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Wednesday, December 16, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

‘Top-Up’ Tax on Mobile Phone Use Returns to Parliament
Bipartisan Transition Committee Holds First Meeting in Naypyidaw
Political Dialogue Moves Forward Without Input of Non-Signatory Armed Groups
RCSS Says Lack of Govt Cooperation Stymying Anti-Drug Efforts
Fugitive Student Leader Arrested over July Constitution Protest
Shwe Mann Calls for More Dialogue Between Suu Kyi, Political Leaders
‘Pension’ Scheme for Lawmakers Divides
ADB, Japan Announce $3M Project to Boost Small Businesses in Mon State
Coveting Chief Minister Post, Arakan Party Eyes Negotiations with NLD
LGBT Film Festival to Return in January
China’s Plainclothes Officers a Force against Dissent
Chinese Jade Miners in Overdrive Ahead of New Govt
Conservative South Korea Backs Unwed Couples, Single Parents to Lift Birth Rate
Japan, Korea Stick to Coal Despite Global Climate Deal
Smartphone Freedom Fuels Rise of Social Media in Burmese Politics
Tenasserim Security Boosted After Reports of Islamic State in Thailand

‘Top-Up’ Tax on Mobile Phone Use Returns to Parliament

Posted: 16 Dec 2015 05:19 AM PST

A man talks on a mobile phone on the side of a street in Rangoon on Feb. 4, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — With just a few months of the current government's term remaining, the administration of President Thein Sein is renewing its push to enact a tax on mobile phone use that proved highly unpopular when it was first put forward earlier this year.

Lawmakers in May voted to postpone consideration of the new levy, which prompted backlash from a public that for years paid staggering sums on the black market for a SIM card due their limited release by Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications (MPT). The state-owned firm until last year had a monopoly on Burma's mobile network.

The proposed tax would see cell phone users pay 5 percent on top of the calling and data rates that telecommunications providers charge subscribers through prepaid cards, a so-called "top-up" tax. Prepaid top-up cards are used to add credit to mobile devices in order to make phone calls, send text messages and use the Internet.

Speaking to Parliament on Tuesday as he brought the bill up for discussion once more, Finance Minister Win Shein said Burma could earn 80 billion kyats (US$61.5 million) in the upcoming 2016-17 fiscal year if a commercial tax on telecommunications usage was successfully enacted.

If approved, the tax would take effect on April 1, 2016, right around the time that the National League for Democracy (NLD) government takes power.

A sitting NLD lawmaker, Phyo Men Thein, said he supported the idea of a tax on mobile phone usage and considered 5 percent to be a reasonable rate, noting that telecommunications taxes were a standard revenue stream for governments globally.

The legislator added, however, that there were several other ways to collect much more revenue, among them a property tax on large immoveable assets such as homes.

"Taxation should not only be a way to earn money for the country, it should bring stability to the housing market and balance to other sectors," he said.

Aung Shein Bwa, an economic analyst also known for his contributions to local weekly and daily newspapers, said the 5 percent levy would not be too heavy a burden for consumers, while also proposing that lawmakers raise the threshold on earnings for which income tax applies. Currently individuals making more than 2 million kyats annually are required to pay income tax, a bar that he said should be raised to 5 million kyats.

"Commodity prices are inflating year by year and income tax [at the current threshold] will directly hit the people who have lower incomes," he told The Irrawaddy.

The post 'Top-Up' Tax on Mobile Phone Use Returns to Parliament appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Bipartisan Transition Committee Holds First Meeting in Naypyidaw

Posted: 16 Dec 2015 04:48 AM PST

NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi addresses Wednesday's inaugural transition committee meeting in Naypyidaw. (Photo: Ye Htut / Facebook)

RANGOON — A cross-party committee formed to oversee the transition to the next government has held its first meeting in Naypyidaw, with National League for Democracy Leader (NLD) Aung San Suu Kyi telling those assembled that she believed the transfer of power was on track to proceed smoothly.

Wednesday's meeting was held at the offices of the Union Parliament's Rule of Law Committee, which is chaired by Suu Kyi, and revolved around how the government's ministries will hand over their responsibilities, ahead of the NLD's preparations to take office following the party's emphatic election win on Nov. 8.

"Further discussions will continue in the coming days, and the committee will likely meet about four days per week in order to discuss the power transition," said Win Htein, an NLD spokesman and member of the committee.

The committee is comprised of members of President Thein Sein's outgoing administration and senior NLD figures, with the next meeting to be chaired by Win Htein ad Union Minister Hla Tun. Others on the committee include Information Minister Ye Htut, President's Office Minister Zaw Htay, Maung Maung Ohn of the Ministry of Construction, former Rangoon University rector and future NLD lawmaker Dr Aung Thu, and NLD central executive committee member Dr Myo Aung.

The post Bipartisan Transition Committee Holds First Meeting in Naypyidaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Political Dialogue Moves Forward Without Input of Non-Signatory Armed Groups

Posted: 16 Dec 2015 04:42 AM PST

President Thein Sein greets ethnic leaders in Naypyidaw on Wednesday at a meeting on the draft framework for political dialogue. (Photo: Nyo Ohn Myint / Facebook)

RANGOON — The so-called Union Political Dialogue Joint Committee signed off on a draft framework for political dialogue in Naypyidaw on Tuesday, with the text handed to President Thein Sein for approval on Wednesday, according to the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC).

Hla Maung Shwe of the MPC told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that the president would set a date for the commencement of the dialogue, expected in the coming weeks.

According to state-run media, based on Tuesday's agreement, 700 representatives will participate in the political dialogue, including members of the Burma Army; political parties, including the National League for Democracy (NLD); lawmakers; government; and representatives of the eight non-state armed groups that signed the "nationwide" ceasefire agreement (NCA) in mid-October.

The Global New Light of Myanmar reported on Wednesday that the Burma Army, ethnic armed groups and political parties would each be allocated 150 seats in the coming dialogue, with 75 seats each reserved for government and MPs, 50 seats reserved for other ethnic leaders from non-armed groups and an additional 50 seats reserved for "other invitees."

