is a street in downtown Yangon named after him, Bo Aung Kyaw Street. Even today, Dec. 20 is remembered as Bo Aung Kyaw Day.

From this and other events in 1938, there was no way back. Nothing could stop the independence movement. Unsurprisingly, independent Myanmar's first government—and parliament—included many men and women who had been student activists in the 1930s.

After Independence

But independence did not mean that the student movement was dead. Shan and Kachin students met secretly at university campuses in Yangon and Mandalay, giving birth to powerful nationalist movements among those two ethnic groups. Mainstream student unions organized strikes and boycotts to press for changes in the education system and for peace in a country being ravaged by civil war.

Then came the March 2, 1962 coup d'état, which terminated Myanmar's experiment with democracy and federalism. The students were the first to protest.

There were huge student-led demonstrations in early July and, on the 7th, the military opened fire. According to the government, 17 students were killed, while independent sources put the figure at more than 100.

The night after the massacre, the historic Yangon University Students' Union building was demolished—dynamited by the military. Only a monument erected in honor of Bo Aung Kyaw was spared.

The military had seized power, it claimed, to "prevent the disintegration of the union." In reality it led to intensified civil war. Many students from the various ethnic minorities joined their respective rebel armies.

Among them was Sao Tzang Yawnghwe, the son of Myanmar's first president, the Shan prince Sao Shwe Thaike. Many Burman students fled to other, jungle-clad parts of the country where they teamed up with the then fledgling forces of the Communist Party of Burma.

The 1970s saw even more student unrest, first in December 1974 when the body of U Thant, the former Secretary-General of the United Nations and a critic of the military regime, was brought back to Myanmar for burial. The students seized the opportunity—and even U Thant's coffin—to launch protests against Gen. Ne Win's junta. Scores were killed and many survivors again took to the jungle, where they joined non-communist rebel forces led by deposed prime minister U Nu.

On March 23, 1976, the 100th anniversary of the birth of Thakin Kodaw Hmaing, considered the father of Myanmar's nationalist movement, the students demonstrated again, leading to yet more arrests.

None of the movements of the 1970s, however, matched the massive student-led uprising for democracy that shook all major cities and towns in Myanmar in August and September, 1988.

’88 Generation

Today, the students who led that uprising belong to what is known as "the 88 Generation" and include some of the country's best-known political activists. Many of them spent years in jail, some in solitary confinement, but that has only made them even more respected and popular. "Our heads are bloodied but unbowed," has been their slogan throughout the struggle.

Other, smaller student-led protests occurred in the 1990s and early 2000s while students, together with Buddhist monks, were also at the forefront of renewed mass demonstrations for democracy in August and October, 2007.

Against this background, it is hardly surprising that many young protesters now feel let down by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. In 1988, she emerged as a key leader in the movement for political and social change, but now seems to have forgotten what young people in Myanmar have been fighting for since the days of her father's activism.

It is worth remembering what Myanmar scholars Josef Silverstein and Julian Wohl wrote in a 1964 study of the country's student movements.

"The students at the university still can be aroused and become militant in response to university student issues," the authors wrote. "This could grow into full involvement in national politics if the students become convinced that this is necessary to win their cause. For, if they see the military regime as a resurrection of the old colonial system with a privileged caste of leaders and restrictive laws, they also may see themselves as the legatees of the revolutionary tradition of Aung San, Maung Nu [U Nu] and others, and assume an active political role which could have real consequences."

Little has changed since that was written more than fifty years ago and, as we have seen, Myanmar's students have more often than not been on the right side of history.

Countdown to a Crackdown:

Sept. 30, 2014: The National Education Law is enacted. The bill was backed by MPs from both the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party and the opposition National League for Democracy.

Nov. 12-13: An emergency student conference convenes in Yangon where the Action Committee for Democratic Education (ACDE) is formed to lead student protests against the new law.

Nov. 14-17: Hundreds of students stage a four-day protest in Yangon and call for amendment of the law within 60 days.

Jan. 20, 2015: Hundreds of student demonstrators begin a march from Mandalay to Yangon.

Jan. 28: President's Office Minister U Aung Min holds preliminary talks with student protest leaders and agrees to hold four-party talks involving the government, Parliament, the National Network for Education Reform (NNER) and the students' ACDE.

Feb. 1: Four-party discussions are held in Yangon. Students table an 11-point framework for discussion and both sides reach agreement over eight points, including that talks should continue in Naypyitaw on Feb. 3.

Feb. 3: The government postpones four-party talks to Feb. 12 as agreement cannot be reached over students' attendance. Students from Pathein in Ayeyarwady Region begin a protest march.

