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Tuesday, December 1, 2015

Shan Herald Agency for News

Preventable diseases spread as Shan State IDPs are denied access to primary health care

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 11:16 PM PST

Nearly half of the residents in a Kesi Township camp for internally displaced people have reported complaints of respiratory problems, fever, chronic diarrhea and skin rashes throughout November, according to volunteers working in the area.

Wan Wa, home to over 1,000 of central Shan State's 10,000 IDPs, sits on the Nam Wa, a small stream for which it is named. Locals worry that this primary water source is now contaminated and causing widespread illnesses among children and the elderly in the camp. By November 27, 419 of its residents had complained of health problems.

A young boy cooks over a fire in Wan Wa IDP camp in Shan State's Kesi Township, where over 400 children and elderly people have reported health problems. (Photo: Shan Human Rights Foundation)

"They drink water upstream in the Nam Wa, and they bathe downstream," said Sai Hin Hseng, a volunteer in the camp, of the IDPs' water use. He suspects insufficient sanitation might be partly to blame, noting that there are "not enough" toilets to accommodate 1,000 people.

"The result [of these conditions] can only be a health disaster," said Dr. Vit Suwanvanichkij, MPH/MD, with the Center for Public Health and Human Rights at Johns Hopkins University. In addition to malaria and dengue—illnesses common in Burma—Dr. Suwanvanichkij told SHAN on Monday that IDPs are at risk for malnutrition, respiratory infections, diarrheal diseases including cholera, as well as labor complications for women who must deliver babies in the conflict zone.

There are currently six medics working in the Wan Wa IDP camp with limited resources; volunteers said that no doctors have been able to visit the area.

According to The Long Road to Recovery, a 2015 comprehensive report on community-based health care in ethnic regions of Burma, 70 percent of people in these areas relied on local medics—rather than government services—to meet their basic needs.

But Sai Hin Hseng feels that "now, a doctor is necessary."

Of the 419 people who are sick, 293 complained of trouble breathing, as well as a fever. Temperatures in central Shan State can drop to less than ten degrees Celsius; as early as October, The Irrawaddy reportedthat many IDPs lacked warm clothing to protect them during cold weather.

Another 99 respondents reported suffering from chronic diarrhea. Twenty-seven IDPs said they had developed unexplained skin rashes in the current living conditions.

Dr. Suwanvanichkij, who is also an advisor to the Mae Tao Clinic on the Thai-Burma border, explained that most of these symptoms and diseases are preventable or easily treatable.

"The bottom line is that these are all direct consequences of the denial of access to primary health services," he said, recommending that "abuses of and limitations on" aid cease, followed by assessments that would facilitate the timely provision of necessary assistance to the displaced.

"Continuing to neglect the plight of displaced ethnic civilians will not only be complicit in fueling a growing health crisis, it will likely also endanger prospects of true national reconciliation and sustainable peace in the country," Dr. Suwanvanichkij said.

On November 27, when the data in Wan Wa was finalized, the total number of IDPs in the camp had reached 1,023. The population has since grown and Wan Wa is now reportedly hosting 1,103 internally displaced people.

After almost two months of fighting between the Burma Army and the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-North (SSPP/SSA-N), community-based organizations have estimated that central Shan State's IDP population has surpassed 10,000 people. On November 18, SHAN reportedthat the main source of emergency aid for displaced communities are funds collected and delivered by local groups, rather than international agencies.

The IDPs in the Wan Wa camp have fled seven villages in the area. Offensives by the Burma Army against the SSPP/SSA-N began on October 6. Since then, the region has only experienced five days without active armed conflict.

By SIMMA FRANCIS and ZAAI ZAAI LAO MURNG (Shan Herald Agency for News / S.H.A.N)

Aung San Suu Kyi, the President, Commander-in-Chief and war in ethnic states

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 08:12 PM PST

As the dust settled and the elections' end result made known, the government in waiting and the people at large are again burdened with the worries of a pending transfer of power that should take place in three months time, according to the constitution.

Given such a lengthy period of waiting and zero experience in the regime transfer undertaking, Aung San Suu Kyi. shortly after the National League for Democracy (NLD) landslide win of the elections became irreversible, has officially written three separate letters of request for a speedy meeting to the President Thein Sein, Commander in Chief Min Aung Hlaing and House speaker Thura Shwe Mann, in order to map out a smooth governmental transition.

Thura Shwe Mann complied to her request almost immediately, but the President and the Commander-in-Chief have delayed the meeting, stating that the union election commission (UEC) still need to wrap up the electoral process officially, until both recently said that they would meet her on the 2^nd of December.

In relation to this pressing and crucial transitional issue, two separate interviews of the country's major stakeholders, Aung San Suu Kyi and Min Aung Hlaing, a courtesy home call on Aung San Suu Kyi by the former strongman Senior-General Than Shwe's grandson, and a visit of the 8 ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) that have signed the government initiated nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) to the NLD office need to be evaluated, in order to determine the country's political climate and which way the political wind is blowing.

Crucial and undeniably linked to the issues of political transition and national reconciliation is the controversial armed ethnic conflict in Shan and Kachin States. Especially the ongoing military offensives of the Burma Army (Tatmadaw) in central Shan State, which is seen as a deliberate attempt to create a two-tiered society - a relatively free and democratic one in heartland Burma and the other a military occupied ethnic homelands under the totalitarian rule.

Aung San Suu Kyi interview with RFA

On 26 November, in a fortnightly RFA program "Democracy rough journey and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi", she spelled out a general NLD guideline on how her future administration would likely be formed.

She said her government would be a national reconciliation one manned not only by the NLD members, but also with ethnic leaders and able non-NLD personnel, apart from stressing the importance of achieving peace and ending the war in ethnic states; adhering to the spirit of Panglong, which according to her should be the cornerstone of any government in Burma; instilling the rule of law, coupled with moral and ethical awareness to uphold it; and that she and the NLD could not do this tremendous task alone, but needs help from all quarters.

She also complained that governmental change of three months is a long transitional period, but the people are patiently enduring and waiting for the long aspired moment to come.

In the said RFA interview Suu Kyi touched on who would be involved, how the elected NLD representatives should posture and national reconciliation would be moulded.

She said: "In the to be formed government, non-NLD ethnic nationalities will be included. Hopefully, others that could benefit the country will also participate."

On defining the role of the MPs, she stressed: "(They) should think, (it is) not to lead but to serve the people. Don't go and tell the representatives that they are leaders, (I) absolutely don't want to encourage such ideas."

Regarding her stance on national reconciliation, "(We) won't take it all because (we've) won. But (will work) with the spirit of sharing and cooperation with all together. Of course the NLD will lead, the people has clearly given us the mandate as we have asked for."