It was not immediately clear whether invited lawmakers would be drawn from the sitting chamber only or also include newly elected MPs.

A key outstanding question concerns whether, or how, non-ceasefire ethnic armed groups will be included in the process. According to Hla Maung Shwe, representatives of non-ceasefire groups, which include formidable forces such as the Kachin Independence Army and the Shan State Army-North, would be invited as observers.

"We are preparing to invite other armed groups who did not agree to sign the NCA to come and observe at the political dialogue," Hla Maung Shwe said.

Speaking to reporters at a meeting of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) in northern Thailand's Chiang Mai last week, the group's vice-chairman, Nai Hong Sar, expressed serious reservations over the drafting process.

"We wanted them to wait before writing the political framework. We all needed to participate in writing the framework," Nai Hong Sar said. "The NCA is fine, we agreed on it. But we cannot agree on their draft political framework [without reviewing it]."

The new NLD-led government could potentially revise the framework, Hla Maung Shwe said, but the current draft was intended to lay a foundation for the peace process.

Mya Aye, a pro-democracy activist with the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, said the NLD would potentially have to re-draft the political framework when non-signatory armed groups eventually signed the NCA.

Tar Jode Jar, vice-chairman of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, one of several non-ceasefire armed groups, said he was: "surprised to see discussions on political dialogue without major [non-signatory] groups."

"I don't know how they could go further without getting major armed groups [involved]," he said.

The post Political Dialogue Moves Forward Without Input of Non-Signatory Armed Groups appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

RCSS Says Lack of Govt Cooperation Stymying Anti-Drug Efforts

Posted: 16 Dec 2015 03:44 AM PST

A man walks through fields of opium poppies in bloom last month in Shan State's Pekhon Township. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy)

The Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) says its ambitious drug eradication plans have gone nowhere due to a lack of cooperation from the regional military command in Shan State, the epicenter of Burma's opium problem.

Lt-Gen Yawd Serk, chairman of the RCSS, told The Irrawaddy in early 2013 that the ethnic armed group's plan to eradicate narcotics production in territory it controls, over a period from 2012-17, would succeed if the government cooperated.

Halfway through this six-year plan, however, the RCSS leader said there was no collaboration or follow-through from the Burma Army's Eastern Central Command, based in Kho Lam.

The RCSS, the government and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) reached an agreement to jointly combat the drug trade in late 2012, when talks aimed at securing a nationwide ceasefire agreement between Naypyidaw and Burma's ethnic armed groups were in their initial stages. The plan included surveying of some townships, introduction of a pilot crop substitution program and a campaign to educate locals about the adverse impacts of the illicit narcotics trade.

"When we discussed with the government, it was a smooth talk. But the actual implementation has been delayed due to a lack of collaboration with the regional military command," explained Yawd Serk, who signed the nationwide ceasefire pact in Naypyidaw in mid-October, representing the RCSS and its militant wing, the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S).

Burma remains the region's top opium producer and is second only to Afghanistan globally, according to a report from the UNODC released Tuesday.

In its 2015 South East Asia Opium Survey, the UNODC said Shan State—where conflict is ongoing between some ethnic armed groups and the government—was still "the center of Myanmar's opium and heroin trade, accounting for 91 percent of opium poppy cultivation in the Golden Triangle."

In 2015, 55,000 hectares were under opium poppy cultivation nationwide, yielding 647 tons of opium, according to the UNODC report. That marked just a slight decrease from the 57,600 hectares under cultivation in 2014.

Yawd Serk said that when planning eradication efforts, security was an issue in Shan State, where a patchwork of ethnic rebel groups, government-aligned militias and the Burma Army all operate.

"The Tatmadaw [Burma Army] can retain their weapons during the drug eradication process in these areas, while we cannot keep ours," he told The Irrawaddy this week.

After inking a bilateral ceasefire with the government, the RCSS was able to open liaison offices in Shan State intended to foster better communication between the government and the rebel group, but the latter is restricted from traveling with weapons under the terms of the peace accord.

Elsewhere in Shan State, an opium eradication campaign undertaken by the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) has been blamed for hostilities between that ethnic Palaung armed group and the government, which have flared periodically since mid-2012.

The post RCSS Says Lack of Govt Cooperation Stymying Anti-Drug Efforts appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Fugitive Student Leader Arrested over July Constitution Protest

Posted: 16 Dec 2015 03:09 AM PST

Nan Lin, the chairman of the Dagon University Student Union, after voting in the Nov. 8 election. (Photo: Nan Lin / Facebook)

RANGOON — Nan Lin, the chairman of the Dagon University Student Union in Rangoon, has been arrested after six months on the run and sent to remand in Insein Prison for his involvement in a protest against the political role of Burma's military.

The student leader, who made headlines on Nov. 8 for successfully voting in Burma's general election despite being sought by authorities, was arrested near Maha Bandoola Garden on Monday afternoon by plainclothes police officers and sent straight to Pabedan Township Court for a hearing to authorize his detention.

An arrest warrant was issued against Nan Lin, along with fellow students Paing Ye Thu and Zayar Lwin, after the three organized a July 1 demonstration against Article 436 of the Constitution, which prevents constitutional amendments without the support of more than 75 percent of the Union Parliament. With military appointees allocated a quarter of parliamentary seats, the article effectively grants a veto on amendments to the Burma Armed Forces.

A proposal to lower the threshold required under Article 436 to 70 percent of lawmakers was defeated during a joint sitting of the Union Parliament on June 25. The military bloc is believed to have voted uniformly against the measure.

Phoe Thar, a communication officer of Dagon University Student Union confirmed Nan Lin's arrest to The Irrawaddy on Tuesday and said that he and the other two students, who were already in custody, had been charged under Section 505(b) of the Penal Code. The provision, which prohibits incitement, carries a maximum sentence of two years' imprisonment.

Kyaw Hoe, lawyer for Paing Ye Thu and Zayar Lwin, said that the trio were facing criminal charges in both Pabedan and Kyauktada townships for the Theingyi Market protest. Both courts can issue punishments independently of each other's verdict, meaning all three defendants face a maximum four-year sentence.

