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Monday, April 20, 2015

Shan Herald Agency for News

To Hopeland and Back (Part XII) Day 17
To Hopeland and Back (Part XII) Day 16
To Hopeland and Back (Part XII) Day 8
To Hopeland and Back (Part XII) Day 7
To Hopeland and Back (Part XII) Day 6
To Hopeland and Back (Part XII) Day 5

Posted: 20 Apr 2015 04:45 AM PDT

Day Seventeen. Tuesday, 31 March 2015
The highlight of the day is the visit by the President himself "to pull a propaganda coup", according to his opponents.

"I was watching the TV reportage last evening and was so happy that I couldn't go to sleep," he tells us.

All right, I say to myself. This may a publicity stunt. But you have to concede that it is also the culmination of his offer given 3 years and 7 months ago. What would have happened to him if there weren't this day for him to make the most of?

A signing ceremony to mark the completion of the NCA drafting is presided over by him. Which is later criticized by some. "You hadn't finished reviewing your draft, and you signed it?" asks an incredulous scholar who is considered an authority on peace processes around the world. "That is a very risky way of doing things."
Later in the day, U Aung Min has time to chat with me. "Are you happy with the draft?" is my question.

His answer:
"The draft has 18 pages, 7 chapters, 33 articles and 86 clauses. But three guarantees stand out among them: That this country will be federal, that there will be exemption from Unlawful Association Act, and that there will be political dialogue. What more could I ask for?"
He ends his reply with his favorite passage from one of Sai Kham Leik's greatest hits:
Making what is easy difficult
That is the way of the world

I know what he means. He had wanted a shorter NCA, a one-page document, to be able to start the Political Dialogue as soon as possible. But the peace process that the President and himself had spawned also happens to have a life of its own which either has little control.

So what comes nect?

According to the draft NCA, the roadmap to peace has 7 steps:

Signing of the NCA
Negotiations/Adoption of the Framework
Launch of Political Dialogue
Holding of Union Peace Conference
Signing of Union Peace Accord (UPA)
Ratification by the Union Assembly
Implementation of the NCA

There is also the time factor. The President has promised with his Deed of Commitment (DOC) on 12 February the political dialogue will be inaugurated before the elections in November. Which means there are only 5 months to complete the first 3 steps:

April-May                                –                 Signing of NCA
June-July                                 –                 Agreement of Framework
August                                   –                 Political dialogue launched
September-October          –                 Election Campaign
November                             –                 General Elections
If all goes according to plan, work committees will be formed to work on the dialogue topics before a new legislature and a new government are installed by March 2016.

Hercules/Hydra

But all things have a way to go awry, as already proven by the NCA drafting. The hope is that they will go right this time onward.

Even so, the completion of the NCA draft has only managed to chop one of the Hydra's heads. Already two more has emerged: Getting the Yes from each and every one of the EAOs concerned and getting it signed. And it will only be the end of the first step.

Unless we have a firebrand and someone like Iolaus to hold it and use it, our Herculeses are going to have a hard time beating our 7 headed Hydra. At least that is how it looks to me.

To Hopeland and Back (Part XII) Day 16

Posted: 20 Apr 2015 04:44 AM PDT

Day Sixteen. Monday, 30 March 2015
So after an 8-day suspense, we are all back. My worries, fortunately, have not taken shape. The 7^th NCA meeting, Party two, is on. The magic is still there.

It begins with a wish-well message from the Union Assembly Speaker Thura Shwe Mann. Then the two sides are off to tackle their 4 remaining contentious points.

On the recruitment issue, the NCCT proposes that it will be dealt with "in accordance with the progress in the implementation of the NCA and the security related reintegration," which is accepted by the UPWC
On the "Three National Causes" issue, the UPWC proposes that "matters that are detrimental to (them) will be avoided," which in turn is accepted by the NCCT.
On the "ethnic representatives" issue, the two sides are unable to find common ground, but the NCCT is comforted (if not satisfied) by the guarantee from the UPWC that none from the government-controlled Border Guard Forces/People's Militia Forces will be selected as ethnic representatives
On the Interim Arrangement issue, the UPWC, reportedly with the green light from Naypyitaw, cut short the debate by accepting clauses proposed by the NCCT

One surprising thing about it is on the narcotics issue. The government's initial 8 point guideline had called for cooperation against drugs, among others. But when it was brought up by the NCCT, the UPWC had rejected.

I ask U Aung Min, during the break what happened? "The UPWC was worried the EAOs would use it as an excuse to gain recruits, "he explains. "But we later decided we might have been overly suspicious."

The day ends with the agreement to straighten out the wordings in the text tomorrow.

To Hopeland and Back (Part XII) Day 8

Posted: 20 Apr 2015 04:42 AM PDT

Day Eight. Sunday, 22 March 2015
I hope the officials are not fooling us when they tell us there are 913 "national races", according to the last head count which was conducted last year. Which is even more than what I had heard from the population minister U Khin Yee last February: 750.

The information comes about while we are waiting for the NCCT and the UPWC to formulate a solution to the 4 points of disagreements that will be discussed today. One of which is about having a separate "ethnic representatives" category to participate in the planned political dialogue.

"How come?" I ask. "Last year's census was supposed to have chop down the number from 135 to something like half of it, wasn't it?"

A UPWC member who didn't join his fellow members into their private brainstorming session explains:

"This is how it goes. If your father is, say, a Shan and your mother, a Kachin, it means you have acquired a new identity: a Shan-Kachin. You then marry, say, a Mon and have children. They no longer bear your ethnic identity but a new one, that is Shan-Kachin-Mon. The latest figure, 913, was achieved in this way."

If it's true, then, somebody is obviously trying to further muddy the already murky waters, not to clear them.

Understandably, the two sides, try as they may, are not able to come up with an acceptable solution on any of the remaining major 4 points, including the following new one which is being discussed today: Interim Arrangement.

The UPWC proposes a new clause: local development programs in accordance with the requirements of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiatives (EITI). The NCCT point out while it is not against the EITI, which the country has applied for membership, what has already been agreed between the two sides in December is a different clause.

I ask what they are, while the two sides return to their private brainstorming rooms and this is the answer:

Recognition of each EAO
Security of each EAO
Rule of law
Recognition of land policy practiced in each EAO's area of operations

"Without these, there is no guarantee for the EAO during the interim period," says a grizzled NCCT leading member.

The day however is not without agreements. One of them is: Submission of the NCA to the Union Assembly in accordance with the procedures for ratification.

If there is a fly in the ointment today, then it is a report that comes toward the end of the day's session after the two sides agree to meet again on 30-31 March: Burmese fighter planes attacking KIA outposts at 15:15.

According to a government report, the military was pursuing a convoy of contraband timber that was taking a passage through the KIA territory in Mansi township, Bhamo district, near the Sino-Burmese border. The KIA retorted the accusation by saying as the consignment was coming from government-controlled areas, it was just a lame excuse and just another violation of the agreement to deescalate the fighting.

Which puts many of those concerned panic-stricken. Will there be a 7^th NCA meeting, part two at all?

Which includes myself, for I have learned to respect and admire negotiators on both sides for their patience, tolerance and reason.
But as things prove later, all of us who hanker for peace are not going to be disappointed. At least on that score.