In an answer on how she thought about the ongoing war in Shan and Kachin States, she said: "This is not good. How can the civil war be good for the country? The election have just been finished, but it looks like that peace is still far away. The main point is that civil war terribly troubled the people. Have you seen the photos from Shan State? You media people know how the people have to endure."

She elaborated that first peace has to returned to the ethnic states, followed by development, which has a wide range covering healthcare, education, social sectors and culture. But the most important thing is the union spirit, which should be spread far and wide to become deeply rooted in the society.

Touching on the NCA and Myanmar Peace Center's (MPC) deliberation on the process, she said: "To continue the work of ceasefire with the political framework, negotiation should start now. Because we want to carry on with some good things that the MPC has done and change those that need to be changed. That's why meeting soon with the people that ought to be met (to discuss) the issues surrounding the country is a good thing, not for the sake of power transfer, but to smooth them out step-by-step quickly, so that when the time comes for transfer of power according to the law and all issues that need to be tackle could be immediately done, including the peace process."

EAOs meet NLD

Following the repeated request of the 8 EAOs, headed by Kwe Htoo Win of Karen National Union (KNU), met the NLD on 26 November.

The five EAOs involved were the KNU, the Chin National Front, the Pa-Oh National Liberation Organisation, the All Burma Students' Democratic Front and the Arakan Liberation Party. They were among eight groups that had signed the NCA with the current USDP-Military regime on October 15, which Aung San Suu Kyi had refused to sign as a witness, stating that it was not all-inclusive.

The NLD was represented by senior officials U Win Htein, U Han Thar Myint and U Myo Yan Naung Thein. NLD leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi did not attend the talks.

U Win Htein said the NLD officials told the ethnic groups not to worry and that the party would continue to support the peace process after taking office next March.

"We explained to them that since the foundation of the NLD in 1988, national reconciliation has been the most important objective for the party," he added.

But stressed that the NLD cannot accept the political representation of the non-elected parties in the representative body of 16 members, which is now the case.

U Win Htein said numerous small parties are either the creation or under the sway of the regime to spread the vote in the elections and all were not even elected.

The Union Political Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) has 16 members each from the EAOs, the government and the political parties, making it a total of 48 members in all.

War in Shan State

Two days before the elections, on 6 October 2015, a large scale offensive by the Burma Army (Tatmadaw) comprising of some 20 battalions launched an offensive in central Shan State. The intention was to seize the territories of Shan State Progressive Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) in Kehsi, Mong Nawng, Mong Hsu and Tangyan townships, using heavy artillery, jet fighters and helicopter gunship air support. Besides targeting the SSA positions, also indiscriminate shelling and bombing were directed at inhabited civilian areas, displacing thousands of Shan, Palaung, Lisu and Lahu people causing a new humanitarian crisis. For the time being, the refugees now numbering some 10,000 still could not return, due to the prevailing military tension between the two warring parties.

The SSPP/SSA signed a bilateral ceasefire agreement with the government in February 2012. But in the years that follows, there have been hundreds of minor skirmishes between the SSA and the Tatmadaw, failing to secure a durable truce.

On 23 November, Union Peace-making Working Committee (UPWC) and SSPP/SSA discussed 8 negotiation points, which included the latter withdrawal from its positions from the southern side of Mong Nwang – Mong Hsu stretch of motor way to the southern part, among others.

Latest news coming out from Shan sources said the SSPP/SSA agreed in principle on the negotiation points, but have asked to work out the details on demarcation lines on the map together. The Tatmadaw is also said to be eager to comply with the detailed implementation.

Shan civilian-based organizations have issued a press release on 26 November on the the plight of the Shan people, due to the Tatmadaw's military offensive in central Shan State. Part of the release writes:

During its latest large-scale offensive to seize Shan ceasefire territories, Naypyitaw troops have been launching repeated air and ground missile attacks on densely populated civilian areas. From November 9 to 12, fighter aircraft and artillery rained bombs on 6,000 civilians in the town of Mong Nawng, as well as on Wan Saw village in Mong Hsu, where over 1,500 displaced villagers were sheltering.

· These attacks, and abuses including shooting and rape of villagers, have displaced over 10,000 people from Ke See, Mong Hsu and Mong Nawng townships. Most are sheltering in makeshift camps, relying on donations from local communities. There has been little sign of aid from international agencies in Yangon.

· The offensive, which began on October 6, was taking place while election monitors and journalists from across the globe were in Burma to observe the recent polls. Yet most news reports have only praised the "peaceful" nature of the elections, and no foreign governments have publicly raised concerns about the attacks and war crimes being committed by Burmese government troops.

Min Aung Hlaing sending mixed signal

The interview conducted by Lally Weymouth a senior associate editor for The Washington Post a mixed signals from the commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing could be detected regarding the general attitude of the Tatmadaw, including the political transitional issue.

Min Aung Hlaing has just iterated his usual position and not much of a difference from his previous interviews.

He said that he is ready to answer all of Aung San Suu Kyi's questions, when they meet in December. To sum up, he confirmed that he support President Thein Sein's position that the regime would help to smoothly conduct the governmental transfer of power. But regarding the constitutional amendments of Section 436, including a clause 59(f) that would enable Aung San Suu Kyi to become President, he indicated that nothing could be done.

In connection with this, he stressed: "We - the armed forces - favour national politics, not partisan politics. We are not rigid on the constitution . . . . We have already signed a nationwide cease-fire agreement. But we need a mature and stable political situation in our country. We need to gradually change. Right now we are not ready."

In answering the question of what would he need to make him feel comfortable to turn more power over to the civilians, he replied: "It would depend on the stability of our country and people understanding the practice of democracy. Some countries have faced problems as they become democracies."

Thus, it is clear that the election result will be honoured and power transfer will take place, albeit the military won't be supportive where constitutional amendment is concerned.

Than Shwe's grandson visit Aung San Suu Kyi

Aung San Suu Kyi recent meeting with Pho La Pyae, also known as Nay Shwe Thway Aung, who is the still influential, former dictator Senior-General Than Shwe's grandson have invoked curiosity for Burma watchers and stakeholders alike.

As a result, speculation is rife that the military as a whole might be willing to compromise for a smooth transition.

General Than Shwe is the former chairman of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), who has kept a low profile since retiring from the political scene following Burma's general election in 2010. Senior government officials – former military men - see him as a father figure and have spoken with reverence of the former junta head but maintain he is no longer involved in politics.

On 26 November, Suu Kyi confirmed the meeting but declined to say anything more. But Nay Shwe Thway Aung which he already posted in his Facebook earlier stating "Tonight will be a historic one," has gone viral, speculating that General Than Shwe might have met the Lady.

He later posted on the Facebook on November 26: "I don't want to make everyone puzzled any more. I am glad that she was warm to me when we met. I will do what I can for the benefit of the country. I hope people will be glad about the news."