"They were being charged for their speeches related to constitutional amendment," Kyaw Hoe said. "[It was alleged that] those speeches harmed stability and incited violence."

"Speaking of constitutional amendments, Article 436 and whether the military should not be in parliament are common topics discussed by newspapers and the community. The National League for Democracy and 88 Generation Peace and Open Society also held public talks and collected signatures for a petition on these topics. So it is clear that what the group said is not out of the ordinary."

Last year, a campaign by the NLD and 88 Generation activists calling for the abolition of the military's constitutional veto collected over 5 million signatures from voters across the country.

Nan Lin was able to attend a polling station in Yankin on Nov. 8 to cast a ballot in Burma's general election, despite attempts by local police to ascertain his whereabouts since the July protest. He told The Irrawaddy at the time that he had evaded recognition, even amid a heightened police presence on the streets of Rangoon during the poll, by donning a baseball cap.

"This election is about change for the country," he said at the time. "Democratic forces and ethnic alliances need to win this election. I am a citizen and my job is to vote, that is what I believe. To catch me is other people's job."

Nan Lin and the other two protesters originally faced additional charges under the Peaceful Assembly Law, which have not been presented to the court.

The post Fugitive Student Leader Arrested over July Constitution Protest appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Shwe Mann Calls for More Dialogue Between Suu Kyi, Political Leaders

Posted: 16 Dec 2015 03:00 AM PST

Shwe Mann, left, speaker of the Union Parliament, shakes hands with Aung San Suu Kyi before their meeting on Nov. 19. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — Burma's Lower House Speaker has said there is a continuing need for "mutual trust" between major political players during the current political transition, and has called for continued political dialogue to ensure that the next government is able to take office smoothly.

Referring to a question posed to him by National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi, which asked what was the biggest challenge during the transitional period between the November election and the appointment of a new government at the end of March, Shwe Mann wrote on Facebook of the need for regular political dialogue to build trust between Suu Kyi and her political opponents.

Shwe Mann, who was ousted as chairman of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in an August purge, has met with Suu Kyi regularly since last month's election. Though his post on Tuesday did not specifically refer to any individuals, it was likely, at least in part, a reference to the meeting between Suu Kyi and former dictator Than Shwe on Dec. 4, which Shwe Mann helped to broker.

Most details of the discussion are still unknown, aside from the fact that it was much longer in duration than Suu Kyi's separate meetings with outgoing President Thein Sein and military chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing on Dec. 2. According to Than Shwe's grandson, the junta-era leader referred to Suu Kyi as "the future leader" of Burma and said he would assist her to his best ability.

Shwe Mann also also warned that if there is no dialogue and negotiation between Suu Kyi and others, there would be no hope for national reconciliation, national unity and peace in the future.

The post Shwe Mann Calls for More Dialogue Between Suu Kyi, Political Leaders appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Pension’ Scheme for Lawmakers Divides

Posted: 16 Dec 2015 02:17 AM PST

Lawmakers deal with paperwork at the parliamentary complex in Naypyidaw. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Divergent views are emerging over whether or not outgoing parliamentarians should be provided with "pensions" upon their retirement, a disbursement that lawmakers say is in reality a one-time "gratuity" for their service.

Though discussion in Parliament has referenced the so-called "political pensions," lawmakers told The Irrawaddy that the plan would actually see 5 million kyats (US$3,845) provided to outgoing Union-level MPs, in accordance with relevant laws and bylaws pertaining to the legislature.

Sitting lawmakers who were re-elected last month, as well as parliamentarians in state and divisional legislatures, would also be entitled to a gratuity, 5 million kyats for the former group and 2.5 million kyats for the latter.

"The Hluttaw [Parliament] laws provide for entitlements, emoluments and allowances for lawmakers. We can take it as it is given under the law," said Pe Than, a Lower House lawmaker for Myebon Township in Arakan State.

"But if you ask me whether we should take it, when the country is in poverty, I'll say it is not a monthly pension, but rather we only get it once for five years. So, if you don't want it, you can give it away. It depends on personal feelings," he added.

Robert San Aung, a prominent lawyer, has come out against the scheme and is urging Parliament to reconsider how and for whom taxpayers' money is spent.

"Why should they enjoy a political pension? What have they done [for the country]? With whose money? They should not be given pensions while the country is in poverty," he said.

"If it is to be given, it should be given to former political prisoners who were imprisoned and saw their health suffer. Those who really love the country will not take that political pension, I think."

Though emoluments and allowances are enshrined in law, the central committee of the National League for Democracy (NLD) would decide whether party members accepted the money, said Min Thu, a Lower House NLD lawmaker, adding that his party had also objected to a salary increase proposal for MPs passed earlier this year by the Union Solidarity and Development Party-controlled Parliament.

"If ethnic and old lawmakers in the Parliament will take it, I have nothing to say," Min Thu said. "But I want to make clear that the NLD will not accept those entitlements in principle while the country is in such deep poverty. A clear law should be enacted about entitlements for lawmakers."

Though details of the gratuity plan remain hazy, parliaments at the Union and regional levels have asked lawmakers to fill out the relevant paperwork if they want to apply for eligibility.

The Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) introduced a monthly pension system for its members that some continue to enjoy, said Sai Nyunt Lwin, a spokesman for the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), who added that the political pension scheme was a burden on taxpayers.

"I have no comment on behalf of my party about whether lawmakers should or shouldn't take political pensions," he said.

The BSPP government of the late dictator Gen. Ne Win gave political pensions to cadres who had been party members for four years, even down to ward-level officials. Political pensions were first introduced in 1980, when some of those who participated in the country's independence struggle were given them to mark a successful mass meeting of Buddhist clergy in Burma that year.

Correction: A previous version of this story erroneously stated that lawmakers in regional parliaments would receive a gratuity of 5 million kyats under the plan.

The post 'Pension' Scheme for Lawmakers Divides appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

ADB, Japan Announce $3M Project to Boost Small Businesses in Mon State

Posted: 16 Dec 2015 02:03 AM PST

A woman sells hats to tourists making their way to the Golden Rock Pagoda in Mon State's Kyaikto Township in 2012. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Japan and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) have combined to fund a US$3 million project that aims to boost incomes and opportunities for small businesses in four Mon State townships.