To Hopeland and Back (Part XII) Day 7

Posted: 20 Apr 2015 04:41 AM PDT

Day seven. Saturday, 21 March 2015

The 5^th session of the meeting today begins with encouraging opening remarks from Nai Hong Sa, the NCCT leader:

All in all, this 7^th meeting should be considered a very pleasant one. Because both sides are participating in the discussions with good intent. I'm sure that is how we are going to reach the results that we all want.

The first item of the day is how best to word the SSR/DDR in the third step of the roadmap, in a way that satisfies both the Commander-in-Chief's directive and the needs of both sides.
The two negotiation teams then retreat each into its den to do its wordplay. The one that finishes first (I won't tell here which one) then knocks on the other side's door and asks whether he can make some suggestions that may help save a lot of time for both. The other side says yes, and allows him to go in and he reads out his team's draft choice of words and bows out. The other side deliberates and then in a few minutes, they are back in the meeting hall to reach agreement on the third step of the 7-step political roadmap (the first being NCA signing and the second, drafting and adoption on the Framework for Political Dialogue):

Based on the adopted framework, national level political dialogues will be held; matters and procedures related to security related reintegration will be discussed and those that should be carried out will be carried out by mutual consent (unofficial translation)
The suspense which has been hanging for two days is now lifted. Which again calls for a clapping of hands. It seems to me it is unusually louder this time.
Personally, I think the only problem with it is the Burmese word for 'carry out' which can be translated either as 'sawng-ywet' or 'lok-sawng'.

In English, you may say 'those that should be carried out will be carried out by mutual consent'. However, in Burmese, it is somewhat of a jolt to read 'those that should be sawng-ywet will be lok-sawng by mutual consent.'
I naturally ask what happened? And this is the answer I get: the military representatives have their order that the word 'lok-sawng' is not interchangeable.
Other discussion points of the day are:

Reduction and banning of recruitment by the EAOs
The phrase 'with the exception' (Hma Apa, in Burmese) under the heading Political Dialogue, which the NCCT is against using
'Ethnic representatives' category of the participants in the political dialogue

The NCCT's counter-proposal is:

Recruitment will no longer be a problem when there is no fighting i.e. ceasefire
When we say 'with the exception' to the Three National Causes (i.e. Non-Disintegration of the Union, Non-Disintegration of National Solidarity and Perpetuation of National Sovereignty) everything is negotiable, the question is who decides which matters are detrimental to them. We already have had that kind of bad experience during the National Convention (1993-2007) period when our proposals were turned down by conveners without even debate and consultation. We therefore propose that it be changed to 'All matters aimed at promoting the Three National Causes are negotiable.'

With regards to the 'Ethnic Nationalities Representatives' as a separate category in the political dialogue, we are confused, since there are (should be) already ethnic representatives in the government, legislature, military, political parties and EAOs. We therefore question the inclusion of this category. If we agree to this who's going to choose them?

Among each non-Burman ethnic nationality, we have several different clans that are being officially termed as separate ethnic nationalities. If each of the ethnic nationalities is not allowed to be united, how can we forget the unity of the Union?

By the end of the day, what was achieved is mutual and greater understanding of the problems surrounding the points of discussion. At least that can be considered positive.
But tomorrow will be the last day of the meeting and we hope agreement is reached on them. There is also one key question that is yet to be touched.
All participants who are Christians then decide the morning will be spent asking for divine guidance at their places of worships and request that the meeting resumes in the afternoon. Needless to say, they receive a unanimous Yes.

To Hopeland and Back (Part XII) Day 6

Posted: 20 Apr 2015 04:40 AM PDT

Day Six Friday, 20 March 2015

The one thing the NCCT and its government counterpart, the UPWC, do each time they run into a hitch during the negotiations is for each to retreat into separate rooms to brainstorm how to go about it. After each has found a likely solution, they emerge from the rooms to resume their parley.

That is exactly what they are doing when I arrive at the main meeting hall at 10:00. So all of us observers including the UN special envoy Vijay Nambiar and his assistant Ms Marianne Hager drift to the corridor where you can have coffee, tea and snack. I ask Ms Hager what she thinks about the process undergoing in Burma and she says, "From international perspective, both sides are doing a good job."

Mr Nambiar who arrives later also voices the same opinion.

The first issue they are dealing with today is the supervisory structure for the Joint Monitoring Committee (JMC) and the Joint Union Political Dialogue Committee (JUPDC) after their return from their dens.

The NCCT proposes that since both sides hold joint responsibility for the success of the peace process (and the UPWC refuses to form a joint supervisory committee) there is only one way to deal with problems in the aftermath of the signing of the NCA: To hold regular meeting of the signatories.

The UPWC replies it is also having the same line of thinking. It therefore accepts the NCCT proposition. That brings the first hand clapping of the day.

This new mechanism is named Joint NCA Implementation Meeting (JNIM).

The next one –DDR negotiations that the UPWC's military representatives insist must go together with the Political Dialogue (PD) ̶ is tougher. They were trying hard yesterday. And today they are giving a going-over it again.

The NCCT's concern is that the government may follow the footsteps of its predecessors:
"In 2005, the Palaung State Liberation Army (PSLA) and the Shan State National Army (SSNA) were forcibly disarmed," says its speaker of the day. "It was followed by the disarmament of the Shan State Nationalities People's Liberation Organization (SNPLO) in 2008. A year later, the Border Guard Force (BGF) program was implemented. The Kokang (official name: Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army) that refused to transform was attacked. What's taking place today in Kokang area (since 9 February, when the MNDAA returned in force) is the outcome of 2009."

"We accept that in one country, there must be only one military," he continues. "But at the same time, we need a period (and a procedure) for transformation."

During the break, one NCCT member remarks that since SSR/DDR is going to be one of the dialogue topics in the PD, he doesn't understand why the military wants to include it as a separate matter in the text. But toward the end of the day's session, it becomes clear: The military representatives are under irrevocable order by the Commander-in-Chief to have the SSR/DDR negotiation in it, or else. Guess how I know.

It is also during the break, I overhear one UPWC member telling a foreign observer, "The DDR is a very sensitive matter to the EAOs." When I ask an NCCT member what he thinks about it, he says, "Well, the SSR appears to be a sensitive matter to the military too, doesn't it?"

The day ends with the UPWC saying it perfectly understands what the NCCT's concern is. The problem now is not about the principle, but how to word it.

Hopefully, they are able to work it out tomorrow.

To Hopeland and Back (Part XII) Day 5

Posted: 20 Apr 2015 04:39 AM PDT

Day Five. Thursday, 19 March 20115

Today the first thing I hear before entering the meeting hall is Yup Zau Hkawng giving a slick answer to a hard question: Who are you going to support for President: U Thein Sein, U Shwe Mann, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, or Senior Gen Min Aung Hlaing?

He is anything but hesitant about it. "We don't know who's going to be President, do we?" he asks rhetorically, "But I urge everyone to support any candidate that promises continuation of the peace process. Because without peace, this won't be a country worth living".

I give him a thumbs up before going into the meeting hall.