Feb. 7: Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Ko Ko says that student protesters are threatening the country's stability and warns that "ex-political hardliners" and some foreign organizations are encouraging them.

Feb. 12: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi meets protesters in Naypyitaw to discuss their demands.

Feb. 14: After a series of talks between the government, lawmakers, students' organizations and education advocates, an apparent breakthrough agreement is reached over a new bill, incorporating students' 11 demands. Demonstrators marching from Dawei, Pathein and Monywa decide to cease their protests and return home.

Feb. 16: The bill that was agreed upon by the four parties is sent to Parliament for discussion.

Feb. 19: The main column of student protesters marching from Mandalay announce that they will stay in Letpadan, Bago Region, until March 1, pausing their protests to observe the parliamentary process.

Feb. 22: Student leaders and the NNER accuse the government of violating the conditions of the Feb. 14 four-party agreement on drafting a new education bill. They say the Education Ministry circulated its own alternative draft to undermine the agreement.

March 1: The Home Affairs Ministry releases a notification dated Feb. 28, calling for an end to protests as parliamentary discussions on amending the National Education Law are in progress. The notification also warns that actions will be taken against continued protests.

March 3: Students at Letpadan announce they will resume their protests and attempt to march to Yangon. Authorities respond by increasing police deployment to more than 300 officers, greatly outnumbering the roughly 100 students, who begin a sit-in protest.

March 5: Students and activists gather at Yangon's Sule Pagoda to urge authorities not to launch a violent crackdown on the Letpadan protest. Riot police and dozens of plainclothes thugs violently disperse the protest. Five men and three women are arrested. They are later released and charged under Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Law.

March 8: Students at Letpadan issue an ultimatum to authorities, asking for free passage to Yangon by March 10, at 10 am.

March 10: After a week-long blockade at Letpadan, police violently crack down on students and their supporters. Dozens are injured and 127 people are arrested. Members of the media are also targeted.

March 10: President U Thein Sein orders the creation of a commission of inquiry into the violent dispersal of the protest in Yangon on March 5 by police and plainclothes men, according to state-run media.

March 16: ACDE student representatives attend a hearing of the Upper House Bill Committee in Naypyitaw where they discuss their 11-point reform demands. Student attendees tell the committee that all those arrested during the Letpadan crackdown should be released and the charges against them dropped.

March 17: The Ministry of Home Affairs says it released 28 students and two reporters between March 12-17 who were arrested during the Letpadan crackdown.

March 17: Representatives from the ACDE and the NNER put their case for amending the bill in line with the Feb. 14 agreement during the Upper House Bill Committee's final hearing session on the law.

Thet Ko Ko, Wei Yan Aung, Paul Vrieze contributed to this timeline.

This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post History Lessons appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Sunday, April 12, 2015

Shan Herald Agency for News

Mongmao youth call for protection of natural resources in Shan State

Posted: 11 Apr 2015 08:10 AM PDT

A group of youth in the Mongmao region have urged all citizens in Shan State to protect the state's natural resources and environment.

"We urge all youths in Shan State to oppose every group that is destroying our forests, mountains, rivers and other natural resources," said a young man in Mongmao region who spoke on condition of anonymity.

Since April 8, 2015 the youths in Se Lant town, Muse township have organized a protest to stop mining company trucks carrying silica rocks through the town.

The silica mine is located on the Loi Te Mong (Te Mong Mountain) just 2 miles east of Se Lant town.

According to a news source; the roads in Se Lant town are damaged because about 20 silica trucks pass through the town daily. Residents are often hit by the trucks.

The silica mining company has used different routes to transport silica rocks from Se Lant town to the Burma-China border. Routes across the Mao (Shweli) River include from Mai Sak village to Nong Mon village, and from Nong Mo village to Ta Jarng village. Another route is through the forest from Mai Sak village to Nong Seng village into China. Some companies have paid a bribe to village heads to pass through rice fields before entering China.

A resident in Nong Seng village said, "About 20 six-wheel trucks carrying silica rock pass through our village every day. Each truck carries about 8 tons of silica rock. These vehicles are trucks from China. We can see Chinese text written on the front of the vehicle."

On 24-26 April 2015, the youth group will organize a walk up Te Mong mountain aimed at raising awareness about the damaging impacts of natural resource extraction.

Saturday, April 11, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Colorful People
The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Apr. 11, 2015)
‘The Problem of Child Labor Originates in Rural Areas’

Colorful People

Posted: 10 Apr 2015 06:00 PM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

Writers seek inspiration where they can, but rarely do strategies that don't involve just buckling down at a desk actually work.