The meeting has been seen in a positive light of smooth political transition, both by the Rangoon-based political commentator Yan Myo Thein and an NLD central committee member U Win Htein.

Analysis

Aung San Suu Kyi's interview with RFA could be seen as the NLD spelling out its commitment and with whom the national reconciliation government is to be formed, while Commander-in-Chief's interview with the Washington Post confirmed that political power transfer will happen, although to back the constitutional reform is not in the military's agenda.

It could be said that the two interviews have given us a clearer picture on where the two rival parties stand, which should be welcomed.

As for the 8 EAOs, the meeting with the NLD is to secure their bargaining position when Aung San Suu Kyi government come into being in March 2016. They are afraid that the structure and committees formed by them will be altered. Most important is to assuage the fact that Suu Kyi sees them as toeing the appeasement line for not adhering to all-inclusiveness like the United Nationalities federal Council (UNFC) members, who are non-signatories of the government initiated partial-ceasefire agreement, dubbed NCA, on 15 October 2015. It looks like, the 8 EAOs have miscalculated for they thought the USDP would at least would win enough vote, be able to form a coalition government with the help of the appointed military faction and continue the peace process. It is now very likely that the game plan will be altered and players will be replaced by the new incoming regime.

Than Shwe's grandson visit of Suu Kyi could also be viewed in a positive light, as they old General is the unofficial head of the military, even though no body openly talks about it. As such, it could be viewed as a good-will approach from the part of the military to cooperate for the benefit of the country, although it could also be seen as an insurance security approach for General's immediate family members and the military class as a whole, if it is not only a tactical move to confused the enemy.

The war in Shan State is a deliberate attempt to create an atmosphere of war, so that emergency rule could be invoked, like in Arakan State and Kokang Self Administrative Zone. The Tatmadaw could expand the move the whole country over in all ethnic states, if it decides to do so for any reason, creating two parallel societies - a relatively free democratic society in Burmese heartland and oppressed ethnic homelands rules by a totalitarian military personnel.

Of course, whether the military will pull through such a stunt in a big way to show that it is calling the shots and disrupt the NLD regime's to rule; or employ emergency rule in small pockets, where there are resistance movements, is an open question that it has to decide.

But the near future political power transfer will definitely happen for a variety of reasons. They are: the Union Solidarity and Development Party-Military (USDP-Military) clique is not ready to forsake the international community, risks another various sanctions from the West and pulls the country down like during the aftermath of 1990 elections; afraid that the uncontrollable social unrest would occur if it goes against the overwhelming public endorsement of the NLD, besides not being sure of the military's full support; and not willing to go back into the ambit of China by nullifying the election result; apart from wanting to honour its given promises to uphold the outcome of the elections and conduct a smooth transition of power.

Whatever the case, the commitment that this crucial task of transferring political power would be fulfilled by both the President and the Commander-in-Chief is a blessing, for the first step to real democratization and reconciliation is now within reach and everyone should welcome this noble development.

The contributor is ex-General Secretary of the dormant Shan Democratic Union (SDU)-Editor

Monday, November 30, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Thai Border Imports Double Despite Export Lag
Family of Man Killed in Police Custody Claims Foul Play
Fresh Skirmishes in Kokang Region, Says Military
Additional 53 Child Soldiers Released by Burma Army
SSA-N Soldiers Prepare to Defend Key Base as Withdrawal Deadline Passes
Book Review: The Female Voice of Myanmar by Nilanjana Sengupta
Japan’s Tiny Refugee Community Urges Tokyo to Open Doors Wider
On China’s Fringes, Cyber Spies Raise Their Game

Thai Border Imports Double Despite Export Lag

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 03:33 AM PST

A view of the border-crossing checkpoint in Mae Sot, Thailand, on Friday morning. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

MYAWADDY, Karen State — The total import volume of goods into Burma from Thailand has doubled in the last year at the largest overland border crossing between the two countries, according to new figures from the Ministry of Commerce.

From April to late November, the total of value of imports through Mae Sot into Myawaddy reached US$401 million, up from $198 million over the same period in 2014.

Imports included processed foods, electronic goods, construction materials, automobile parts and agricultural equipment, while exports from Burma, valued at a mere $21 million, were largely agricultural and marine products.

Exports totaled $16.7 million over the same period last year. Myint Kyaw, director of the Commerce Ministry's Myawaddy border station, said that the widespread flooding in Burma over July and August had prevented a commensurate rise in export values after the destruction of paddy fields and other crops.

Myawaddy is the largest of five official checkpoints for overland trade between Burma and Thailand. Between 150 and 200 trucks from Thailand pass through the border station each day. The figure is growing steadily with the construction of a second bridge crossing over the Salween River and the gradual development of a special economic zone in Thailand's Tak province.

At other Thai-Burma border stations, total border trade reached $70 million in Kawthaung, $109 million in Myeik and $10 million in Hteekhee.

More cross-border trade is expected following the signing of the ASEAN Economic Community agreement on Nov. 22, which directs the regional bloc's 10 member nations to gradually reduce tariffs for goods traded between ASEAN countries.

As Thai imports increase, Aung Myo, a local trader based in Myawaddy, said that Burmese traders needed to plan for heightened competition with Thai products.

"Transportation is getting better now the Asian Highway's route through Myawaddy is open, so we should try to send our products on the route as well, instead of just defending against Thai goods," he said.

Total overland imports into Burma rose from US$3.7 billion in 2012-13 to $4.46 billion in 2013-14, compared to exports of $2.7 billion in 2013-14.

The vast majority of overland trade occurs between Burma and China. Muse, in northern Shan State, accounted for 83 percent of total border trade in 2013-14, according to the Ministry of Commerce.

The post Thai Border Imports Double Despite Export Lag appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Family of Man Killed in Police Custody Claims Foul Play

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 02:49 AM PST

Fishing boats line the docks of Kyaukphyu, Arakan State. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The family of a man allegedly killed by police in Arakan State earlier this year claims to have been offered large sums of money not to interfere with what appears to be a compromised case against the three constables facing murder charges.

Tin Ohn Kyaw, the son-in-law of the victim's sister, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that relatives of one or more of the accused had recently approached family members of the deceased and "said they can pay more than 10,000,000 kyats [US$7,680]."

Fisherman Aung Chan Nu died while in police custody in September on Maday Island, Arakan State. A community activist told The Irrawaddy at the time that three inebriated off-duty officers were accused of beating the man after he refused to help them dock their schooner.

The suspects allegedly transported the injured man to the local police station, where his condition deteriorated overnight. Aung Chan Nu died in transit to Kyaukphyu General Hospital the following morning.

The three constables have been in detention since their arrest in late September, pending a resolution to their trial. Kyaukphyu police chief Win Kyi told The Irrawaddy that their legal proceedings officially began on Friday.