The three topics to be discussed today are:

Taw Hlan Ye, which may mean "revolution" , "rebellion" or "resistance" depending on the context, that the NCCT has insisted all along to be accepted
The structure of the joint top level supervisory body which the two sides have yet to find a mutually acceptable one
The "security related reintegration" interpreted as either/both the SSR (Security Sector Reform) or/and DDR (Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration"

On the first issue, it should be understood that successive Burmese government, have refused to recognize the armed groups fighting against them as "revolutionaries", "rebels" or "resistance fighters". The official term for them in English is "insurgents" but the official rendering in Burmese of the word is "Thaung Gyan Thu," meaning "One who goes on a rampage" or more simply "troublemaker" instead of Tha Bone the usual euphemism for "rebel".

After more than a year of wrangling over it, the UPWC offers the following phrase to be inserted in Article 2d, Chapter 2, "Aims and Objectives".

"Understanding the political aspirations based on Taw Hlan Ye of the ethnic armed organizations…"

The NCCT, after consultation among themselves, finally decides it is probably the best they can expect at present and gives its nod. The first clapping hands of the day follows.

With the second topic, the two sides are still unable to find a suitable solution.

The NCCT's interesting argument on the subject is as follows:
"What our founding fathers should have done before the drafting of the Union Constitution in 1947 was to form a joint supervisory committee between the ruling Burmese party Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) and the non-Burman's Supreme Council of the United Hill Peoples (SCOUHP) formed in Panglong to produce the first draft of the union constitution. It could have served as an effective deterrent against the war from breaking out.

"We therefore are in need of a joint committee to oversee the JMC and JUPDC".

To which one UPWC member commented during a break:
"Nothing's going to be finished, if they keep returning to Panglong (to bolster their arguments)".

The gentleman obviously doesn't notice me. Or maybe he just doesn't care.

Not surprisingly, the two sides does not reach consensus on the question.

One good thing about the meeting is that the two sides have learned not to waste too much time arguing over what can't be agreed but to reconsider it and meet again after both sides have cooled down. In the meanwhile they skip it to discuss another topic.

The next one is the security-related reintegration, translated as DDR by the UPWC.

During the 6^th meeting in September, the DDR had been placed at Step 3 of the peace roadmap, between Step 2: Negotiations/adoption on the Framework for Political Dialogue and the next step: Launch of Political Dialogue. Understandably it had worried the NCCT. "Does it mean that the PD will not start if we do not surrender?" asked one of its members.

But this time, the approach is different.

"There are countries that conduct the PD and DDR at the same time," one of the generals elaborates. "It doesn't mean you have to surrender first. We know that PD after surrender is impossible."

He is obviously pushing for the inclusion of DDR negotiations in the Political Dialogue stage. Which, according to one NCCT member, is needless. "Because it is going to be one of the dialogue topics anyway. But maybe the military wants to make sure and have it written in the Single Text," he tells me.

The NCCT's response is that to its understanding, the Security Sector Reform (SSR) must be negotiated before that DDR. "It is clear that we have different concepts of the Security-related Reintegration, which needs to be discussed further," he says.

The day ends with a closing remark by a UPWC representative on the urgent necessity of the NCA. "On the first day, I had reported that from 2011-2013, we had 1,400 clashes and that in 2014 the number went down to 68," he says. "But I would like to remind all of us today that the year has only just begun but we have already fought 32 times."

During the evening we have dinner with some of the pros. The topic is inevitably the DDR.

One remarks, "Political considerations comes first: Civilian supremacy which means the President is the Commander-in Chief and the Defense Minister is a civilian:"

The other, while not objecting the first, has his own opinion.

First, there must be no glass ceiling (meaning barrier that stops certain groups from getting the best jobs)
States must be allowed to form their own defense
Joint command

"Then, we can have DDR", he concludes. I don't know if one can take them as gospel, since all the comments come from a drinking party. But they certainly are food for thought, or as the late Shan leader Chao Tzang Yawnghwe (1939-2011) used to say, think pieces.

Saturday, April 18, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Lashio Works to Build Trust

Posted: 17 Apr 2015 05:30 PM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

LASHIO, Shan State – As Lashio town became a refuge for thousands of people fleeing fighting between the government and Kokang rebels around Laukkai on the Chinese border in February and March, religious and community leaders rallied to provide aid and shelter in monasteries, schools and other buildings.

It was just the latest challenge for local leaders who for almost two years have been working quietly behind the scenes to mend the fallout from a previous crisis to hit the town.

In May 2013 inter-community clashes in Lashio left one person dead and others injured. Though the flare-up which followed a spate of similar events in other parts of the country quickly died down, tensions were left in its wake between communities that had previously lived peacefully side by side.

Since then, local leaders have worked hard to maintain peace and good relations between the different religious communities. They have focused on rebuilding trust and on making common cause against the power of rumors to ignite tensions.

It hasn't always been easy, especially during the first few months after the clashes, said Ko Myo, a Buddhist community leader.

Soon after the May 2013 events, an informal interfaith group was formed that included Buddhist, Muslim, Hindu and Christian religious leaders as well as community members and volunteer youth.

It began meeting once or twice a month and focused on charity work. Its teams continue to visit local villages and remote areas to donate to schools and conduct free medical check-ups. Members have also taken aid to Kachin IDP camps.

It was difficult at first to persuade parents to allow their children to attend inter-religious youth events designed to let children learn about different faiths and living together harmoniously. Some children were also reluctant, Ko Myo said.

But after a time, the children of different religions became friends and were enthusiastic about the events in which they could mingle and discuss their ideas freely, he said.

Tin Aung, president of the town's Islamic Religious Association, also said trust-building was hard at first. The inter-faith group was denied permission by some local authorities to visit remote villages as it included Muslim doctors. Some locals also did not wish to be treated by Muslim medics, he said.

The Panzagar (Flower Speech) movement against hate speech initially struggled to gain acceptance in Lashio. Locals were not interested and the authorities were reluctant to allow events seen as potentially raising tensions.

The interfaith group also ran into resistance from locals and authorities when it first tried to address the issue of hate speech.

People feared this was just another way of stirring things up.

But the group worked to show that addressing the issues of rumors and hate speech was a way to control them and the troubles they caused.

Over time, a common understanding about the need to resist rumors gained more traction.

Rumors spread by unknown sources had continued to plague parts of the town after the clashes, community leaders said.

"There were many rumors, and gatherings of angry mobs, any of which could have re-ignited the violence. But the community and religious leaders, with the help of township authorities, were able to control them by giving people the correct news in a transparent way,'' said Ko Myo.

Rumors still continue, but nowadays most residents no longer automatically believe them, he said. Some people even approach the community and religious leaders to ask for the correct information.

And a network of youth with members in every quarter of the town is also ready to provide accurate information, Ko Myo said.

"Since our town is small, it is very easy to spread rumors. But it's also easier to control them. It would be very difficult in larger places like Mandalay or Meikhtila," he added.

The efforts in Lashio received recognition from the UN rights envoy Yanghee Lee after her visit in January.

"In the town of Lashio, in Northern Shan State, I was impressed by the commitment of inter-religious leaders to work together toward maintaining a peaceful community following attacks on the Muslim community in May 2013," she said at a press conference in Yangon.