So it was when renowned writer Khin Myo Chit sought to meet with ghosts of times past to help her write the book "Anawrahta of Burma."

Alas, no ghosts appeared during Khin Myo Chit's meditation sessions under a tree, says her grand-daughter Junior Win, who tried a similar gambit while rummaging about in history herself.

Researching the 100-year-old story of Daw Khin Myo Chit and her husband U Khin Maung Latt, Junior Win closed her eyes and tried "meeting them in a dream" to find out what they would like to say.

The ghost-summons attempt didn't work for her either. So now she just has to hope that the couple, whose lives crossed many significant events in Myanmar in the previous century, would be satisfied with her efforts at "digging through their rubbish and memories, not knowing which should be disclosed and which kept secret."

Junior Win's self-published book, "A Memory of My Grandparents," to be released by mid-April, opens in 1915, the year the couple was born within a few months of each other.

They met and married during the Second World War period, when times were exceedingly difficult. At one point during the Japanese occupation the cash-strapped couple tried their hand at selling slippers on the streets of Yangon.

But they were also close to many of the most significant figures of the day, including Bogyoke Aung San and other leading political figures, as well as many writers, poets and journalists.

Khin Maung Latt was a tall, bookish-looking man whose "smiling lips showed kindness and sympathy," says his granddaughter. He was a teacher most of his life, and a chief editor of the Working People's Daily from 1963 to 1968.

Khin Myo Chit, whose birth name was Khin Mya, had a "tall, slim and rather weak body," Junior Win writes. "But her stern face, sharp eyes, and firm voice showed her strong mind and her stubborn spirit."

She was a resolute nationalist and a longtime contributor from the late 1930s to publications such as Dagon magazine, The Burma Journal, Oway, The Working People's Daily and The Guardian.

In her fifties, when she began publishing books in English, Khin Myo Chit started to make a wider mark.

There were shades of Agatha Christie in the title of the book "The 13 Carat Diamond and Other Stories" that came out in 1969.

Later books such as "Colourful Burma" (1976), "Burmese Scenes and Sketches" (1977) and "A Wonderland of Burmese Legends" (1984) went on to find avid local and international audiences at a time when Myanmar was sinking deeper into isolation and censorship was curtailing the topics writers could tackle.

As writers and educators in difficult times, life was rarely simple or carefree for the couple, but their airy wooden house in a tree-filled compound on Pyay Road was always a rich site of teaching, talking and writing among family, friends and visitors.

Khin Maung Latt died in 1996 and Khin Myo Chit passed away three years later.

Their home remains almost as they left it; its legacy of ideas and intellectual life spanning much of modern Myanmar's history is kept quietly alive today by family members who work as writers, editors and translators and who all took part in this memory-filled work of research headed by a proud granddaughter.

"A Memory of My Grandparents" by Junior Win will be in local bookshops before the Thingyan holiday in mid-April.

This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Colorful People appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Apr. 11, 2015)

Posted: 10 Apr 2015 05:30 PM PDT

A worker at the Thilawa Special Economic Zone project outside Yangon. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Vietnam's HAGL Looks for New Investor After Rangoon Property Deal Falls Through

Vietnamese conglomerate Hoang Anh Gia Lai (HAGL) is reportedly targeting Hong Kong and Singapore firms as it seeks a new investor for a massive real estate development going up on the eastern shore of Rangoon's Inya Lake.

A deal for Singapore-based Rowsley Ltd to buy a 50 percent stake in the project fell apart last week, with blame placed on Burma's high levels of tax.

The companies in February announced the deal, which would have seen the Singapore company invest $275 million in the mixed-use project. But, in an announcement to investors on Apr. 3, Rowsley company secretary Kannan Malini said, "The Company will not enter into the proposed joint venture as the conditions precedent under the Heads of Terms Agreement have not been satisfied," without going into details.

In an announcement the same day, HAGL claimed that the deal had broken down because Rowsley wanted to invest directly in HAGL's local subsidiary Hoang Anh Gia Lai Myanmar Company Ltd, rather than investing indirectly by buying shares in the group's Vietnamese joint stock company.

"Since the current tax rate applied to the profit from capital transfer in Myanmar is so high (40%), Hoang Anh Gia Lai could not accept the suggestion of Rowsley," said the HAGL statement, signed by HAGL acting general director Vo Truong Son.

According to a report in the state-run Viet Nam News on Wednesday, Son said that the company is now "in talks with a number of foreign real estate companies, including firms in Hong Kong and Singapore.

"As the negotiations are going on, Son refused to disclose more information about potential investors."

The report said the failure to reach an agreement with Rowsley would not impact upon the project. "The office building and hotel are still slated to open this June," it said, "while the shopping centre will likely open in September."