The case was originally filed as a fatal accident, but charges were later changed to murder after medical records were submitted to the court indicating that the deceased may have been violently assaulted.

In October, the victim's family also claimed to have been approached by the uncle of one of the accused, who offered them money to "negotiate" the case. The victim's sister, Nu Phu Khine, told The Irrawaddy at the time that "My young brother's life is more valuable than money, I will never accept it."

The case has caused widespread concerns among the local community, several of whom expressed to The Irrawaddy that they believed corruption of the police and the court system could result in injustice.

The post Family of Man Killed in Police Custody Claims Foul Play appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Fresh Skirmishes in Kokang Region, Says Military

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 02:34 AM PST

Soldiers from the Burma Army's 33rd Division on patrol in the center of Laukkai in February. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Government troops and ethnic Kokang rebels clashed briefly in Laukkai over the weekend, less than two weeks after martial law was lifted in the area.

The military-run Myawaddy newspaper reported that soldiers from the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) fired upon a military patrol in Laukkai town shortly before midnight on Friday, before retreating towards the Chinese border in the northeast when the patrol returned fire.

The report added that the Burma Army combed the area the following morning and found a cache of rockets and mines belonging to the Kokang insurgents, and would continue patrolling the area to protect public safety.

Residents of both Laukkai and regional center Lashio, 160 kilometers to the southwest, said they had heard about the clashes, which were minor compared to the MNDAA assault on the town in February.

"Everything is normal in Laukkai," said local resident Moe Tun, adding that he was unaware of whether the situation had changed in the hills surrounding the town.

The clash occurred ten days after the government rescinded its declaration of a state of emergency in Laukkai on Nov. 17. Martial law was first declared on Feb. 18 followed an assault on the town by MNDAA forces the previous week.

Tens of thousands of Laukkai residents fled their homes in the aftermath of the February clashes, with ethnic Kokang residents heading across the Chinese border and migrants from other parts of Burma fleeing to Lashio and further afield.

Most of those who fled have since returned to their homes in Laukkai, according to Yang Kyin Kan, the vice chairman of the Lashio-based Kokang Democracy and Unity Party.

The MNDAA, one of several ethnic armed group offshoots of the defunct Communist Party of Burma, exercised de facto rule over Laukkai for two decades under the command of Peng Jiasheng.

Amid accusations of the armed group's involvement in gunrunning and drug trafficking, Peng Jiasheng's residence was raided in August 2009, in events that culminated a month later with the expulsion of the MNDAA from Laukkai and the takeover of the region by the Burma Army.

The MNDAA, a member of the United Nationalities Federal Council, is among those ethnic armed groups the current government has excluded from the peace process. The exclusion of the Kokang insurgents, along with the Arakan Army and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, was cited by other armed groups as a reason for refusing to sign the government's "nationwide" ceasefire agreement in Naypyidaw last month.

The post Fresh Skirmishes in Kokang Region, Says Military appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Additional 53 Child Soldiers Released by Burma Army

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 12:46 AM PST

A child soldier in the Burma Army. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The Burma Army discharged another 53 child soldiers on Monday, the United Nations children's agency, Unicef, has announced.

The children and young people released had been recruited and used for military purposes. In total, the army has discharged 146 people in 2015, a move welcomed by Unicef..

"Today's release is the result of continued efforts of the Government of Myanmar and the Tatmadaw to put an end to the harmful practice of recruiting and using children," UN resident coordinator Renata Lok-Dessallien in a statement.

The co-chair the UN's task force on monitoring and reporting violations against children, Lok-Dessallien added that she was "delighted to see these children and young people returning to their homes and families."

According to Unicef, the task force, established in 2007, calls on the government "to accelerate essential remaining steps, particularly by adopting legal measures in the re-drafted Child Law that are necessary to prohibit and criminalize use and recruitment … reinforcing the age assessment procedures within the military recruitment process, and including the prevention of violations against children in the military curriculum."

Since the Burmese government signed a joint action plan with the United Nations in 2012, the Burma Army has released a total of 699 children. In September, Burma added its signature to the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child regarding child soldiers.

Bertrand Bainvel, Unicef representative to Burma and also a co-chair of the task force, said that "the signature of the protocol is a crucial step towards a child-free army."

He also added that "now it is urgent that Myanmar ratifies the Protocol. Along with the review and the adoption of the revised Child Law, this would be one of the most important legacies the outgoing parliament has the opportunity to leave to new generations in Myanmar."

Win Htein, central executive member and a spokesperson for the National League for Democracy (NLD), backed Bainvel's call for urgent action before his party assumes power early next year after winning a landslide victory in the Nov. 8 general election.

"I wonder how many child soldiers still remain in the Burma Army," he told The Irrawaddy. "They've released child soldiers, though they actually should not have taken these children to serve in the army in the first place."

In addition to the Burma Army, seven of Burma's ethnic armed groups have been accused of recruiting and using children in conflict. The United Nations recently initiated dialogue with several of these groups to discuss the possibility of stopping the practice.

Humanitarian organizations remain optimistic. In the UN's statement, Lok-Dessallien said that "we are hopeful that institutional checks that have been put in place and continued efforts will ensure that recruitment of children will exist no more."

The post Additional 53 Child Soldiers Released by Burma Army appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

SSA-N Soldiers Prepare to Defend Key Base as Withdrawal Deadline Passes

Posted: 29 Nov 2015 11:38 PM PST

Click to view slideshow.

WAN HAI, Kyethi Township, Shan State — The Shan State Army-North (SSA-N) has rejected an order from the Burma Army to withdraw from positions east of a motorway splicing Mong Nawng, Mong Hsu and Kyethi townships in central Shan State, with the group now bunkering down to defend itself against further attacks.

Government troops had given the Shan armed group five days to comply with the order or risk further fighting. The deadline passed on Sunday.

"We decided at a meeting not to withdraw our troops," said a captain from the SSA-N who joined the two-day dialogue at the group's Wan Hai headquarters in Kyethi Township. "Withdrawing our troops would not mean they will stop attacking us. They will keep asking us for more withdrawals."

The ethnic armed group has not yet released an official statement outlining their decision not to withdraw amid a conflict that first flared on Oct. 6, leaving thousands of civilians displaced.

The SSA-N captain said the armed group would make engaging in political talks with the incoming National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government a priority.

"Our country will have a new government in the next four months. We will solve our political conflict by having political dialogue," he said.

The ten brigades of the SSA-North are in active deployment, preparing to defend the group's Wan Hai headquarters.

"We were born here and we will die here. We will not move. We have been based here for 20 years already," said SSA-N Major Sai Han Kham. "We are not asking for our rights. We have our rights already but they [the Burma Army] took them. We need to protect our rights."

He added, "It does not mean our armed group did not listen to their order. [But] five days is too short a time. We need to have meetings even of the ground forces. We need time to talk about withdrawing."