But for some, life is still raw. The charred remains of a Muslim orphanage still stands as an ugly reminder of the events of nearly two years ago. That the remains have not yet been cleared or rebuilt indicates the challenges still ahead.

Ma Aye Aye Win, a Buddhist who was burned by gasoline in the incident that ignited the violence in May 2013, says she and her family are still living in fear after the events.

"We don't want such things to happen again, in our town or elsewhere," she said.

Despite all they have achieved, religious and community leaders still worry that violence could break out again.

"We want to rely on the government's protection. We desperately need fair protection, which provides for no discrimination between different races and religions," Tin Aung said.

"At the same time, we have to work on our own to trust each other. No one can break peace and trust that we build with our hands,'' he added.

It might be fragile, but so far, Lashio's can-do approach seems to be working. ''The two communities are living in peace like they did in the past. Life here is almost back to normal,'' Tin Aung said.

This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Lashio Works to Build Trust appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Thingyan is Getting Worse Year by Year’

Posted: 17 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

On this week's Dateline Irrawaddy, the panel talks about the changing nature of Burma's Thingyan festival, including the rise of drunkenness and drug use among young revelers, and concerns over water conservation at a time of increasing shortages.

Aye Chan Mae: As we are now entering Thingyan, we'll discuss those classic songs of the festival that have remained popular into the present day, as well as the changing attitude of the younger generations towards the revelries of the Thingyan festival. I'm Aye Chan Myae, Burmese editor of The Irrawaddy, and I'm joined for this discussion by singer Thxa Soe and editor of Faces Magazine Ko Myo.

This week, we'll be discussing Thingyan—traditional Thingyan and modern Thingyan. We'll also discuss about popular Thingyan songs. We like classic Thingyan songs, like the theme song of the classic movie 'Thingyan Shower.' We also like new interpretations, like the work of Ko Thxa Soe. Which songs do you both love to listen to at this time of year?

Thxa Soe: 'Thingyan Shower' is the state Thingyan song. It is always played during Thingyan and so is the song 'Myanandar.' These songs are played not only during Thingyan but also on other special occasions. I did not intend my songs to be for Thingyan, but they turned out accidentaly to be songs that fit for the festivities. In the minds of Myanmar people, 'Thingyan Shower' has become the trademark song of Thingyan like 'Merry Christmas' during December. This song will continue to exist for a long time. There is only thing I would like to suggest. It would be better if those who entertain with this song paid royalties to Saya Myoma Nyein and members of the Myoma Band through the Myanmar Music Association.

ACM: Recently, we saw composers collectively calling for the respect of copyright on the songs they had composed, including songs sung at Thingyan venues. Shall we talk about this? What do you think, Ko Myo?

Ko Myo: They should have it. They should have had copyright on their songs for a long time now. It has been a long time that artists do not get a decent return from their creations.

ACM: Which songs do you like to listen in Thingyan?

KM: Rather than 'Thingyan Shower,' I liked the Thingyan movie 'Our Cherry Land' directed by Win Oo when I was young. I like the Thingyan atmosphere the movie conveys. Most of the songs in that movie were composed by Saya Myoma Nyein and are still popular now. I like such classic songs. But then, as the time has changed, I also appreciate the music like 'Yaw Thama Hmwe' created by Ko Thxa Soe, which perfectly fits the spirit of Thingyan.

ACM: I liked Zaw Win Htut's song 'Rock and Roll Thyingyan'. Maybe it is because I have grown up with his songs. The album was a big hit at the time.

TS: That rock song is still sung in Thingyan. It is another state Thingyan song.

ACM: We hear that the amount singers earn for entertaining at pandals during Thingyan is sufficient for them to live on for almost the entire year. Is this true?

TS: It is not like that. We get a good return from our Thingyan work, but it is not a substantial amount compared to commodity prices of present time. Singers are having a hard time these days. Indeed, we are not enjoying financial benefits in proportion to our popularity. It is because our albums are not selling as a result of piracy. In the past, original albums, but not the pirated ones, were sold. The albums of singers Zaw Win Htut and Ba Din sold well and this situation continued until recently. To be frank, all singers at the moment are having a hard time. Only the wearer knows where his shoe pinches. The return we receive from Thingyan is not bad. But then it is just an amount for us to survive, to produce our next albums.

ACM: What is the difference between modern and traditional Thingyan festivals?

TS: On one hand, Thingyan is more enjoyable now; on the other hand, it has become more dangerous. When we were young, we were not as drunk and disorderly during Thingyan as youths now are. We were once youths and we did run wild during Thingyan. But then, we just strutted with our friends. Thingyan at present time is more like a big party. There are festivities like Tomorrowland and electronic dance music parties in foreign countries. But there, partygoers do not use drug or abuse girls, using aphrodisiacs. I have travelled around the world and did not see such cases. But here, the morals of people have become corrupt to the extent that they even prepare aphrodisiacs ahead of Thingyan and make girls drink liquor mixed with aphrodisiacs and abuse them. Meanwhile, pandal organizers do immoral acts. The fact that they build VIP rooms with beds at the back of the pandals shows that they don't have consideration for the girls. It is not a sex party. To put it simply, morals have been largely corrupted, and I am concerned with it. I am also young. I also want to have fun during Thingyan. I'll throw water, drink a little and dance. That's all. But now, they have gone beyond that limit. The country has just left the shackles of dark years behind and is now at a crossroads, one side leads to the good and the other to the bad. Effects of this are also seen on youths during Thingyan.

ACM: Thingyan, as you put it, seems a serious cause for concern for our children. It is a real cause for concern for the young that activities, which almost resemble sex parties, are organized at the back of pandals. It seems that youths are largely permitted to use drugs during Thingyan. It will leave a very bad image if people do these things at a festival, I would say.

TS: These activities have reached even to rural villages. To be frank, I am quite unhappy to see people being drunk and disorderly. The tradition of paying respects to elderly persons in Thingyan has almost diminished. It now almost seems mytical that the young used to pay respect to elderly people and help them with tasks at their homes. In my view the situation is getting worse from generation to generation.

KM: As Ko Thxa Soe said, when we were young, the worst possible thing revelers did was throwing water balloons and water bags and throwing water with force. The traditional values of Thingyan were still alive then. But then, after the pro-democracy uprising, the country was in constant decline and the attitude of the people has changed as a result. Some people welcome the culture that has come in from abroad. These factors led to the things Ko Thxa Soe has mentioned. To be frank, I don't go out and I usually stay at my home during Thingyan. The way people enjoy the festival has changed. When we were young, we'd boil sticky rice balls together happily, build small pandals in front of our houses and throw water. The way people enjoy the festival has changed a lot. Now, it is only through listening to Thingyan songs that I can feel the atmosphere of former Thingyan days.

ACM: People in their mid-30s like us will only rest at home, watching Thingyan movies like 'Thingyan Shower' and 'Our Cherry Land'. Youths want to go out. We need to think about how we can create a safe environment for those who want to enjoy the festival safely and simply. The situation is getting worse year by year because the rulers have turned a blind eye to everything as long as their grip on power is not threatened.