Thai Construction Firm Looks for Burma Infrastructure Projects

Thai construction giant Ch Karnchang may soon enter into infrastructure developments in neighboring Burma, a senior executive at the firm told the Bangkok Post newspaper.

A report published by the English-language daily on Tuesday said that the Stock Exchange of Thailand-listed firm was conducting a feasibility study on possible investments in Burma, citing Vorapote Uchupaiboonvong, Ch Karnchang's executive vice-president for accounting and finance.

"There are many opportunities in Myanmar, and we're ready to take the initiative, but the study must be completed before we enter the country," Vorapote told the Bangkok Post. "We conducted thorough studies in Laos before investing in that country. We're adopting a similar approach for Myanmar."

Ch Karnchang is the developer of the controversial Xayaburi hydropower dam on the Mekong River in Laos. According to the Bangkok Post, the director said the company was likely to focus its investment in Burma on the Rangoon area, while most opportunities for hydropower investment are in Burma's border states.

The company, which has developed mass transit train and highway projects in Bangkok, has repeatedly announced it is interested in investments in Burma. A subsidiary of Ch Karnchang, TTW Public Company, is conducting a study on a tap water project in the Mon State capital, Moulmein, the report said.

Suzuki to Assemble Cars in Thilawa SEZ

Japanese automaker Suzuki will build an assembly plant in the Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ), according to Japanese media.

A report from Japanese media group Nikkei said that the company had secured a 20-hectare plot of land inside the zone, which is situation just outside Rangoon.

The factory would be Suzuki's second in Burma. In 2013, the company restarted its Rangoon factory, which assembles a small number of light trucks, declaring at the time that it would look to expand its operations in the country.

According to Nikkei, Suzuki's new plant could begin production in 2017, employing about 300 people.

"Suzuki will assemble imported parts at the plant," the report said. "Initial output is seen at roughly 10,000 cars a year. It could produce the Ertiga, a seven-seat compact, among other models there."

The report said Suzuki would invest "several billion yen" in the project. One billion yen is equal to more than $8 million.

Thilawa is the furthest progressed of three SEZs the Burmese government is planning in an attempt to kickstart the manufacturing sector.

Three large Japanese conglomerates are investing in the SEZ project itself. However, with the slated opening of the zone in a matter of months, few other companies have so far announced that they will open factories at Thilawa.

A group of Hong Kong-based garment manufacturers announced interest in setting up at Thilawa, but eventually pulled out. However, Japanese underwear-maker Wacoal announced last month that it would set up a factory in the SEZ.

Toyo-Thai Signs Memorandum for Coal-Fired Power Plant

The Burmese government has signed a memorandum allowing Thai construction company Toyo-Thai Corp PCL to go ahead with a plan to build a coal-fired power plant in Mon State, according to Reuters, despite opposition to the project among local residents.

Reuters said a statement from the firm on Thursday said that the agreement was worth a total of $2.8 billion. The agreement will see Toyo-Thai build a 1,280 megawatt plant in Ye Township and operate the plant, selling power to Burma's grid.

"Under the 30-year concession, it is expected to import about 4 million tonnes of coal a year to supply the power plant. Construction is expected to take about four to six years," the report said.

The construction part of the deal was worth $2.3 billion, which the company would fund largely through borrowing, it said.

Toyo-Thai already operates a natural gas-fired power plant in Rangoon.

Last year, the company held a consultation meeting with locals in Inn Din village—the planned site of the project in Ye Township. But local residents have said they will oppose the development, citing concerns over environmental and social impacts.

Rangoon Visitor Numbers Up as New Hotels Open Doors

A report this week said that tourist numbers in Burma's biggest city continue to grow as two major hotel chains opened new properties in Rangoon.

Travel website TTG Asia this week reported figures from the Myanmar Tourism Federation saying that 193,891 tourists visited the city in January and February this year. The report said the figures represented a rise of 7.2 percent on the same period last year, a record year for tourism in Burma.,

The majority of the visitors to the former capital—63 percent—came from other Asian countries, including Thailand, China, Japan and South Korea, the report said.

Burma has seen a surge of new visitors since the country began political and economic reforms four years ago—when fewer than 1 million people entered the country each year. Last year, the official figure for visitors topped 3 million, and the government is expecting the trend to continue this year.

The influx of visitors caught Rangoon unprepared, with a chronic shortage of hotel rooms pushing up room rates. Now, hotel projects are beginning to come to completion, potentially easing the shortage.