Costs of Conflict

Ongoing fighting has led to the displacement of over 10,000 people, according to a statement issued by the Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF) last week.

The rights group has also documented eight cases of sexual violence committed by Burma Army soldiers in southern and eastern Shan State since April 2015. Most recently, on Nov. 5 in Kyethi Township, the SHRF said a 32-year-old woman was gang-raped by an estimated 10 Burma Army soldiers while her husband was restrained.

The toll in soldiers' lives from both sides is unknown. SSA-N commander Sai Seng Hein described one fierce recent battle against government troops in Mong Ark, Mong Hsu Township, during which several Burma Army soldiers were killed.

"We fought for one night and one day. The [Burma Army] suffered a lot from our attacks. One dead body was a commander. They have all run to bases on the mountain now," he said.

The Irrawaddy visited a mountain post belonging to the SSA-N in Loi Phwe Long, Mong Hsu Township, which the Burma Army, including the air force, attacked for three days but failed to capture.

The intensity of the military's attack was immediately visible on the ground, with many trees reduced to charred remains and small craters indicating where bombs had exploded. There were also still some unexploded 50 kilogram bombs nearby.

"They shot here and trees were burned down," said a Shan solider. "The fire even spread to my clothes while I was hiding in my bunker. It burned a little but I wasn't hurt."

Government troops used air power and 200 ground forces in the offensive, according to a SSA-N officer, Sai Khwe, who participated in the group's defensive actions.

"Their ground forces attacked us at 11 am on Nov. 16. They stepped on our bombs, and many of them were wounded. But still many of them climbed to our post and tried to attack us. We were very close to each other [but] we did not want to kill them," Sai Khwe said.

"We are brothers. We should not kill each other. We did not want to kill them because they have their wives and children. Their families would be very sad when they know their lovers were killed."

The dead bodies of seven government soldiers were still lying on the ground near the ethnic armed group's post, according to Sai Khwe.

"We should share land," he continued, adding that the Burmese military should not dictate where the group operates, "because this is our land."

From the SSA-N outpost, cooking smoke could be seen rising from a Burma Army encampment on the other side of the mountain. "We can even hear the soldiers swear," Sai Khwe said.

Some SSA-N leaders said the Burma Army may resume offensive operations as soon as Monday, after Sunday's withdrawal deadline passed unmet.

Burma Army soldiers reportedly fired shots on Monday morning, but they were described by an officer of the Shan armed group as indicating communication between battalions.

The post SSA-N Soldiers Prepare to Defend Key Base as Withdrawal Deadline Passes appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Book Review: The Female Voice of Myanmar by Nilanjana Sengupta

Posted: 29 Nov 2015 11:15 PM PST

"The Female Voice of Myanmar: Khin Myo Chit to Aung San Suu Kyi," by Nilanjana Sengupta.

Burma is seen by many as being on the road to democracy after the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Aung San Suu Kyi, won a landslide victory in the Nov. 8 general election. Burmese people see a glimmer of hope after having suffered decades of deterioration in various sectors, including education and public health, under a series of military or military-related governments. Many consider Burma as being at a major crossroad—their special interest in how the NLD will transform Burma under the leadership of Aung San Suu Kyi.

The Female Voice of Myanmar: Khin Myo Chit to Aung San Suu Kyi by Nilanjana Sengupta seems to have come at the right time. It attempts to present Burma through the literary works of four women—Khin Myo Chit, Ludu Daw Amar, Ma Thida and Aung San Suu Kyi. What makes Sengupta's book unique is that she has not only studied their English literary works but also those in Burmese—with the help of translators.

Of the many books written about Aung San Suu Kyi, they have mainly focused on either her biography or her life related to Burma—never from the perspective of her writings. Most people seem to have come to see her as the daughter of General Aung San, a Nobel Laureate, and an opposition leader fighting for the democratic cause of Burmese people; but rarely as a writer or scholar, though she spent an earlier part of her life writing about Burma and General Aung San.

Of personal interest is Sengupta's interpretation of Suu Kyi's thoughts on Burmese nationalism and the place of the individual in Burmese society through her three essays: Literature and Nationalism in Burma, Intellectual Life in Burma and India under Colonialism and My country and People. The author also attempts to understand Suu Kyi's philosophy in those two areas by analyzing her later writings including the well-received, award-winning book, Freedom from Fear, and articles from D-Hlaing Journal. She also includes recent events such as Letpadaung copper mine, activities by NLD Education Network and much publicized issue of the Rohingya.

As Burma is not short of prominent female writers—who write both fiction and non-fiction reflecting Burmese society including Journal Gyaw Ma Ma Lay, Juu, Khin Hnin Yu, Kyi Aye and San San Nwe (Thararwaddy)—one might wonder why Sengupta chose these four women. In an interview with Zafar Anjum, a writer based in Singapore, Sengupta said that the choices on these four women were purely "instinctual" and she was drawn by their "extent of preoccupation" with Burma. She quoted Suu Kyi's famous line to her husband, Michael Aris, "I only ask one thing, that should my people need me, you would help me to do my duty by them"—in Sengupta's opinion, an unusual topic to be included when writing to a prospective husband in a personal letter.

Sengupta describes Burma in post-colonial times by referring to literary works of Khin Myo Chit and Ludu Daw Amar. Both born in the same year, they had similar experiences in Burma and got involved in the anti-British movement during their student days in Rangoon University and yet, ended up with diverse focused topics in writings—gender issues for Khin Myo Chit, mainly in the form of fiction or non-fiction books, and more political issues for Ludu Daw Amar, mainly in the form of articles in Ludu journal.

Ma Thida, the youngest among the four women, grew up during former General Ne Win's socialist regime—a time when people had to queue at "people's co-operatives" to purchase everyday staples. Sengupta describes Ma Thida—who has a Shan-Mon-Chinese background and has grappled with issues of identity throughout her life—after the Sino-Burmese riots forced her family to abandon all ancestry related to the Chinese, and had lost touch with her Shan and Mon ethnic roots after growing up in Rangoon.

Experiences of all four women came to merge in 1988, though they were at very different stages in life; both Khin Myo Chit and Ludu Daw Amar were then prolific writers in their seventies, Ma Thida was an up-and-coming writer, on her road to becoming a medical doctor as well, and Suu Kyi had just come back to Burma to nurse her ailing mother. The section about Ma Thida is perhaps the most personal of all—mainly focusing on analyzing her literary works and her experiences as a student activist and a record keeper along campaign trails with Suu Kyi.

Though Sengupta attempts to provide a sound analysis on Burma, Burmese readers—as well as those well-versed in Burma's issues—may find some of her conclusions questionable.