KM: No matter how much the culture has developed, no song can influence Saya Myoma Nyein's work until now. This is just my view. But then, the style of Thingyan has changed. Youths have created songs based on their views and thoughts. These days, I particularly like DJ and Remix. I think the music style created by Ko Thxa Soe really fits the Thingyan of the present. But I am afraid those songs, when coupled with drugs, can have a negative influence on youths and this may lead them to do the wrong thing.

TS: The government has just taken steps to control these, but the situation has almost gone beyond redemption. In foreign countries, revelers dare not act that recklessly. But here, people do not hesitate to act recklessly. I remember a drunken guy tried to hit people with car during a music show before Thingyan in Mandalay. He was then stopped by local ward residents. Drugs are easily available in Mandalay during Thingyan. There are many drug addicts in my social circle who are addicted to yaba. I control myself as much as I cannot use drugs. Those who use drugs, including artists, have seen their lives deteriorate gradually. Many people get addicted to drugs during Thingyan. Your drug addict friends will talk you into using drugs. At first, they will give you drugs for free. Then, they sell to you. Many people get addicted to drugs like this and parents therefore want to discourage their children from abusing drugs. But then, since they themselves grew up in a dark era, most of the parents do not have the knowledge to find solutions for this problem. Parents who have that knowledge do not raise their children here, they just send them abroad to study.

ACM: Some environmentalists have criticized Thingyan as wastage of water. I think we should discuss this.

TS: Fifteen years ago, I began to read about this in a book, I don't remember who it was byI felt sorry that water is lost unnecessarily because I know the value of water as I have donated water in Dala for two or three years. There in Dala, people are short of water even for use in toilets. But here in Yangon, people are wasting water. The water shortage is especially serious for those who live in apartments. I live in an apartment and I pray to God whenever I turn on the switch that the water pump will work. I will not always get it. We are really short of water. During Thingyan, people may throw water with water from Kandawgyi and Inya lakes. Water from those places is dirty. No one wants to touch the water there. All the shops surrounding the lakes dump sewage in those lakes. They said they treat the sewage, but we don't know what measures they are taking. I won't go to pandals there because I feel itchy at the sight of water from there. How can we preserve water sources in the future? I don't see any evidence that there will be additional water sources in the future. Instead, there are fewer and fewer water sources. Experts and the government, particularly the government should take care of it. At present, the government is turning a blind eye.

KM: What Ko Thxa Soe said is right. As even townships like Dala, which are not far from Yangon, are short of water, the problem of water shortages may be far worse in rural areas in central Myanmar. While we celebrate Thingyan to maintain a tradition, the government should take water conservation measures into serious consideration.

ACM: The government has the ultimate responsibility for all of this. But then, we can't put the finger only at the government. This is a problem which needs theparticipation of all to be solved. We should think about how we can work out the best solution. Ko Thxa Soe and Ko Myo, Happy New Year to you. Thank you so much for your time.

The post 'Thingyan is Getting Worse Year by Year' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Shan Herald Agency for News

War in Kokang must stop, if ongoing peace process is to be preserved and nurtured

Posted: 17 Apr 2015 07:54 AM PDT

Quite a lot has happen, in the aftermath of the fifth Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) draft completion or accomplishment, ready for signing or ratification, if the Union Peace-making Central Committee (UPCC) and Ethnic Armed Organizations' (EOAs) leadership could agree on the draft text as it is now formulated. To put it differently, if the EAOs would accept this tentative draft, without any alteration and agree to sign it, the deal will be done. As for the government's highest negotiation organ UPCC, the draft is fully acceptable and is ready to ink, anytime the EAOs' leaders opt for it. The fifth NCA draft was finalized on 31st March 2015.

President Thein Sein had called for a meeting among 48 invited personages, covering a wide-range of political spectrum, to which 44 attended, at Naypyidaw, a few weeks back, prior to the six-party talks, which the parliament has endorsed, but refused by the President until recently, indicating that it was not inclusive enough.

The 44 personages meet was said to be nothing new, without any substance, just like the last meeting a few months ago. It was viewed as a public relation undertaking to prop up Thein Sein's reform posture and just a talk shop, according to those attending the meeting.

The following six-party talks, between U Thein Sein, Aung San Suu Kyi, Thura U Shwe Mann and Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Upper House Speaker U Khin Aung Myint and an ethnic representative, U Aye Maung, took place in Naypyidaw, on 10 April, touched on the issues of constitutional amendment, ongoing peace negotiation with the EAOs and the forth-coming national election.

According to The Wall Street Journal, on the same day, Minister of Information Ye Htut, in a news conference after the roughly two hours of talks, described the conversation as "friendly, as though it was between brothers and sisters." He labeled the talks a success and said steps toward guaranteeing a free and fair election and a change to the constitution were discussed, without giving specifics.

But Aye Maung, the ethnic representative at the talks, said no specifics on a timeline for amending the constitution were raised, nor was there any agreement on what should be changed. The specific clause that prevents Ms. Suu Kyi from becoming president—clause 59f—was also not discussed, the ethnic representative said.

Meanwhile, in an interview conducted by VOA, on 13 April, with a Kokang citizen Mr. Ye Lauk E said, the Burma Army (BA) offensive or better, military onslaught in Kokang area, against Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), goes on, employing some 15,000 troopers, with heavy artillery.

According to various medias like VOA, RFA and DVB, it was said to be very heavy, with causalities from the government side as high as 700 deaths and wounded, and MNDAA enduring some 60 to 70, within the few days of fighting, starting the 8th of April, coinciding with the approval of fifth NCA draft, President's sponsored and headed 44 personages - from broad political spectrum - meeting, and the parliament endorsed six-party talks.

Tun Myat Linn, MNDAA general secretary and spokesman, when asked why the causality figures could be so different replied to the medias, on several occasions, that as the nature of war, the defending party always have an edge over the attacking group. And this explains the high causality figure from the side of BA.

Tun Myat Linn told DVB, on 14 April, that violence has spiked since 8 April in the Tong San area of Shan State, southeast of the regional capital Laogai.

"I think that there were about 700 dead and injured from the Tatmadaw [Burmese army] over the five days from 8 to 12 April. On our side, there were about 60 casualties," Tun Myat Linn said.
On 16 April DVB report, Tun Myat Linn again said he believes his force has inflicted 1,800 Burmese army casualties since the conflict started on 9 February, despite just 70 casualties among MNDAA troops.

Surprisingly, the State-owned media, after quite a few weeks of break, again publicized causality figures, that 16 Burma army soldiers were killed and 110 injured in an ultimately successful assault on Hill Post 1584 on 15 April. The report cited the government use of airstrikes against the MNDAA, as well as tanks and heavy weaponary in the action.

However MNDAA spokesperson Tun Myat Linn rejected the reports, telling DVB that no fighting took place on Wednesday.

"We haven't lost any posts in the fighting. We retreated from some small posts in the Kho Thang area, in accordance with our strategy, but there was no post lost in the fighting" , according to DVB report of 16 April.

Earlier he also refuted the BA's territorial gains, by saying: " They always report in their media that they have seized our mountain posts. If they could seize our posts, there wouldn't be any more battles. They have been reporting this since we began fighting with them," according to the report of The Irrawaddy, on 10 April.