French firm Accor's tie-up with local tycoon Zaw Zaw's Max Myanmar—known as Novotel Yangon Max—opened this week. The hotel, Accor's third in Burma, has 366 rooms, two ballrooms and seven food and beverage outlets, according to regional travel site TTR Weekly.

United States-based hotel chain Best Western also just opened its second Rangoon property. The group's 91-room hotel is situated in the city's Chinatown area.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Apr. 11, 2015) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘The Problem of Child Labor Originates in Rural Areas’

Posted: 10 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

Aung Zaw, founding editor of The Irrawaddy, is joined by Tin Maung Maung Aye of the Myanmar Mobile Education Project for this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

On this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy, Tin Maung Maung Aye discusses his efforts to educate Burma's child laborers through his Myanmar Mobile Education Project. This is a transcript of the second part of the discussions; the first part was published last week.

Aung Zaw: This week we will continue the discussion with Ko Tin Maung Maung Aye about his Myanmar Mobile Education Project, which we discussed last week. I am Irrawaddy Magazine Editor Aung Zaw.

AZ: Would you explain to me what the situation is regarding child labor laws in Myanmar?

Tin Maung Maung Aye: As far as I know, we only have the 1951 Factories Act in Myanmar. Under that law, children under 13 are not allowed to work. And children above 13 can work only for limited hours. As far as I know, they are not allowed to work for more than four hours.

Even so, they might need doctor's recommendation to do certain kind of jobs. When it comes to child labor, the problem goes beyond their education. There are many causes leading to child labor—especially financial hardship and lack of job opportunities and schools at rural areas. Children therefore have to come to towns and do odd-jobs at teashops and restaurants to support their parents. It is not that problem of child labor begins in Yangon and Mandalay, but it originates in rural areas. It is important that rural villages get developed and there are schools there and their parents make a comfortable living.

The situation is worse now because of confiscation of land and fishing lakes by companies. Previously, locals could do farming at those lands and catch fish at those lakes freely at any time. Now, those places are gone and their livelihood is taken away. So, families have to send their children to towns [to find work]. So, these are the root causes of child labor.

AZ: So, forced confiscation of land by the government, cronies and the army is one of the main factors driving child labor?

TMMA: Regardless of the reasons that are driving farmland confiscation, no matter if they are confiscated directly or indirectly, those lands have been a source of livelihood for rural people. And when this source of livelihood is taken away, they have to think about how to sustain their lives. And when they think about sustaining their lives, the question of how to fill their stomachs will come first anyway. They won't think about sending their children to school.

AZ: So, how many child laborers are involved in such internal migration? Is there any figure on the number of child laborers?

TMMA: I am sure there is no exact figure. We can perhaps estimate the number of children working at restaurants and teashops since they are working under our eyes. But then, there are many children working inside homes. There may be between 1 million to 2 million of them in total.

AZ: I am talking about Myanmar alone. There are many children who have left for Thailand and the border.

TMMA: I remember that Myanmar is ranked 9th or 10th in the number of child laborers in the world.

AZ: Do you see anything that the government has done, like law enforcement or adoption of a policy, that is working for the future and education of those children?

TMMA: I've met with the International Labor Organization (ILO) officials two times. As far as I know, ILO and the Labor Ministry are working together to set a minimum age of child workers in accordance with ILO conventions.

AZ: So, what is the minimum age for a child to work?

TMMA: In developed countries, those under 16 are not allowed to work. But ILO relaxed the restriction in developing countries like Myanmar, for example the minimum age may be 14 or 15. The convention sets the age at which children complete primary education as the minimum age of child workers. The problem in Myanmar is that the age at which children complete primary education is one year younger than the minimum age. So, there is one year's gap. ILO is trying to fix this in coordination with the government.

I hear that Parliament is also trying to enact a law in accordance with ILO conventions. My view is that such a law is important. But how to enforce existing laws is more important. If the 1951 Factories Act is to be enforced, children would not have to work long hours. Then if we take a look from the point of view of shop owners, it is not their fault that there is child labor. It is neither the fault of the parents. This problem needs to be addressed by all the concerned parties in collaboration; otherwise it will not be solved.

AZ: Then, have parliamentarians discussed this issue? Since Parliament said it will represent the voices of the people.

TMMA: As far as I know, it has not been debated in Parliament yet. I have talked with two or three lawmakers about the issue. We discussed how to lobby against child labor at the parliament. We are trying to highlight this issue.

AZ: Here, I'd like you discuss a related issue—the trafficking of children. Apart from internal migration, how many trafficked children are there? Because there are many cases of children trafficking in Cambodia and Vietnam; what about Myanmar?