Firstly, her characterization of Suu Kyi as being "Westernized" may sound like what the military regime has been saying in their propaganda. In their attempt to undermine her image, they referred to her as the wife of "kalar"—derogatory term for Westerners and Indian—in state-run newspapers, especially while she was under house arrest. In reality, Suu Kyi is very Burmese, not only in her appearance but also in her knowledge of Burmese traditions, customs and literature. Most people of Burma certainly do not see her as "Westernized".

Secondly, asserting that Suu Kyi tries to over-compensate for her "Englishness" by adopting a fighting peacock as NLD's party symbol and thus, "inadvertently marginalizing ethnic interest" may seem illogical to Burmese readers. The symbol has represented Burma's struggle for independence since the colonial times—first in the early 20th century and again during the 1988 students' uprising. In fact, it was adopted from the flag of the Burmese Student Union which has been at the forefront of the uprising for independence since colonial times.

In fact, Suu Kyi termed the 1988 students' uprising as "Burma's second struggle for independence" in her first speech to the public in 1988. She also wrote in her book, Letters from Burma, that the symbol represents "a national movement that culminated triumphantly with the independence of the country."

The majority of ethnic people voted for NLD in the country's general elections in 1990 and 2015—in fact, many just voted for the NLD party without even knowing its constituent's candidates—and the NLD won landslide victories throughout the country. It shows that people of Burma have trust in Suu Kyi as one of them and her party, the NLD.

Another questionable element is Sengupta's apparent inability to differentiate between the army (Tatmadaw) founded by Aung San and the current Tatmadaw. The Tatmadaw founded by Aung San fought for the independence of all Burmese people, including the ethnic groups, whereas the current Tatmadaw was shaped by Ne Win, an infamous dictator, who used it as a tool to suppress everyone in Burma regardless of their ethnic background and who warned peaceful demonstrators in a public speech in 1988, "when the army shoots, it shoots to kill."

In fact, Bertil Lintner, a veteran journalist who has written several books on Burma, wrote in his article, "Whose Army", published by The Irrawaddy, that the current army is no longer Aung San's army but Ne Win's—comprising members of his old regiment, the 4th Burma Rifles, not from the Burma Independence Army (BIA) that Aung San founded. It follows the ideology of not only involvement in the country's defense, as every army is supposed to, but also in the country's social and political development.

Nevertheless, Sengupta's coverage of content is highly commendable, obviously a tremendous effort of scholarly work with extensive references and analysis. Her book touches on events in Burma, the personalities of her protagonists in relation to their experiences, and interesting comparisons of not only their writings but also sometimes of their contemporaries.

Especially for those interested about women in Burma from colonial to recent times, Sengupta's book will provide a unique and interesting perspective in a similar manner that Refiguring Women, Colonialism, & Modernity in Burma, by Chie Ikeya, provides about women in the colonial era.

The post Book Review: The Female Voice of Myanmar by Nilanjana Sengupta appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Japan’s Tiny Refugee Community Urges Tokyo to Open Doors Wider

Posted: 29 Nov 2015 08:54 PM PST

Dang Nguyen Thuc Vien (2dn R), a 32-year-old daughter of refugees from south Vietnam, helps a local Vietnamese resident in Japan as an interpreter at a hospital in Kanagawa prefecture, south of Tokyo, Japan, November 25, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

YOKOHAMA, Japan — Hitoshi Kino, a bespectacled clerical employee at a university near Tokyo, doesn't stand out.

Only a slight Vietnamese accent betrays his past, as he speaks in Japanese about being stranded on a rickety boat in waters off his war-torn homeland in 1980, starving with 32 others and left by pirates with nothing but his underpants.

Kino, who was then Ky Tu Duong, is one of more than 11,000 refugees that Japan took in over the three decades to 2005 in the aftermath of the Vietnam War, under a little-remembered open-door policy which has never been repeated on such a scale.

Now, Kino and other "boat people" who have resettled in Japan believe Tokyo should again open its doors and let in some of today's asylum seekers, including those from Syria, not just for those in distress but for Japan's sake as well

"Japan should open up a little to them to align itself with the international community," Kino, who became a Japanese citizen in mid-1980s, said over Chinese dumplings and stir-fry at a restaurant near his home west of Tokyo.

"It could be just 100, or 50. But it would be better than doing nothing."

Japan took just 11 of 5,000 asylum-seekers last year, or 0.2 percent, the lowest acceptance rate in the club of rich nations, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. In contrast, France took 22 percent and Germany 42 percent.

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has offered nearly $2 billion to help other nations manage the flood of refugees from Syria's civil war, but his government has virtually shut the door on those fleeing Europe's worst migrant crisis since World War Two.

This month's attacks in Paris, in which 130 people were killed in mass shootings and suicide bombings blamed on Islamic State, could make any public discussion of accepting refugees into Japan even more difficult.

The government's reluctance to accept refugees shows that opening up to immigration is still politically unpalatable, despite an alarming shrinkage in the country's population.

After the 2011 nuclear disaster caused by earthquake and tsunami, "foreigners scrambled to leave Japan. But few of us former refugees fled," Kino said. "Japan helped us and took care of us. We would not desert such a country."

Indochina refugees speak not only of gratitude toward their adopted country but also of difficulties they have faced trying to fit into society, which prides itself on its homogeneous culture. Foreigners make up only 2 percent of the population.

On the job, some Japanese "assume we don't understand things easily and we are not smart," said Hoai Takahashi, another refugee from Vietnam who changed his name from Hoang Drong Hoai.

"They even say things like 'This job should not be left to these people,' in our very presence."

Banri Kawai, formerly Nguyen Van Ry, works at a facility in eastern Japan that houses five former Vietnamese refugees with mental illness. He said they had been bullied by their Japanese seniors at work.

"They lost sleep and developed mental conditions," he said after attending Sunday service with Takahashi at a Catholic church north of Tokyo.

Chrisna Ito, who arrived in Japan at the age of 15, says she was rebuked at a factory dorm for using the communal bath before others had finished. She assumed they thought she was dirty because her skin was darker than that of a typical Japanese.

Ito, a 43-year-old nursery school worker who was Cheth Chan Chrisna before fleeing Cambodia, had to start working at the rubber factory to support her family after six months of language and other adjustment training.

It was only after she married and had children—now in high school and college—that she fulfilled her aspiration to go to junior high and high school.

Asked how she feels about the government support she received, Ito reflected for a moment.

"I am grateful. But at the same time, I cannot help wondering if Japan could have done a little better."

The post Japan's Tiny Refugee Community Urges Tokyo to Open Doors Wider appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

On China’s Fringes, Cyber Spies Raise Their Game

Posted: 29 Nov 2015 08:45 PM PST

Occupy Central movement founder Benny Tai poses with his phone at the University of Hong Kong on November 19, 2015. Tai stores personal data, such as names, email addresses and mobile numbers, on an external hard drive that he says he only accesses on a computer without an Internet connection. (Photo: Tyrone Siu / Reuters)

HONG KONG / SINGAPORE — Almost a year after students ended pro-democracy street protests in Hong Kong, they face an online battle against what Western security experts say are China-sponsored hackers using techniques rarely seen elsewhere.