As the BA military onslaught goes on unabated, the Ethnic Leaders' Summit preparation scheduled to be held, on 1-3 May 2015, at the Pangsang headquarters of the United Wa State Army, is underway. According to SHAN report, the summit will be co-hosted by the Kachin Independence Army, the National Democratic Alliance Army and the United Wa State Army.

NCCT members such as the Wa National Organization (WNO), Lahu Democratic Union (LDU), Arakan National Council (ANC), Chin National Front (CNF), Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), and Karen Peace Council (KPC) were excluded from the invitation list.

According to a source close to NCCT, there are only 12 ethnic armed organizations on the invitation list, namely the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), Karen National Union (KNU), Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), New Mon State Party (NMSP), Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), United Wa State Army (UWSA), Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO), Ta'ang National Liberation Front (TNLF), Arakan Army (AA), and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA).

Adding cacophony to this perplexed situation, RFA, Burmese Section, on 14 April, reported that in spite of government's urging to drop the invitation, the UWSA has invited MNDAA, TNLF and AA to the ethnic leaders meeting, due to be held in first week of May, in Pangsang. U Aung Min headed party was also said to be in Pangsang, the Wa capital, during this period.

U Aung Myint, UWSA spokesman reportedly said that the invitation were already sent out even before the arrival of the government delegation. He said that the ethnic leaders were reviewing the government's dissatisfaction and as well, how all-inclusive participation of various ethnic groups could be entertained.

Likewise, DVB on 16 April reported that Military Security Officer Headquarters Office, stationed in Lashio, cannot accept that Kokang attending the Ethnic Leaders' Summit, according to U Aung Myint.

He said: "It is not forbidding, but not happy – with UWSA - inviting the Kokang for the government doesn't accept the group."

The dilemma for the government is that it badly wants the EAOs to endorsed the tentative NCA draft so that it could be ratified as soon as possible, but cannot swallow the fact that MNDAA will sit as negotiation partner and will also sign the document, without having teach a due lesson or cow the group to Tatmadaw's satisfaction.

In the face of such perplex development, Lt-Gen N' Ban La, head of the UNFC released an open letter addressed to President Thein Sein to intervene and stop the BA offensive against MNDAA, in Kokang area. The letter, dated 13 April said that he is concerned of the armed conflict taking place in Kokang region and worried that it would become a hindrance to the signing of NCA. He further pointed out that Kokang people are one of the ethnic nationalities and MNDAA is a member of NCCT and as well, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC). He urged the President to use his power and capacity, as leader of the peace process, to achieve speedy ceasefire through dialogue and negotiation, with all organizations concerned, including the Kokang force.

Recently, RFA, Burmese Section, reported, on 13 April, that BA's bombardment with heavy artillery fell on Chinese side again. The artillery is said to hit part of the road within China, which is about 7 to 8 miles distance from Nansan, opposite Laogai.

Tun Myat Linn said almost twenty percent of the whole BA light infantry divisions (LID), with the exception of LID 22 are involved, in the offensive, in a tiny enclave of Kokang, according to DVB 14 April report.

He said that the BA heavy offensive, which has intensified starting 8 April and is still ongoing, using more heavy weaponry and mortars, supported by armed cars and tanks.

Given such circumstances, it seems, the BA is not going to withdraw anytime soon, which in turn means that the "total annihilation" policy will still be implemented, even if NCA is ratified or not. This would again means the UPCC or government will employ two track-policy approach of "offensive on one front, while employing peace-making with the others".

No one knows for sure, why the BA is wasting so much materials and human lives just to dislodge the MNDAA, when it has repeatedly made known that it is ready to negotiate peacefully, within the mould of NCA, with the government, together with the other EAOs. If the BA is doing all these just to safe face for its heavy causalities on the war front, seeking revenge for its wounded dignity, or just sheer knee-jerk reaction out of hatred and anger, this undertaking is going to ruin all the hard work, hard-won trust-building and understanding on NCA draft achieved so far. And given that the UNFC and EAOs are for all-inclusive signing of the NCA and cessation of armed conflict on the ground prior to the ratification of ceasefire, the BA's all-out "total annihilation" military onslaught, employed in Kokang region is only going to have a tremendous negative impact, even derailing and ending the ongoing peace process altogether.

And as such, the war in Kokang and armed conflict going on elsewhere within the country, have to be stopped, the sooner the better.

Friday, April 17, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Relics of Resistance

Posted: 16 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

MIN HLA, Magwe Region — The dusty roads and high temperatures at Min Hla, a small town in Magwe Region resting on the west bank of the Ayeyarwady River, recall any other central Myanmar locale. But any apparent ordinariness is belied by the site’s rich history of bitterness and bravery, invasion and resistance, irrevocably linked to the waning days of the Konbaung Dynasty.

After the Second Anglo-Burmese War in 1852, the British had annexed all of lower Myanmar, including Yangon and Bago. In 1854, British troops were deployed at Thayat, about 60 miles south of Min Hla and close to territory still held by the Myanmar kingdom.

The Royal Palace took this as a sign of another impending invasion and Crown Prince Kanaung, the younger brother of King Mindon, began preparations to establish forts at Min Hla and Kway Chaung on opposing banks of the Ayeyarwady River in 1860.

Now more than 150 years old, the gigantic red brick Min Hla fort on the river's edge, built with the assistance of two Italian engineers, Commotto and Molinari, is a lasting relic of an era of upheaval.

According to historical records, 35 cannons were installed at Min Hla fort, which also housed a small telegram room, soldiers' quarters, an armory and commanders' offices. Located about 300 yards north was a small telegram office which relayed communications to the fort.

Min Hla fort was called into action in November 1885 when the British sailed up the Irrawaddy River to claim the Royal Palace at Mandalay during the decisive Third Anglo-Burmese War.

After war was declared, Myanmar troops readied cannons and other weapons at Min Hla fort, Kway Chaung fort and Sin Paung Wae fort and at dugouts at Pan Daw Pyin and Htoo Pauk, all located along the Ayeyarwady River.

Myanmar vessels, including some steamers armed with small cannons and canoes with armed rowers, spread out along the river and waited for the appearance of one of the world's strongest navies.

The British overcame the downstream defenses only a few days after the war began on Nov. 14. Min Hla fort and its sister fort of Kway Chaung became the last major hope of defending the royal capital. The commander of the frontline forces sent an urgent telegram to Mandalay requesting reinforcements.

On Nov. 17, the British laid siege to Kway Chaung fort with naval and infantry units. It was soon abandoned by Myanmar troops after their commander and dozens of soldiers were killed.

Around this time, a telegram from the Royal Palace had arrived at Min Hla. It read: "Do not defend against the British. Defenders will be noted as rebels." At the same time, another contradictory telegram reached the front lines: "Go on with the battle. The reinforcements will be there soon."

The two opposing telegrams, the result of fissures within the country's leadership, confused commanders and soldiers on the front line. At Min Hla, commanders ordered their troops to fight back against the British.

One of the commanders, Min Htin Min Hla Yekhaung Thurein, was noted as saying, "I will never take the British as my lord. Just let me die while fighting them."

However, by the evening of Nov. 17, Min Hla fort had fallen to the British.