TMMA: In Myanmar, data has never been collected specifically on this issue. ILO may have statistics, but it is just an estimate. Talking of internal migration, it is a subtle problem. Looking at the child labor issue, some children are brought to towns by middlemen. We have yet to discuss if this can be labeled as trafficking or not.

Especially, most of the children laborers are from villages and ethnic regions in Mon State and Karen State near Thailand. Rural villages in Mon and Karen states have very limited opportunities. And our country still does not have an education system that is of practical use and can guarantee decent living later in life.

So, it is very difficult to improve their livelihood through education. So most of them cross the border into Thailand and do odd-jobs at factories, and roadside stalls. There are many children who left for Thailand, thinking it is much better to earn just 100,000 or 200,000 kyats (US$100-200) a month there than sitting doing nothing at their rural homes. There are many cases of external trafficking in which children are brought outside the country by middlemen. I don't know the exact number.

AZ: What is the role of middlemen? How they are involved in profiting from child labor?

TMMA: Many people will do it if they have the chance, get money, and won't be punished legally. Most of the middlemen are fair, they just take the fees they charge and leave the children at shops, or somewhere else or at houses. Then, the children do their jobs.

But in some cases, middleman brings the child and takes the fees they charge. For example, if a six-month contract is signed, he may get the one month's salary as the fee. Then before the contract expires, the middleman takes back the child and sends him to another shop. He might give some excuses like "the child's mother is ill or his grandmother has died or his mother is at hospital" to bring the child from the shop owner. The child does not know and neither does the shop owner. The middleman takes the child and sends him to another shop and he gets money again. But only a minority of middlemen is doing so. We need to prevent such thing from happening.

AZ: And what about the role of the shop owners? You said they have philanthropic spirit and support their workers. Is there any shop owner who does not like what you did to develop the skills of their workers and support their education?

TMMA: All the shop owners who cooperate with me enthusiastically support our project. The owner of Shwe Lin Yone Teashop in downtown Yangon even closed his shop half an hour ahead of normal closing time because he is afraid that the children might be late. Morning Star Teashop provided anything we needed. We turned the teashop into classroom while the teashop was close. Owners of shops like Lucky 7 and Thamada also gave good support.

They cooperate with as they want the child workers of their shops to gain knowledge. Most of the shop owners have philanthropic spirit and are willing to offer help. They want child workers to gain experience and knowledge. But then, they also have to take care of their businesses and they can only support as much as they can afford to. But overall, I'm satisfied with the current achievements of the project.

AZ: My last question is what is the response of the children to the project? How do you feel as a project director? Are you satisfied? What are the challenges?

TMMA: I come back to Myanmar mainly because of children. When I recall the time when I launched the project, I still can see a child. I went to a shop and asked the permission of the shop owner. The shop owner nodded and I told the children that they would be able to learn. Then tears welled up in the eyes of that child. I asked him if something was wrong with him or his parents were in trouble, he replied that he had thought that he would never had the chance to go to school again. He was 13 years old and just quit from school a few days earlier. His schooling was subjugated to the schooling of his younger brothers and sisters. Then, I felt tears well up in my eyes.

There are children like him. At 6.30 pm on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays, you would see a green bus in front of Thamada teashop. I found that there has been team spirit between those children. Their manners have improved and polite. They dare to talk to people and have greater confidence. Then they have new friends. Sometimes, they would call me and ask me why I don't come, when I shall come and when shall they leave the shop. They get back the atmosphere of school and a circle of schoolmates.

This really makes me feel. Whatever our long-term objective is, it is very pleasing and encouraging to see the things that happen in the short run, both for the shop owners, donors and the children. The feeling is so overwhelming that it is very difficult for me to go back to New York now. That feeling can't be bought with money. It is delight and joy.

AZ: Joy and delight that can't be bought with money. Many have returned to Myanmar since the political opening in 2012. And there are also many who have not come back. Some returnees work together with the government, some run their own projects and some join NGOs. Some have come back to share their skills, some run media like us, and some do business. Some went back annoyed. You said you don't even want to go back to New York. Thank you for talking about the Myanmar Mobile Education Project.

The post 'The Problem of Child Labor Originates in Rural Areas' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Pangsang Summit ‘must include all ethnic armed groups’

Posted: 10 Apr 2015 09:42 PM PDT

The leaders of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team cast doubt on whether members of all ethnic armed groups could attend the conference in Pangsang next month aimed at considering a final decision before signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement.

Khuensai Jaiyen, Managing Director of Pyiduangsu Institute for Peace and Dialogue, said that many NCCT leaders worried that if all of its members could not participate in the upcoming conference, it would be impossible to make the decision on the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement.