Hackers have expanded their attacks to parking malware on popular file-sharing services including Dropbox and Google Drive to trap victims into downloading infected files and compromising sensitive information. They also use more sophisticated tactics, honing in on specific targets through so-called 'white lists' that only infect certain visitors to compromised websites.

Security experts say such techniques are only used by sophisticated hackers from China and Russia, usually for surveillance and information extraction.

The level of hacking is a sign, they say, of how important China views Hong Kong, where 79 days of protests late last year brought parts of the territory, a major regional financial hub, to a standstill. The scale of the protests raised concerns in Beijing about political unrest on China's periphery.

"We're the most co-ordinated opposition group on Chinese soil, [and] have a reasonable assumption that Beijing is behind the hacking," said Lam Cheuk-ting, chief executive of Hong Kong's Democratic Party, which says it has been a victim of cyber attacks on its website and some members' email accounts.

US-based Internet security company FireEye said the attacks via Dropbox were aimed at "precisely those whose networks Beijing would seek to monitor," and could provide China with advance warning of protests and information on pro-democracy leaders. The company said half its customers in Hong Kong and Taiwan were attacked by government and professional hackers in the first half of this year—two and a half times the global average.

China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Public Security Bureau and the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region did not respond to requests for comment. The Defence Ministry said the issue was not part of its remit. China has previously denied accusations of hacking, calling them groundless, and saying it is a victim.

The Hong Kong police said its Cyber Security and Technology Crime Bureau works with other law enforcement agencies to combat cross-border crime, but did not respond to questions on how much information it shares with mainland Chinese authorities, the origin of the Hong Kong cyber attacks, or whether these might be a source of instability or concern.

Police data show a drop in reported "unauthorised access," which includes Internet or email account abuse and hacking, over the past two years. Many of the victims Reuters spoke to said they hadn't bothered to report being hacked.

Switching Tactics

Like other groups taking on the might of Beijing—from Uighurs and exiled Tibetans to some Taiwanese—Hong Kong activists, academics and journalists have become more savvy and adopted tactics that, in turn, force hackers to get savvier still.

When Tibetan exile groups stopped clicking on files attached to emails, to avoid falling victim to a common form of 'spear phishing' attack, hackers switched their malware to Google Drive, hoping victims would think these files were safer, said Citizen Lab, a Canada-based research organisation which works with Tibetans and other NGOs.

Hackers also recently used Dropbox to lure Chinese language journalists in Hong Kong into downloading infected files. FireEye, which discovered the attack, said it was the first time it had seen this approach.

"We don't have any arrogance to think we can beat them," said Mark Simon, senior executive at the parent company of Hong Kong's Apple Daily, a media group on the front line of the attacks.

Strange Words

Trying to stay ahead of the hackers, activists and others use multiple mobile phones with different SIM chips, encrypted messaging apps, apps that automatically delete tweets, and code words to set up meetings. If someone thinks they may be arrested, they remove themselves from group chats.

Some things are kept offline.

"If we want to talk, we have some signal," said Derek Lam, a member of student group Scholarism that helped organise the protests. "It's a few words… if I say some words that are really strange it means we have to talk somewhere privately."

Law professor and protest organizer Benny Tai stores personal data, such as names, email addresses and mobile numbers, on an external hard drive that he says he only accesses on a computer without an Internet connection.

The pro-democracy Apple Daily, which says it is hacked on an almost weekly basis, has tightened its email security software, and has its lawyers use couriers rather than email. FireEye last year connected denial of service (DDoS) attacks against Apple Daily with more professional cyber spying attacks, saying there may be a "common quartermaster." It said China's government would be the entity most interested in these "political objectives."

Sophisticated Hacks

Steven Adair, co-founder of US-based security firm Volexity, said that code hidden on pro-democracy websites last year, including those of the Democratic Party and the Alliance for True Democracy, suggested a group he said "we strongly suspect to be Chinese… who is very well resourced."

He said such tactics were more usually seen employed by Russian hackers, aimed at very specific targets and designed to be as unobtrusive as possible. "It's a real evolution in targeting," he said.

In the run-up to Hong Kong district council elections earlier this month, hackers used more basic techniques, breaking into at least 20 Gmail accounts at the Democratic Party, according to party officials and Google logs seen by Reuters.

Between April and June, many hacked accounts were forwarding emails to lovechina8964@gmail.com. An examination of the hackers' IP addresses by the party's IT experts found some appeared to originate in China, party officials said.

The post On China's Fringes, Cyber Spies Raise Their Game appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

President, Senior General to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on December 2
Laukkai casinos thrive under military
Attack breaks post-martial law calm in Kokang region capital
Conservative Buddhists donate to Kachin IDPs
NLD leader lays down the law to incoming reps
RCSS agrees to discuss military issues
Landslide risk survey seals fate of Chin capital
Armed groups seek to speed up drafting process
USDP official arrested over Facebook post
Youth groups raise funds for IDPs

President, Senior General to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on December 2

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 02:34 AM PST

Top-level talks on the transfer of power to Myanmar's next government are to take place on December 2.

Laukkai casinos thrive under military

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 01:01 AM PST

Despite being illegal, thousands of gaming tables remained open under martial law – without a single kyat being collected in tax.

Attack breaks post-martial law calm in Kokang region capital

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 12:59 AM PST

An attack by insurgents on military forces in the main Kokang region town of Laukkai has shattered a post-martial law calm in the Shan State border zone.

Conservative Buddhists donate to Kachin IDPs

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 12:58 AM PST

Hard-line nationalist Buddhist monk U Wirathu has revealed that his Committee for the Protection of Race and Religion, known as Ma Ba Tha, is providing aid to displaced Christians in war-ravaged Kachin State.

NLD leader lays down the law to incoming reps

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 12:58 AM PST

MPs-elect warned that they should expect prison time if found to be corrupt or to have lied about assets.

RCSS agrees to discuss military issues

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 12:56 AM PST

Another major step in the nationwide ceasefire process is to begin in December when the government and the only ethnic Shan armed group to sign the accord will start talks on repositioning their forces.

Landslide risk survey seals fate of Chin capital

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 12:56 AM PST

A Team of German geologists have confirmed that Hakha, the capital of Chin State, is too dangerous to live in.

Armed groups seek to speed up drafting process

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 12:54 AM PST

Seeking to avoid a repeat of the delays that plagued the ceasefire process, armed ethnic groups have called for existing draft political dialogue frameworks to be scrapped and a new text to be written collectively.