The grant, issued by the Japan Fund for Poverty Reduction and administered by ADB, will support work skills and business management training for people selling crafts and local food in Chaungzon, Moulmein, Kyaikto and Mudon townships of Mon State, according to an ADB press release issued on Wednesday.

"In Mon state 55% of the population is self-employed with a large number of families selling agricultural products and crafts but these small businesses are having a limited impact on reducing household poverty," said Uzma Hoque, Senior Social Development Specialist with ADB, in the press release.

"The project aims to identify new craft and food product lines, provide the technical, business and management skills to exploit them, and help small businesses, particularly those run by women and the poor, access affordable credit and link to new markets…"

Min Min Nwe, deputy coordinator of the Mon Social Development Network, said he welcomed the project as there were limited employment opportunities in his native state.

"Many young Mon people are going to Thailand to look for jobs as we have a lack of job vacancies here. If this aid can assist local businesses, it will be good for our state," he said.

"Some small businesses can't continue long as they need micro finance. They can't take loans from banks so, if this aid can help them, they will be able to continue their work."

The project's stated aim is to provide livelihood opportunities for some 900 household across 12 villages in the four Mon State townships, with 60 percent of recipients slated to be women.

The development bank cited the tourism sector as offering potential opportunities for local businesses and aimed to help local entrepreneurs maximize their effectiveness in the industry.

The ADB said that alongside its assistance, Burma's government and "communities" would provide support worth around $450,000 for the project, which is scheduled to run until December, 2019.

The post ADB, Japan Announce $3M Project to Boost Small Businesses in Mon State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Coveting Chief Minister Post, Arakan Party Eyes Negotiations with NLD

Posted: 16 Dec 2015 12:18 AM PST

The Arakan National Party head office in Sittwe, Arakan State, September 3, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — Local parliamentary affairs will be the first priority of the Arakan National Party (ANP) in 2016, central committee member Aye Thar Aung said on Tuesday, with the party hopeful the state's new chief minister will be drawn from within its ranks.

Emerging as one of Burma's strongest ethnic political parties after last month's general election, winning 45 seats across the Union and state legislatures, the ANP has already turned its attention to potential political negotiations with the victorious National League for Democracy (NLD).

Aye Thar Aung said the party had formed a committee to lead dialogue with the NLD, should the latter be open to negotiations, including himself, party chairman Aye Maung, who lost his state seat of Manaung on Nov. 8, and Htun Aung Kyaw.

"From our side, we will focus on the state parliament but we don't know what the NLD's approach will be," Aye Thar Aung told The Irrawaddy following a recent meeting of the ANP's central committee in Sittwe.

Reluctant to preempt as yet unconfirmed political discussions with the country's strongest party, Aye Thar Aung declined to give further details on the newly formed committee.

Many Arakanese voters are hopeful that an ANP lawmaker will assume the post of state chief minister, a position appointed by the president according to the country's 2008 Constitution.

ANP chairman Aye Maung, who some observers had tipped for the role, is ineligible after his election day loss, with the Constitution mandating that chief ministers be selected from within the ranks of state and divisional legislatures.

Some local critics have recently questioned whether the party has an individual adequately suited for the state's top post—an assessment refuted by Aye Maung.

"I don't accept that the ANP has no one to nominate as state chief," he said.

Aye Thar Aung said the party, which claimed 23 of 47 state parliament seats on Nov. 8—just short of a majority in the Arakan State legislature—had not yet held discussions on the matter.

In a meeting with incumbent ethnic lawmakers in Naypyidaw last week, Aung San Suu Kyi said "we need to work together" and stressed the importance of unity in strengthening the country. The NLD chairwoman has pledged to appoint a diverse cabinet that would include ethnic minorities and members of other political parties.

The post Coveting Chief Minister Post, Arakan Party Eyes Negotiations with NLD appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

LGBT Film Festival to Return in January

Posted: 15 Dec 2015 11:46 PM PST

The inaugural &PROUD LGBT Film Festival in Rangoon, November 2014 (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Organizers of Rangoon's first ever LGBT film festival say the event will return for a second time in January to once again showcase lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender-themed films from Burma and overseas.

The &PROUD Film Festival will return to the French Institute in Rangoon's Sanchaung Township between Jan. 29-31 with free admission for all screenings. The event is being staged by a number of local organizations, including local LGBT advocacy group Colors Rainbow and YG Events, best known for staging the monthly FAB queer-friendly club night. Organizers plan to showcase more films focusing on female and female-identifying characters to counter what they say is a genre of film that often focuses of male experience.

"We will be promoting more films about female empowerment this year, which means the festival will be featuring more films about lesbian and transgender women," said Hla Myat Tun of Colors Rainbow.

The festival will feature nearly 40 films from Asian and European countries, including at least five films from local filmmakers. Hla Myat Tun told The Irrawaddy that organizers were able to expand the program with more time to consider potential films this year, but intend to prioritize Asian films.

"The festival also wants to highlight the ideas behind LGBT identity that are not only in Western culture but also in the Asian community", he said.

Events relating to LGBT issues in Burma still have a number of hurdles to surmount.

As the country began to open in 2011, sexual and gender equality issues began to creep into public dialogue but members of the LGBT community still face legal threats and entrenched discrimination.

While homosexuality remains illegal in Burma, with the colonial-era Penal Code mandating prison sentences of up to 10 years for same-sex activity, the country's LGBT community is working to raise public awareness over gender and sexuality issues.

Hla Myat Tun said that members of Burma's LGBT community have to contend with negative stereotyping in films in addition to cultural and religious vilification.

The post LGBT Film Festival to Return in January appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China’s Plainclothes Officers a Force against Dissent

Posted: 15 Dec 2015 10:06 PM PST

Plainclothes police officers lift a supporter of China's rights lawyer Pu Zhiqiang who was pushed to the ground by police officers near a court where Pu's trial is being held, in Beijing, China, December 14, 2015. (Photo: Kim Kyung-Hoon / Reuters)

BEIJING — The tough guys wore smiley face stickers, but they weren't there to spread good cheer.