The Ethnic Leaders' Summit is scheduled to be held on 1-3 May 2015 at the Pangsang headquarters of the United Wa State Army. The summit will be co-hosted by the Kachin Independence Army, the National Democratic Alliance Army and the United Wa State Army.

U Aung Myint, a spokesperson of the UWSA said, "Our support for the peace talks and for a peace process has been unwavering. We have prepared to host the conference in our area and the list of the participant groups was made by our committee. The list of the representatives was prepared according to the conference in Law Kee Lar in Karen State and in Laiza, Kachin State. This was before the NCCT signed approval of a draft nationwide ceasefire agreement with the Burmese government on March 31, 2015. However, since the content of this conference has also changed, we will reconsider this."

NCCT members such as the Wa National Organization (WNO), Lahu Democratic Union (LDU), Arakan National Council (ANC), Chin National Front (CNF), Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), and Karen Peace Council (KPC) were excluded from the invitation list.

"We have received requests from others to join the conference. We will hold a meeting in order to avoid excluding any group," U Aung Myint said.

According to a source close to NCCT, there are only 12 ethnic armed organizations on the invitation list, namely the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), Karen National Union (KNU), Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), New Mon State Party (NMSP), Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), United Wa State Army (UWSA), Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO), Palaung State Liberation Front (PSLF), Arakan Army (AA), and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA).

Behind the regime's over-dramatization of nationwide ceasefire agreement draft

Posted: 10 Apr 2015 10:52 AM PDT

On 31st March, the fifth Single Text, Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) draft supposed to be a "historic break-through" and paved way for the gradual, eventual reconciliation, leading to the signing of the treaty, between the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and the Union Solidarity and Development Party- Military (USDP-Military) regime, was signed.

But instead, the preliminary draft, which still needs to be accepted and agreed by the EAOs and eventual signing or ratifying it together with the regime, was being used to create a political advantage by the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), the government's think-tank and technical organ which has been negotiating with its counterpart, the Nationwide Ceasefire Negotiation Team (NCCT), EAOs technical team, for a few years.

According to Khun Okker, NCCT top negotiator, in his interview with Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) on 8 April, when asked if NCA signing ceremony (31 March, 2015) posting on MPC's Facebook, on 1 April, with two photos, could be taken as the actual achieved result or if there is inconsistency, replies: " It is absolutely not the same. The posting is an exaggeration and a per-emptive move. It is meant to corner some of the ethnic leaders that might reject or refuse to go along (with the draft), for example. That's why we plead with them not to do this yet. I presumed they're pressuring and cornering, by using half-truth and half-false information. And when I complained, they said it was intentional. Further, when I said, Nai Han Thar - NCCT top leader - might not be able to go home, they replied jokingly that they also don't want him to go home. This is also misleading the people, as if NCA has been finished and finalized. We try to counter them in the media, but since they've more weight, they now have a little edge. But all know the truth."

The United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), which has a lot of weight, with the majority of its members within the NCCT, issued a statement on 7 April to clarify the prevailing, perplexed situation. In its 6 points "Position Statement on Signing of Approval on Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement Draft Reached between NCCT and Union Peace-making Work Committee (UPWC)", 3 of it writes:

• The signing on March 31, 2015 was not the signing of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), but it was simply the signing of an approval reached on a draft agreement, between the NCCT and the Union Peace-making Work Committee (UPWC).

• The NCCT members shall have to submit the approved draft to their respective top leaders and moreover, they shall have to acquire decision of the summit meeting.

• The approval of NCA draft, reached between the NCCT and UPWC is not the final accepted agreement, and the final signing shall be done only after continued discussions on some topics, and if there is the "required implementation".

UNFC General Secretary, Khu Oo Reh, according to Karen Information Center (KIC) report of 8 April, said: "The draft is not a finalized one. But some understood that the draft has already been approved and even some international figures also see it that way. To make it clear, it is not finished, agreed and we go move on to political dialogue stage. It is not like that."

He said other than that facts included in the draft need to be consistent with the prevailing practical situation.

" Even if we said we could agree, there are still military offensives on the ground. there is still no peace, battles still are ongoing and human rights violations still exist. If there's no secure atmosphere, we've to think about the finalized signing. That's why if the agreement is signed, all happenings on the ground must also be finalized and materialized already."

In a recent, latest interview, on 9 April, with DVB, KIA Vice Chief of Staff General Gun Maw said that the signing of the agreement between NCCT and UPWC was the recognition that the parties now have the draft of the NCA. It is a hope, but still not yet a total success and that the draft needs ratification. Many processes still remain, to implement nationwide after signing a binding agreement.