USDP official arrested over Facebook post

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 12:53 AM PST

A senior township-level official of the Union Solidarity and Development Party is currently in prison awaiting trial for allegedly posting an image of the head of National League for Democracy chair Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on the body of a naked woman on his Facebook page.

Youth groups raise funds for IDPs

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 12:52 AM PST

Volunteers say they have collected K6 million on the streets of Yangon for the relief of families displaced by the fighting in Shan State.

Shan Herald Agency for News

To Hopeland and Back: Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD)

Posted: 30 Nov 2015 02:37 AM PST

This trip took me 12 days, from November 14-25, 2015. The purpose was to attend the Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting (JICM) which would ratify the military Code of Conduct (CoC) and the TOR (Terms of Reference) for the Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committees (JMCs), as well as later meetings for the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD).

Day One, 14 November 2015

When who talks big captures a deer

And the seducer finds a maiden who sleeps soundly

(A Shan saying)

Six days have passed since 8 November, when the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi, resoundingly won the country's first free and fair general elections since 1990. But judging by the euphoric comments made by my taxi driver, the country's high isn't over yet ¾ or about to end soon.

"If you ask me, I can't even remember the name of the guy I voted for," he says. "All I know¾and care ¾ is he's from the party of the peacock (the NLD's logo). I'm sure many others were like me."

I don't say much. And I don't have to. Because all the way to the hotel from Mingladon Airport, he's bubbling over with infectious excitement.

Supporters of the NLD, Aung San Suu Kyi's party, cheer as they watch poll counts in Yangon after the election on November 15. Photo: AFP

"With legions of problems, accumulated throughout the decades, I doubt even Amay Suu (Mother Suu) will be able to resolve them soon," he concludes as our car nears Green Hill Hotel. "But we all assumed that nothing's going to be worse than it is now, and, most of all, we are thoroughly sick of the present government and its predecessors."

Soon after I've checked in, childhood friends arrive to welcome me. As to be expected, the conversation inevitably drifts toward politics and elections.

One and all, they are NLD supporters and members. Significantly, none of them are Shans.

"If the elections have proven something," one of them tells me, "it's that ballots have beaten bullets."

"It has also proven that Ma Ba Tha (the Buddhist fundamentalist movement) couldn't do anything against this rising tide," he continues. "Neither was the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) signing on 15 October a vote booster."

Which reminds me of what U Aung Min, who lost in Shadaw in Kayah/Karenni State to an NLD rival candidate, said before the poll: There are ways to woo the voters which are far more effective than the NCA. Only I'm not using them.

"The USDP (the military's Union Solidary and Development Party) is like a rapist who is asking his victims whether or not they love him. And this is our answer," another friend remarks.

I later visit my "comrades-in-peace" to discuss tomorrow's agenda, which includes attending the President's meeting with political parties.

They tell me a Chinese scholar, who visited them earlier, had told them China is most displeased with Burma. "How can such an undersized country dare to defy us?" they say. "The previous government had already agreed to projects on the Myitsone (confluence of the Maikha and Malikha Rivers, where they become the Irrawaddy), the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone and the Kyaukphyu-Kunming Railway. How could they call them off? This country must be taught a well-deserved lesson."

I'm not sure about its validity. However, I'm quite sure that it won't be hard to convince the people of Burma, if it is publicized.

Day Two, Sunday, 15 November 2015

Dad, how do soldiers killing each other solve the world's problems?

Bill Watterson

At 09:00, many of the EAOs (Ethnic Armed Organizations) are off to the Rangoon Region Legislature, where the President is due to meet representatives from political parties, both winning and losing ones. Among them are the NLD's U Nyan Win and the SNLD's Sai Saw Aung.

And, of course, U Aung Min. He shakes my hands, saying: "I thought my friends on the border (he names them) loved me much. I have found out that they don't. I didn't get even a single vote from their people."

In time, the President arrives. In his usual smooth, calm and sing-song voice, he promises smooth transfer of power to the winners.

It is followed by short speeches by the political parties:

Praises

· Signing of the NCA on 15 October

· Holding of largely free and fair elections

Calls to do more

· Fighting in Kachin and Shan States that has made tens of thousands homeless

· Worsening drug problem

· Amnesty for political prisoners especially the student activists

· Myitsone Dam project, not only suspension but permanent cancellation

Warning

· To call on our neighbors to honor the Bandung principles of non-interference

Myanmar President Thein Sein, front left, greets political party representatives during a meeting on Election Day in Yangon.

We decide to leave early without waiting for the lunch hosted by him. Traffic in Rangoon is notorious: it takes at least one hour to get to the airport from the hotel, if you're lucky. If you're not, you'll be stuck in a traffic jam for another hour.

At 15:30 we're off to Naypyitaw. On our plane, but in a difference class, is the President.

This time we are all given accommodation at the Ingyin Villa, Horizon Lake View Hotel, said to be owned by Asia World.

Already installed there are EAO representatives who, together with their counterparts from the government, have been finalizing the TOR for the JMCs at different levels: Union, State/Region and Local.

Day Three, Monday, 16 November 2015

"How come we play war and not peace?

Too few role models (for peace)"

Bill Watterson

Today the EAOs hold their own Joint Implementation Coordinating Meeting (JICM) to review the situation and what to discuss at the JICM with the government's side tomorrow.

Everyone agrees the situation has changed what with the landslide—some dubbing it avalanche—win for the NLD.

Attendees shake hands at a Joint Monitoring Committee meeting between the government and eight ethnic signatories to the ceasefire agreement at the Myanmar Peace Center in Yangon on October 29. Photo: MNA

"We need to finish our Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD) in time (by 14 December) but also keep it flexible," says Dr Lian Hmung Sakhong, Secretary to the Union Peace and Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC).

Sai La from the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) who represents his boss, Sao Yawd Serk, sums it up: "Until today, we, both the government and the EAOs, were strong. Now neither one is," he says. "The one who's strong is yet to get on board. And we all need to get it on board."

Topics discussed today include:

· The Arakan Liberation Party/Army (ALP/ALA)'s JMC-S (State Level) status

· Whether appointment of officials in the JMC should be published in the government gazette

· Participation by the NCA non-signatories in the Political Dialogue

· International involvement in the JMC process (as agreed in the NCA)

· Political prisoners

· Parliamentary ratification of the NCA

At 19:30, I run into Colonels Wunna Aung and Kyaw Soe Win from the government's side of the JMC-U (Union level). "Everything you've proposed has been approved by the War Office," one of them tells me. "Apart from changing of wordings and spellings, the draft has sailed through. All we need now is the adoption by the JICM."

Meanwhile, the war goes on unabated in Kachin and Shan States, leaving EAOs, both signatories and non-signatories, wriggling in their seats.

By Sai Khuensai / Director of Pyidaungsu Institute and Founder of Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)

All views expressed are the author's own.

Tuesday, December 1, 2015

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