Scenes of pushing, shouting and shoving outside a Beijing courthouse this week were orchestrated by plainclothes security officers identified by a sticker familiar around the world—the yellow decal identified since the 1970s with the slogan "Have a Nice Day."

Their attempts to intimidate journalists, foreign diplomats and a small cohort of human rights advocates outside the trial of a well-known activist lawyer are all-too familiar to China's beleaguered dissident community.

"The plainclothes police are the ones the Communist Party uses when they know what they're doing has no basis in law," said independent environmental activist Wu Lihong, who lives under a form of house arrest that becomes especially strict during sensitive political occasions.

The use of such agents dovetails with the party's desire to pay lip service to the rule by law while quashing all opposition, controlling the public discourse and sentencing critics to lengthy prison terms for hazily defined national security crimes.

The plainclothes agents did not specifically identify themselves as such, but foreign journalists in Beijing have interacted with them for two decades. They typically appear in civilian clothes in a wide variety of circumstances where foreign media might interact with government critics and authorities want to maintain control without uniformed officers intervening directly.

That was on full display Monday outside Beijing's No. 2 Intermediate Court, where lawyer Pu Zhiqiang was on trial on charges of provoking trouble and stirring ethnic hatred with online commentary critical of one-party rule.

Dozens of journalists were pushed around, including one who was slammed to the ground. At least five protesters were assaulted and taken away in vehicles, while diplomats from the European Union and the United States were interrupted, cursed at and jostled while attempting to read out statements criticizing Beijing's actions.

The smiley face stickers were presumably meant to identify the plainclothes officers to their uniformed colleagues and other security agents. Similarly, plainclothes agents wore green stickers last year to identify themselves while breaking up protests outside the Beijing courthouse where clean government advocate Xu Zhiyong was tried on charges of gathering a crowd to disturb public order.

Xu, founder of the grassroots New Citizens movement, received a four-year sentence. Pu has denied the charges against him and the trial concluded about midday, with his lawyer Shang Baojun saying a verdict and sentence would be delivered at a later date.

As is standard in such cases, the officers on Monday refused to display identification and wore anti-smog face masks to obscure their identities.

Using such anonymous agents, or even independent contractors without official status, offers the government plausible deniability in the event situations might turn nasty. It also allows a degree of flexibility and a buffer between the authorities and actions that might be distasteful or illegal, while permitting uniformed officers to appear reasonable and law-abiding.

At least on Monday, the tactic may have backfired. Images broadcast around the world showed a violent and chaotic scene and drew even-more attention to the case of the lawyer Pu, who is being prosecuted for his past work advocating for political dissidents and government critics including avant-garde artist Ai Weiwei.

The scuffles attracted passers-by and about 50 people gathered and shouted slogans, including "Pu Zhiqiang is innocent." Signs displayed were emblazoned with slogans such as, "The people don't even have the rights that dogs enjoy," while plainclothes officers shouted back abuse, including calling the protesters "traitors."

Whether China's image-makers care about the impressions such scenes create is doubtful. Beijing has consistently rejected foreign pressure over its domestic politics, while president and Communist Party chief Xi Jinping stridently asserts that China will never compromise on core issues of sovereignty and independence.

"For the authorities, it looks like disastrous public relations, but maybe they just don't care," said Jean-Pierre Cabestan, an expert on Chinese politics at Hong Kong Baptist University. "They can always claim that [the officers] were ordinary citizens and there's very little anyone can do."

The ministry that oversees China's domestic security services did not immediately respond to faxed questions about the deployment and supervision of plainclothes officers.

Plainclothes officers and police auxiliaries are deployed for both short- and long-term assignments involving duties that fall outside the strict purview of uniformed officers. In one of the best-known cases, informal law enforcement officers were entrusted with guarding the rural home of blind legal activist Chen Guangcheng, who nevertheless escaped their around-the-clock watch to seek shelter at the US Embassy in Beijing.

Plainclothes officers are also assigned to watch the apartment of Liu Xia, the wife of imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo, who lives under virtual house arrest in central Beijing. Criticism from the outside only seems to embolden decision-makers in the government that now spends more each year on domestic security than it does on national defense.

"They are simply forcing others to accept their will and showing that they will never accept outside sanctions on China's human rights situation," Cabestan said.

The post China's Plainclothes Officers a Force against Dissent appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Chinese Jade Miners in Overdrive Ahead of New Govt

Posted: 15 Dec 2015 09:55 PM PST

Miners search for jade stones at a mine dump at a Hpakant jade mine in Kachin State, Nov. 28. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

HPAKANT, Kachin State — Using heavy earth-excavators and explosives, miners have been tearing into Burma's northern hills in recent months, in a rush to excavate more jade from the world’s richest deposits of the gemstone before a new government takes office next year.

Acres of forest have been felled, leaving behind craters, barren cliffs and a web of dirt tracks in the once-picturesque Kachin hills as the Chinese firms that dominate the jade business step up mining and aggressively seek new concessions.

They are anticipating the multibillion dollar industry could change once Aung San Suu Kyi’s election-winning National League for Democracy (NLD) takes office with a promise of clean governance, those in the trade say.

The NLD has said it will bring in rules and competition and crack down on rampant smuggling that deprives the government of hundreds of millions of dollars in tax revenue, but sceptics doubt it will be able to do much in the remote, rebel-infested region.

Nay Win Tun, a flamboyant lawmaker and heavyweight in the jade trade with close links to the Burmese military, says the Chinese have been flooding the trade with cash and equipment, ramping up production and taking over local miners.

“Right now, the market is being ruined by China,” he said in a rare interview at one of his mines near Hpakant, dressed in an orange shirt, sunglasses and a cowboy hat, and surrounded by a uniformed entourage.

“Chinese companies tried to do a joint venture with my company,” added Nay Win Tun. As he spoke, one of his attendants stooped down and tied his shoe-laces.

“I didn’t accept because they’re asking for a share of profit that’s too much.”

About 600 jade mining firms operate on 20,000 acres around the town of Hpakant, but activity is dominated by about 10 firms, among them mostly Chinese-led ventures, according to Ye Htut, the deputy head of Myanmar Gems Enterprise, a department of the Ministry of Mines.