When asked, with the fighting continuing in some areas, if it will be possible that all the ethnic armed groups could sign a nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) and if Kokang or Myanmar National Defence Alliance Army (MNDAA) could join the signing, re replies:

"We have two requests ahead of the signing of the NCA. The first thing is that all the ethnic armed groups should be included in the signing of the NCA, and join in with the coming political dialogue. Another is that we do not only focus on the 16 members of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT). There are other groups that are not in the NCCT. If we are going to move to a political dialogue, all groups should be united. This is one point. Another point is that the Kokang group is a member of the NCCT. So, we want all the 16 member groups of the NCCT to sign at the same time. We've told this to the government. Another thing is that we request not to solve the problem with the Kokang through arms but through dialogue. I believe that the government will consider these issues and find the way to solve the problem. If these problems are solved quickly, we can sign the NCA quickly. If they don't recognize the Kokang and other NCCT members, we need to discuss back and forth and find a better solution."

But in contrast to UNFC general secretary, Khu Oo Reh and KIA Vice Chief of Staff General Gun Maw's wishes and statements that peaceful atmosphere is first essential, in order to ratify the NCA, fierce battles continue to rage on in Kachin and northern Shan State, particularly the Kokang area.

According to the VOA interview, on 9 April yesterday, with Htun Myat Lin, the MNDAA spokesman, fiercest battles have been going on since the signing of NCA draft on 31 April.

He said: " Yesterday, according to the report I receive, our side endure 10 to 20 lightly wounded and 2 to 3 killed. I couldn't verify exactly but my estimation is quite near to the reality. I think the other side, according to their pattern of communication – overheard -, should be more than 300 wounded and death."

The military reports of overrunning MNDAA positions were also rejected by Htun Myat Lin, saying it has not lost any position through fighting and that the said overrun positions are, in fact, abandoned positions, due to tactical and strategical reasons.

And because of such interviews, the police, instructed by the military, has issued a warrant on Htun Myat Lin for spreading false news, which are disheartening the government's combatants, to which he retaliated to the media that who is going to sue the, Burmese military's constant misinformation, coming from its own quarters.

Meanwhile, mass rallies, presumably, to pressure the EAOs, were held across Shan State, organized by the government. So far, according to SHAN, on 6 April, mass rallies were held in Taunggyi, Lang Kherh, Loilem, Kun Hing, Lashio, Muse, Kyaukme, Tachilek, Kengtung, Mong Hsat and Mong Ton.

On Wednesday, 8 April, 48 personages involving the President, parliament, military, Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic nationalities (Taing Yin Tha) Ministers, and politicians were invited to discuss about internal peace, ceasefire and forth-coming national elections, in Naypyidaw. But participants said constitutional change was the main focus of discussion. It was reported that Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hliang, Hkun Htun Oo, head of Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) and two others were unable to attend.

U Aye Tha Aung from Rakhine National Party, who attended the meeting, said that the president mentioned how important the nationwide ceasefire accord was and to support its signing so that political dialogue could start, according to the report of Myanmar Times, on 9 April yesterday.

"We suggested that these processes, including the signing of the nationwide ceasefire, political dialogue and building a democratic state, cannot happen without changing 2008 constitution. We urged that constitutional change be discussed at the six-way talks," he said.

The six-party talks, between U Thein Sein, Aung San Suu Kyi, Thura U Shwe Mann and Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Upper House Speaker U Khin Aung Myint and an ethnic representative, U Aye Maung, take place in Naypyidaw, on 10 April today. It has been speculated and aired that constitutional amendment will be the main point of discussion.

To sum up the present situation, Thein Sein has been doing everything to secure the signing of NCA by every means, from appearing at the NCA draft signing ceremony to pressure the involved groups, like the military and NCCT; ordering government agencies to stage mass rallies – all in Shan State - and using public pressure on the EAOs to ratify the NCA; conducting meetings of 48 chosen members involving a broad spectrum of political players; and suddenly yielding to the parliamentary decision of six-party meeting, which he has previously rejected, saying that it is not all-inclusive enough.

Many think the logic behind such moves is that to collect enough political credit, before the general elections, slated for the November, so that the USDP could be seen as "doer and achiever" in the eyes of the electorate and could present the party platform in a better light.

Whatever the case, the core issue now is on how to stop the war on the ground, so that NCA could be signed, ratified and proceed with reconciliation and peace process. It is now time for USDP-Military regime to think hard. It cannot have it both ways, like it has been accustomed to, fighting one and talking peace with another, if it really wants political settlement on a fair and pragmatic basis.

The contributor is ex-General Secretary of the dormant Shan Democratic Union (SDU) — Editor

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