The triumphant British troops then sailed up the Ayeyarwady River to Mandalay, swiftly overcoming other Myanmar fortifications with heavy artillery. At Thabyaytan fort located near Amarapura, Myanmar troops who had received the royal order not to resist, stood silently with gritted teeth as they watched the British navy pass by.

These days, the historic forts of the last Myanmar royal dynasty are under the care of the Ministry of Culture. However, most have long been abandoned to nature. A sign outside the Min Hla fort says the ministry assumed responsibility for its maintenance in 1957.

Min Hla fort is a major tourist attraction for those who take a cruise along the Ayeyarwady River. However, the façade of the fort has partially collapsed into the river due to the erosion of the riverbank. Local residents in Min Hla said the government had neglected to maintain the historically significant structure.

"Since the history of this fort is failure, the authorities show no interest in its maintenance," said U Hla Maung Win, a 62-year-old elder in the town.

Proof of the fort's neglected place in history was evident in 2013, when locals and amateur historians planned to celebrate the 150th anniversary of the Min Hla and Kway Chaung forts. According to local residents, a permit to hold a ceremony, donate alms to monks and read aloud patriotic poems at the Min Hla fort site was denied.

"The group went to Kway Chaung fort to hold the ceremony. But after about 30 minutes, some men who called themselves [officials] from the Ministry of Culture arrived and forced them to stop without giving any reason," U Hla Maung Win said.

"It is such a shame they want to wipe out this history from the present. Failure or triumph, history is history and these forts are heritage we need to maintain."

Min Hla can be reached by bus or car from Magwe. The journey is around 37 miles. Small motorized boats can be hired at Min Hla to cross the river to Kway Chaung fort. There are several local travel agencies operating cruise tours along the river between Pyay and Mandalay which pass through the Min Hla area.

This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Relics of Resistance appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thursday, April 16, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Forgotten Resting Place

Posted: 15 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

An old structure at the British cemetery in Ywar Thar Yar, near Mogok. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

MOGOK TOWNSHIP, Mandalay Region – Nestled in Pyaung Khaung Valley in the Shan Hills, some 20 kilometers east of Mogok, lies the town of Ywar Thar Yar, also known by its old name Bernardmyo, or Bernard Town.

Named after Upper Burma Chief Commissioner Sir Charles Edward Bernard, who founded it as an army garrison town in the early 1880s, Bernard Town is home to a remarkable piece of British-Myanmar heritage.

Overgrown with bushes and weeds on a beautiful Shan hillside, the 19thcentury British cemetery provides a sense of serenity and history, but also of sad neglect.

The tombstones offer sparse details on the lives of British soldiers who died between 1886 and 1893, following the Third Anglo-Burmese War, which established British rule over Upper Myanmar but was followed by years of insurgency among the population.

The soldiers who died in Her Majesty's name abroad have only their army units and date of their death mentioned. One tombstone reads: Pte. J. Pierree, 2nd Bttn, Cheshire Regn, died 16.4.1890.

The men came from four British regiments: the Devonshire, Hampshire, PWO Yorkshire and the Border Regiment.

According to a book titled The History of Mogok, written by Mogok resident U Htet Naing, British authorities decided to base troops at a military head office in Mogok in 1886, when the region was already known for its ruby wealth, and to station a garrison in the Pyaung Gaung region. Later, Bernard Town sprung up around the garrison, which constructed weapons depots, roads and bridges in the region.

Originally, the cemetery had some 100 tombstones to mark the graves of the fallen soldiers, according to elderly local residents, but these days only about 20 remain standing.

Bernard Town residents lamented the fact that the site has fallen into neglect and said authorities should take steps to preserve it, in particular since it has been attracting a rising number of foreign tourists in recent years.

"When I was child, there were many grave stones around the cemetery. We used to play around here, but later some residents took some of the grave stones to use as a slab to wash clothes on," said Ko Aung Naing, 35. "There is no one to take action against it, that's why there are fewer and fewer grave stones left."

Another threat to the site is the region's mineral wealth: Just meters from the graves is a massive, red-colored mud stream that has washed down from a mining site on a hilltop where workers are searching for rubies and sapphires.

Foreigners have been allowed to visit Mogok, considered sensitive by authorities because of ruby mining, since 2013. They are required to first gain prior government permission for a tourist visit, a process that can be facilitated by a local travel agent but may take up to two weeks.

Ko Aung Naing said since the rise in tourist visits authorities paid more attention to the site and built a boundary around it, but otherwise nothing was being done to preserve it.

U Htet Naing, author of the history book, said Mogok Township authorities should take steps to protect the graves and improve access for those who want to visit. "This is our Mogok history, we will have to maintain it and prevent it from being wiped out because of natural disasters and man-made mistakes," he said.

This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Forgotten Resting Place appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Wednesday, April 15, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Doing it Naturally

Posted: 14 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

Dr. Khin Maung Lwin is leading the charge on organically grown medicinal ingredients and is actively pushing for new markets in the region. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Natural medicines remain an important alternate remedy in Myanmar as local and foreign pharmaceutical companies look to gain a foothold in the market. A pioneer in the field of alternative medicine, Dr. Khin Maung Lwin founded Fame Pharmaceuticals in 1994. He graduated from the Institute of Medicine 2 (Yangon) in 1984, served in the Myanmar Army Medical Corps for more than five years and has also pursued post-graduate studies in the United States and the United Kingdom. Dr. Khin Maung Lwin spoke with The Irrawaddy's Kyaw Hsu Mon about the alternative medicine market in a country better known for its counterfeit drugs.

What were the major challenges when you first began producing alternative medicine products in Myanmar?

It's been 21 years since I founded Fame Pharmaceuticals. Before I started my own factory, I worked with the government-owned BPI [Burma Pharmaceutical Industry]. Now it's called the Myanmar Pharmaceutical Factory. The BPI welcomed the private sector to work with them. So we bought raw materials and equipment from foreign countries and provided them to BPI. We shared 50 percent of the finished goods [we purchased] between us. I also distributed products to states and divisions. I worked with BPI for 10 years and gained experience and knowledge. The major challenge was competing with fake medicines on the market. We could not compete with the price. Even though we knew they were fake, we couldn't do anything. People were buying them and I had a terrible feeling about that. But this challenge remains today.

How well are your natural medicines performing on the market among the many varieties of medicine available?

There are two types of medicines in Myanmar. The first is TMHS [traditional medicines and health supplements] and the second is drugs from foreign countries. Even imported drugs include traditional medicines. We can calculate that about one third of imported drugs will be TMHS. Local manufacturers only produce traditional medicines here. Against both foreign-made health supplements and locally-made traditional medicines, we have about a 30 percent share of the market.

What are some of the difficulties in competing with other local medicine manufacturers?

I registered my products with the Department of Traditional Medicine and obtained a license. But we aren't directly competing with other local companies; we're going for organic products and they're going for traditional medicine. We are the only company producing organic medicines here. Now organic products are becoming more popular in Myanmar. People are acquiring knowledge about the side effects of using chemical fertilizers. Organic farming is becoming popular too. It is not only about food but medicines too. We produce our products from organic farming without using fertilizers—so-called organic medicines. That's why we have no competitors in the market, including even foreign TMHS companies.

Do you have your own organic farm?