“We are worried about the political changes in the coming months,” said Eik Yin, a site manager for Triple One Company, a China-Burma joint venture in Hpakant. But he declined to comment whether this was leading to ramped up production.

Because of the stepped-up extractions, thousands of ethnic villagers are being forced off their land. Scavengers, or “handpickers” who in their thousands scour mountains of loose earth and rubble for nuggets of jade, are sometimes buried alive, including 114 killed in a landslide last month.

Many of the scavengers are addicted to narcotics.

Earthmovers

Aung Ko Oo, director of the locally-owned Thukha Yadana mining company, said mainland Chinese firms had stepped up activity since the start of the year.

“Mostly they came in by joint venture with local (ethnic) Chinese companies,” he said. “Our firms have already sold two six-acres sites to the Chinese. We need money.”

Burmese miners say they cannot stand up to Chinese tycoons who buy influence and invest in modern heavy machinery like Caterpillar and Komatsu earth-excavators. Processions of giant trucks, with eight-foot high wheels, are a common sight in the area and all belong to Chinese firms.

These firms have successfully cornered the market, selling directly to visiting Chinese buyers they are already familiar with, according to traders who spoke to Reuters.

A Myanmar Gems Enterprise official said Chinese firms had co-opted local army commanders to secure mining concessions on their behalf, knowing they were too powerful for the local government to refuse them.

“The military officers already have deals with the Chinese companies to transfer the sites to them,” said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

“They don’t change the name of ownership sometimes. No one dares to touch (these) sites.”

Military officials were not immediately available for comment, and Zaw Htay, a senior official in the president’s office, declined comment.

Much of the jade is being smuggled into China each year, locals say. Jade is a status symbol in China widely believed to bring fortune, wealth and longevity.

According to official data, China—the world’s biggest jade market—imported only about $540 million of Burmese jade in the first nine months of this year. Global Witness, a non-governmental organization, estimated the value of Burma's jade production at $31 billion in 2014.

China’s Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said she was unaware of any allegations of Chinese companies’ involvement in jade smuggling, but added the country was opposed to such illegal activities.

A regional police official in Hpakant said hundreds of trucks were concealed in the Kachin jungles, a few of which operated each night to transport undeclared jade rocks from Hpakant towards the China border.

“At night, there are nine or 10 trucks moving,” the officer said, speaking on condition of anonymity. “Since it’s an army dominated area, the Chinese work together with the army to move trucks to Hpakant.”

In its election manifesto, the NLD led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi pledged closer scrutiny of investments when it replaces the current government early next year. But given the military’s political power and vast network of business and influence, it may be impossible to police the jade industry.

“Even this government can’t control this region because of the military’s domination,” said Eik Yin, the manager for Triple One.

“Until now, Aung San Suu Kyi hasn’t been able to influence the military, so I don’t think an NLD government can either.”

The post Chinese Jade Miners in Overdrive Ahead of New Govt appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Conservative South Korea Backs Unwed Couples, Single Parents to Lift Birth Rate

Posted: 15 Dec 2015 09:44 PM PST

A mother hugs her daughter before she takes the annual college entrance examinations at an exam hall in Seoul, Nov. 15. (Photo: Kim Hong-Ji / Reuters)

SEOUL — South Korea wants to root out age-old prejudices against single parents and unmarried couples who live together, encouraging more people to have children in the battle against its stubbornly low birth rate and rapidly aging population.

The social pressure has proved a drag on a birth rate that ranks the lowest among rich nations, and coupled with a sluggish economy, has helped make first-time South Korean mothers the world's oldest.

As policy-makers scramble to avoid the complications a dwindling population has brought to neighboring Japan, South Korea's finance ministry is taking aim against social and regulatory prejudice in its economic policy plan for next year.

"We plan to change the social perception on various family forms to boost the birth rate," the ministry said in a statement released on Wednesday, although it did not give details.

"We want to expand support for single mothers and also launch campaigns that will change people's perceptions of couples living together," said a finance ministry official, who declined to be named as he was not authorized to speak to media.

South Korea's birth rate of 1.205 children per woman is the lowest among the rich nations of the OECD grouping, where it is also aging the fastest. Its working age population will start shrinking in 2017.

Young people are compelled to delay marriage and having children by a sluggish economy that has pushed up youth unemployment. A shortage of day care and the high cost of raising and educating children are other deterrents.

The average age of first-time South Korean mothers is the world's highest, at 30.7 years, says Statistics Korea.

It will be tough to alter attitudes in a country where young couples living together before marriage is almost unheard of, and where just 1.9 percent of children are born out of wedlock.

That compares with Sweden, where unwed mothers accounted for 54.4 percent of births in 2013, and the birth rate is 1.89 percent.

Penalties for Single Parents

Job-seekers in South Korea are often asked their family status, which can penalize single parents, and children of single parents are often stigmatized, even into adulthood.

Single parents living alone with children pay higher taxes than married couples with children and a similar income.

"It is especially difficult for female single parents to find work because of gender discrimination in employment," said Park Yeong-mi of the Korea Unwed Mothers Support Network.

"Single mothers are seen as unchaste, as not conforming to social norms. Single fathers are viewed with even more social stigma, because of the patriarchal culture."

Several government departments will collaborate in the effort to change the outlook on marriage, although detailed plans are few, the finance ministry official said.

"We still have to feel out what to do specifically, and our circumstances won't turn into what you see in countries like France, but if there is prejudice in regulations, we will work to ease them."

A committee chaired by President Park Geun-hye released a blueprint to tackle the population crunch and said last week it planned to raise acceptance of "various forms of family," including teenage parents.

But change could take time, the finance ministry official acknowledged: "This will take persuasion and if the pushback is hard, we will slow things down. We will have to play this by ear."

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Japan, Korea Stick to Coal Despite Global Climate Deal

Posted: 15 Dec 2015 09:31 PM PST

Japan Nuclear Fuel Limited's (JNFL) Rokkasho Nuclear Fuel Reprocessing Facility in Rokkasho village, Dec. 4. (Photo: Kentaro Hamada / Reuters)

SEOUL/TOKYO — Less than a week since signing the global climate deal in Paris, Japan and South Korea are pressing ahead with plans to open scores of new coal-fired power plants, casting doubt on the strength of their commitment to cutting CO2 emissions.

Even as many of the world's rich nations seek to phase out the use of coal, Asia's two most developed economies are burning more than ever and plan to add at least 60 new coal-fired power plants over the next 10 years.

Officials at both countries' energy ministries said those plans were unchanged.

Japan, in particular, has been criticized for its lack of ambition—its 18-percent target for emissions cuts from 1990 to 2030 is less than half of Europe's—and questions have been raised about its ability to deliver, since the target relies on atomic energy, which is very unpopular after the 2011 disaster at the Fukushima nuclear plant.

"It will not be easy to change the dynamic for domestic coal use, but I think Japan cannot continue ignoring this," said Kimiko Hirata, international director at Kiko Network, a Japanese NGO that lobbies for measures to combat climate change.

"Eventually Japanese businesses will start recognizing the meaning of emissions neutrality and the rapid shift to renewables in other countries and start responding," said Hirata, who attended the Paris negotiations.

Analysts say Japan and South Korea could reduce carbon emissions by much more than they pledged in Paris.

"The focus in Asia has been more on China and India, so we haven't seen much attempt to put pressure on Japan and South Korea yet. But I imagine pressure will start to increase," said senior analyst Georgina Hayden at BMI Research, a unit of ratings agency Fitch Group.

Caught Napping

South Korea did scrap plans for four coal-fired power plants as part of its pledge to the Paris summit, but 20 new plants are still planned by 2021.

In Japan, 41 new coal-fired power plants are planned over the next decade, and taxes favor imports of coal over cleaner-burning natural gas.

In South Korea, tax on imported coal for power generation was raised in July, but is still only just over a third of the import tax on natural gas.

Coal-fired power plants there currently run at about 80 percent of capacity, compared with 35-40 percent for gas plants, according to calculations based on data from Korea Electric Power Corp (KEPCO), the country's largest power utility.

When asked if the Paris agreement could lead the Korean government to reduce the planned number of coal-fired plants, an energy ministry spokesman declined to comment, but a ministry official with direct knowledge of the matter said on condition of anonymity that there was no change in the offing.

KEPCO declined to comment.

Japan's environment ministry also declined to comment, but an official said, anonymously, that the Paris climate deal would have no impact on the ministry's assessments of coal plants.

Japan's Electric Power Development Co Ltd, the country's top thermal coal user, said the Paris deal would have no impact on its coal plans.

"Our stance on new coal plants is unchanged," a spokesman said, adding that emissions would be cut as ageing coal plants were replaced by new ones using the latest technology.

Mutsuyoshi Nishimura, a former climate negotiator for Japan, said Japanese industry and the government had been caught napping by the Paris agreement and were "awfully reluctant to visualize the coming of the 'non-fossil world'".

"They were too caught up in the belief that industrialization and economic growth would entail such huge CO2 emissions in developing countries that China, India, etc. would oppose any notion of decarbonization," he said.

To be sure, China uses vastly more coal and has nearly a thousand more such plants in various stages of planning and construction.

But it has also recently reformed its gas price system to encourage a switch away from coal.

"We haven't seen that kind of commitment from Japan or South Korea yet," said BMI's Hayden.

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Smartphone Freedom Fuels Rise of Social Media in Burmese Politics

Posted: 15 Dec 2015 06:45 PM PST

Nay Phone Latt, National League for Democracy MP-elect for the Rangoon Division parliament, works at his office in Thingangyun Township in early December. (Photo: Connor Macdonald / Myanmar Now)

RANGOON — Soon after polls closed in Burma's Nov. 8 elections, photos of the ink-stained fingers of proud voters were plastered across the country's Facebook pages. Overnight, the "purple pinky", used as a means to determine who had voted, became a badge of democratic honor.

The trend was symbolic of Burma's position at the convergence of rapidly expanding internet connectivity and growing political freedoms following dramatic top-down democratic reforms by the military elite.

The new political and online space is quickly being claimed by activists and politicians, who are using the growing popularity of social media to expand their influence. Political campaigning has evolved from door knocking and stump speeches to the savvy use of social networks and messaging apps to reach voters.

Facebook has been an obvious choice for most, and the National League for Democracy (NLD), which won a landslide victory over the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), has been particularly successful at leveraging social media as a tool.

"That was how I communicated with my people and my constituency, mostly through these accounts. People would send me questions, responses and opinions via my Facebook page and account," said Nay Phone Latt, a newly elected Rangoon Division lawmaker for the NLD.

"One of my friends called it 'the silent revolution,' we don’t have an armed force but it’s an ideological revolution," said the one-time political prisoner and dissident blogger from the constituency of Thingangyun.

NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi used Facebook to reach out to voters, attracting more than one million followers in the lead up to the election, with her posts often shared tens of thousands of times.

It's not only the opposition that has recognised the power of social media. Burma Army Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing, a USDP ally, has become an active Facebook user, with his nearly 400,000 followers kept up to date about his meetings, speeches and travels.

Still, Michael Suantak, program manager at Phandeeyar—a Rangoon-based tech hub promoting technological and social innovation—noted, "The NLD used social media far better than the USDP…it was entirely unintentional but the USDP misused social media in the election."

Days before the election, a video posted on President Thein Sein's Facebook page depicted violent images from conflict in the Middle East. The bizarre montage—which underlined how violence and chaos followed many of the Arab Spring democratic uprisings—suggested that the relative stability of Thein Sein's term had prevented such scenes in Burma.

The post was a source of much online derision and many saw it as an example of how out of touch the USDP government was with voters.

Online Voter Education

Telecom access in today's Burma is a world away from just five years ago when both SIM cards and mobile phones were prohibitively expensive, as the junta-run telecom sector struggled to develop under international trade sanctions. Few people had a cellphone, let alone a social media account.

Mobile phone penetration has soared from 7 percent in 2012 to 33 percent of the population in 2014. Cheaper SIM cards have enabled mass connectivity and as a result the numbers of those using social media have soared.