We started our first organic farm in Pyin Oo Lwin Township, Mandalay Region, in 2003. It's about 55 acres. But we couldn't certify it then, because we don't have a certification body here. We couldn't just say by ourselves that it was an organic farm. We needed third-party certification. So we founded the Myanmar Organic Association here in 2006. The Myanmar Organic Agriculture Group under the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry checked over three years and approved us as an organic farm in 2010. So then it was only approved by a Myanmar independent body not by a foreign body, that's why we contacted the Germany-based International Federation of Organic Agriculture about certification in 2010. Finally, we received a certificate from the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) last year.

Do you think people in Myanmar prefer imported drugs over local, natural medicines?

Yes I do. That's why I am currently talking to people from around the country on the benefits of natural medicines. Just promoting awareness that if we continue to use chemical fertilizers, our generation will soon be harmed. We will have to transform: number one, consumers and number two, farmers. If they keep using these chemical fertilizers, they will poison their bodies. I am currently promoting awareness on the side-effects. These poisons circulate from the soil, flow into streams after rains and then marine animals also suffer. There are a lot of difficulties in setting up organic farms. I'm writing books that promote the benefits of organic farms as well as appearing on talk shows via Myawaddy TV and also holding talks in universities.

What are the most sought-after natural medicines in Myanmar at the moment?

Number one is Uro Crush medicine. Many people are suffering from renal disease. Myself and my master Dr. Khin Tun were working on research about this disease. Three patients are currently suffering from it in Thingangyun General Hospital. This medicine is most in-demand and we can't produce enough of it. All stocks have been sold out even before we've produced more. Demand is huge. Other popular medicines are also related to urinary diseases.

Products derived from organic farming can be expensive, how do you balance price and demand in the market?

Our products give value for money. I know that organic farming is quite expensive to set up. I have just spoken with farmers who want to set up organic farms. But low demand for organic products here, combined with high production costs, means the product prices are also high. Organic foods are also smaller than other generic foods. That's why we need more public awareness about this. But for us, we don't have competitors, so our fixed price becomes the market price at the time. People want the best medicines because they want to be well as soon as possible, that's why they often don't mind the price.

Do you export your organic products to foreign countries? How will your business be impacted by the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) due to come into effect at the end of 2015?

We have to compete with other ASEAN countries first. There are few organic TMHS medicines in the other 9 countries, so we have a possible market. We're always in touch with these other countries to discuss the issue. That's why we're starting to export these medicines to ASEAN countries, as well as defending our market too. We opened a showroom in Singapore in January. The biggest market in the world is the United States, so as a second step, we've appointed an agent in the United States to distribute our natural medicines. It's not that easy to sell our products there, although we've had our farm approved by USDA now. It is just the first step to launching our products there soon.

We are producing 76 items. We will sell 10 items in the US market first. We will also sign a memorandum of understanding with one of Thailand's medicine distributors. Seven countries [Kuwait, India, South Korea, Japan, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand] already sell FAME products through local distributors. What I want to say is we won't just defend our products to compete with other countries in the AEC, we will counter-attack. We're now preparing everything from prices to packaging and quality to be able to compete. If we can offer good service as well as quality, we will be ahead of the game.

This interview originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Doing it Naturally appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Tuesday, April 14, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

A Taste of North Indian Tradition

Posted: 13 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

YANGON — From Shan to Kachin to Japanese food, speakeasies to pizzerias, the area between Yangon's central railway station and U Wisara Road has become a hot spot for lively bars and diverse cuisine.

There are fresh vegetables, fruit and fish served at street markets; fast food prepared by street vendors; noodles and sushi; tea and cocktails—all within walking distance of Bogyoke Market.

Amid this hubbub of activity, where competition is high and choices abundant, award-winning Indian restaurant Bawarchi has now opened its doors.

First established in 1998 in Bangkok, Bawarchi has earned a reputation for delivering excellent traditional northern Indian cuisine. With five branches in the Thai capital and eleven across India, the restaurant chain has expanded to cities as far-flung as Auckland, San Antonio and Dubai.

Bawarchi's latest venture opened in Yangon's Dagon Township near the Park Royal Hotel in late 2014.

After making reservations for a Sunday lunch a few days in advance, this reviewer arrived to find an ornately decorated interior dominated by wall-to-wall ebony woodcarvings. The smattering of Indian diners was the first good sign the restaurant would meet expectations.

The Hindi word "Bawarchi" means "chef," and in India almost everyone knows the 1972 film of the same name about a family with such a bad reputation that nobody wants to work as a cook for them. The opposite is true of this restaurant chain that has been awarded "Best of Bangkok" on numerous occasions.

Soon after placing our orders with the attentive and friendly staff, complimentary starters arrived—a very crisp flatbread with red sweet and sour sauce and a green spicy herbal dip. Perfect to awaken our appetites.

While our selections remained on the traditional side, we soon found the dishes retained a welcome modern twist.

The classic Mulligatawny (3,500 kyat), a lentil soup, was a rich yellow color, mildly seasoned and perfectly balanced, with an optional dose of lime juice added for a kick of freshness. It remained at almost the same temperature for minutes and was an ideal entrée.

We decided against beer, since the spices in the food would dominate. Instead we ordered lime juice (3,000 kyat) which, with a dash of salt and sugar and a slice of fresh lime, made for one of the best yet sampled in Yangon.

Other fresh fruit juices, soft drinks, cocktails, beers and whiskeys were available, including the astronomically-priced Johnnie Walker King George V Scotch Whiskey, at 40,000 kyat per glass.

All the main dishes were served simultaneously. The bharwa paneer tikka (5,500 kyat), made of chunks of paneer (a non-melting curd-cheese) grilled on the tandoor, was tender on the inside and crisp on the outside. Served with tomatoes and loads of fresh coriander, it was an explosion of tastes and textures and a superb vegetarian alternative to chicken tikka.

Raita (3,500 kyat), a cool condiment made of cumin and black mustard, fresh vegetables such as cucumbers, tomatoes and onions, and fresh yoghurt, was a great partner for the karela fish curry (6,500 kyat).

The karela, a bitter melon also known as a gourd that is widely grown in Africa, Asia and the Caribbean, was offset by the coconut milk and curry leaves and therefore shone through very elegantly. The fish was well textured and evenly cooked; not at all dry, but glossy and compact.

While there wasn't much room left for the dal bawarchi (4,000 kyat), a vegetarian curry, it was hard to resist the slow-cooked black lentils and the creamy texture that was melt-in-your-mouth stuff.

Ideal to wipe up the remainder of our curry and dal were servings of roti (1,000 kyat), a flat, crispy type of bread from Punjabi roasted on the tandoor, and kulcha (1,800 kyat) which was stuffed with onion and fluffy on the inside with a hint of sweetness.

Wine was not yet available, although the Bawarchi website lists an array of wines from all over the world. My one quibble is that none of these wines are from India. Last November, I sampled at least 10 different Indian wines during the Asian Wine Fair in Hong Kong, all of which would have met Bawarchi standards.

The chain plans to open two more restaurants in Yangon in the near future—a sign it is anticipating success in a city strongly influenced by Indian cuisine. Next time, appetite permitting, I'll stay for dessert.

This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post A Taste of North Indian Tradition appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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