From March 2014 to March 2015, the number of Facebook users in Burma grew by 204 percent to reach between 6-7 million monthly users, according to Facebook figures.

Online campaigns like Mae Pay Soh (Let’s go to vote), which Rangoon-based tech start-up Geek Girls helped develop, enabled voters easy access to information on candidates, political parties, the electoral processes and how to vote.

Despite such efforts, disenfranchisement of ethnic and minority groups and an inefficient voter registration process hampered election turn-out, which at 69 percent dipped below that of previous elections.

The impact of social media on voter education was positive, but had limited effect in rural areas, said Suantak. "Cartoons and videos on how to vote, and what it means to have a 'free and fair' election, were all over social media, but it could only cover a narrow area and is dependent on availability of the internet," he said.

Connectivity rates in remote rural areas, such as Chin State, are far lower than in urban areas and often a local language is spoken instead of Burmese.

Virtual Platform, Real World Implications

Despite technical limitations, many in remote ethnic areas with internet access embraced social media in the election—seeing its potential as a political tool.

Footage of neatly piled advanced votes ballots, still wet with glue, with almost identical marks for a USDP candidate went viral on Facebook just hours after the close of polls. Similar posts surfaced in the following days. One such post alleged suspected voter irregularities in Myitkyina, Lashio and Taunggyi, and included the hashtags of major international news organizations.

"We need international media coverage & observers. Please help us to enjoy clean & fair election!" it read.

Under the military regime, allegations of such irregularities would never have been made public. Such a public accusation would have quickly been shut down and those involved arrested.

"Everyone has smartphones, everyone can take pictures and everyone has the ability take evidence… dare I say, it will bring Myanmar closer to democracy," Suantak said.

However, ahead of the polls conservative forces backing the USDP also took to Facebook to spread their not-so-democratic message.

Nationalist Buddhist monk and Ma Ba Tha movement figurehead, Wirathu, has over 40,000 likes on his page, a platform he has been accused of using to spread anti-Muslim hate speech. In 2014, Wirathu shared a post with a rumor that a Buddhist women been raped by two Muslim men. The spurious claim sparked communal violence in Mandalay that cost two lives.

With disregard for the 2008 Constitution, which says religion cannot be used as a political tool, Wirathu changed his profile picture to a photo of Thein Sein, the words "I’ll be with you Mr PRESIDENT—You are OURS" emblazoned across the top and bottom, a month before the election.

Suzanne Nossel, executive director of PEN American Centre, a network of international writers that promotes freedom of speech, said whilst social media provides a platform for extremists to make gains in the political sphere, it does not drive them.

"Social media, in and of itself, doesn’t increase anyone’s political influence,

When extremism rises online it is critical that moderate voices speak out and organize to reject racist and ethnocentric ideologies," she said. Nossel warned against formally outlawing hate speech as it could quickly devolve into broader curbs on freedom of speech.

Social Media Not Yet Free

On Nov. 13, five days after the election, as it was officially confirmed that the NLD had won a parliamentary majority, Patrick Kum Jaa Lee was sitting in his cell in Rangoon's Insein Prison. His appeal for bail had just been denied. In October, the Kachin activist was charged under the Telecommunications Law after posting a digitally altered photo on Facebook of a boot trampling senior general Min Aung Hlaing. He faces up to three years in prison.

Activists warn that despite democratic gains, a number of laws—some of which stem from the junta-era, such as the Electronic Transaction Law—continue to pose a danger to social media users. Criminal defamation charges are also used to repress free speech online.

"It's not only the Telecommunications Law or Electronic Transactions Law that need to be amended," said May Sabae Phyu, Patrick Kum Jaa Lee’s wife and director of the Gender Equality Network. "During the last five years a lot of new laws have been permitted and approved by parliament without proper consultation with civil society."

"They need to abolish Myanmar’s criminal defamation laws," said Nossel, of PEN America. "People should be free to disagree with, criticize and even mock the government, the military, and all other institutions and individuals."

Nay Phone Latt, the NLD MP and blogger, said social media users need to be wary of such laws until further reforms are implemented. "We have already tried to amend these laws two years ago. It wasn’t successful but in this coming term of government, I think we can do it," he said.

This article was originally published on Myanmar Now.

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Tenasserim Security Boosted After Reports of Islamic State in Thailand

Posted: 15 Dec 2015 08:20 AM PST

Members of the Myanmar Police Force undergoing European Union-funded training. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Police in Tenasserim Division have beefed up security in the southeastern jurisdiction's 10 townships and at border gates following reports that 10 members of the Islamic State (IS) had entered neighboring Thailand.

The Thailand-based news agency Khaosod reported earlier this month that the Russian Federal Security Service informed the Royal Thai Police that 10 IS members had entered Thailand intent on attacking Russian interests there. Following the reports, the Tenasserim Division Police Force has tightened security, setting its color-coded posture in the region to "green," indicating that security forces are to adopt a heightened level of monitoring for suspicious activity or potential threats from the radical Islamist group.

"It is important that people are safe. Once security is threatened and if people's trust has declined in us as a consequence, we're done. That's why we are taking pre-emptive measures," Col. Kyi Lin of the Tenasserim Division Police Force told The Irrawaddy, adding that the color code was raised from blue, which indicates a "normal situation."

"For the time being, we are carrying out tight checks at border gates as well as cooperating with administrative authorities in the townships because we are concerned that [IS members] may get beyond Tanintharyi [Tenasserim] and get into Yangon," he said.

Tenasserim Division shares a border of more than 500 miles with southern Thailand and the Home Affairs Ministry in Burma's capital Naypyidaw has instructed the divisional police force to "systematically ensure security."

"It depends on further reports, how long we'll be on alert. But so far, we've found nothing suspicious," the police colonel said.

IS, also known as ISIS and ISIL, has faced a growing air campaign against its forces by the United States, Russia and other European powers. The group, which operates primarily in Iraq and Syria, has gained international infamy in recent years for releasing graphic videos of the beheadings of captives, and more recently claimed credit for a deadly attack in Paris that killed more than 100 people last month.

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