Monday, January 25, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


For Lynn Wunna, A Clear Mind is Key to Artistic Expression

Posted: 25 Jan 2016 05:25 PM PST

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RANGOON — Lynn Wunna credits the guidance he received from one of Burma's most renowned and influential artists, Bagyi Aung Soe, as setting him on his own unique artistic path.

"Art is not for money," he recalls Bagyi Aung Soe advising. "It is your obligation to create works of aesthetic appeal. Whether or not you can make money, that depends on fate."

The eldest of six siblings, Lynn Wunna was born in Rangoon's Tamwe Township. His father was an English teacher and his mother a civil servant.

He began learning the very basics of painting when he was young as well-known cartoonist Myay Zar taught art at his local kindergarten. When he was in fifth grade, he studied basic painting from the artist Lun Kywe and by the ninth grade, he was taking tips from Bagyi Aung Soe, who lived just four doors down from his home.

Bagyi Aung Soe did not teach him painting techniques directly at first but instead showed him pictures in books and explained how they were drawn and asked him to imitate the style.

He still remembers much of the late artist's advice.

"One day he said I had become half an artist," Lynn Wunna said. "I asked him what I was supposed to do to be a fully-fledged artist and he told me to read a lot."

Bagyi Aung Soe also helped him undergo mind training exercises such as mediating and counting beads to obtain Satori—a state of mind helping a person to better understand their true nature.

"Don't be a second Aung Soe; be the first Lynn Wunna," Bagyi Aung Soe once told him.

Lynn Wunna was arrested on September 9, 1990, and spent three months in Insein Prison for his involvement in politics. He studied at the State Fine Arts School in Rangoon from 1991-94 but, just two months after graduation, he was arrested for a second time and spent another year in jail.

"Artists love freedom. Throughout history, artists have always confronted rulers during dark eras in which freedom is prohibited," Lynn Wunna said.

"I took part in basic education school student unions after the 1988 pro-democracy uprising and was consequently imprisoned when I was in 10th grade."

After his release, he was no longer permitted to study at school and had to take exams off-campus.

"I think politics concerns everyone living in the country. Unless and until people… enjoy complete human freedom and there is responsibility and accountability, politics will remain a crushing burden on us," Lynn Wunna said, adding that he was optimistic about the country's future.

The Rangoon-born artist has so far held eight solo exhibitions since 1996 and participated in dozens of group shows and charity events.

He describes the creation of his works as dependent on his mental state.

"I focus on color rather than figures and draw out my feelings on canvas in a state of mind between consciousness and unconsciousness. If consciousness is stronger than unconsciousness, my painting is dominated by drawing techniques and if unconsciousness is stronger… the painting is dominated by abstract composition," he said.

"Sometimes images which hide in the deepest parts of the mind come out onto canvas without the knowledge of the creator."

When asked how he defines a successful artist, he pointed to Bagyi Aung Soe and Kin Maung Yin as examples.

"They have attained the highest state. [By that] I mean a state in which an artist can free his mind and draw out his feelings freely without being burdened. This I think is the highest achievement for an artist," he said.

Aside from painting, Lynn Wunna is also involved in illustration.

"To illustrate, you need to have a strong imagination, and for arts, you need to have strong feeling," he said.

Translated by Thet Ko Ko.

The post For Lynn Wunna, A Clear Mind is Key to Artistic Expression appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Maintaining Arms Embargo is Crucial to Peace Process

Posted: 25 Jan 2016 04:25 PM PST

A cache of Burma Army weapons purportedly seized recently by the Shan State Army-North. (Photo: Tai Tan Yang / SSPP/SSA)

A cache of Burma Army weapons purportedly seized recently by the Shan State Army-North. (Photo: Tai Tan Yang / SSPP/SSA)

In 2016,the question of lifting the on-going arms embargo and related sanctions against the Tatmadaw, as the Burma Army is known, and its civilian cronies will be revisited by Western governments. The fact that the current embargo imposed by the European Union and that has existed since 1998 is set to expire on April 30th makes this inevitable. While in some ways this will be a continuation of a process of lifting political and economic sanctions by these foreign governments that began in 2011 with the transition to quasi-civilian rule and then intensified after the 2012 electoral gains of the National League for Democracy (NLD).

During the coming months, it can be expected that this process will enter a new phase with pressure from within Burma for the lifting of military-related sanctions. While senior Tatmadaw can be expected to seek this as a reward for their "good behavior," it can also be expected that the new NLD government will also voice its support as a demonstration of its commitment to national reconciliation and the role of the military as a national institution.

It is difficult to see how any ethnic armed organization could retain any faith in foreign intermediaries—in what is already seen by many as a broken process—should they permit state-owned or private arms companies from their countries to do business with the Tatmadaw. This is because the lifting of these sanctions would undermine trust in the good faith of these governments in three key areas.

The first of these concerns the impact that this change in policy would have on the faith that ethnic armed organizations have in the commitment of foreign governments to promoting good governance and the rule of law in Burma.

Under the 2008 Constitution, the military will remain outside of the oversight and control of the incoming NLD led government, as will the administration and budgets of the ministries of Defense, Interior and Border Affairs. This independence will continue to be facilitated by the military's control of an economic empire administered through the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings, Ltd. and the Myanmar Economic Corporation, which also includes significant off-the-books income from the looting of natural resources such as timber, jade and precious stones in areas largely inhabited by non-Bamar ethnic minorities.

Additional income is also obtained through the confiscation of land, which continues to occur in places such as Karenni State as well as from Chinese companies that have been allowed to operate in Burma. One such example is the massive jade extraction in Kachin State's Hpakant area. As the money to pay for weapons, equipment or military-related services would come from such sources, governments that allow state and private companies to do business with the Tatmadaw risk being viewed as its partner in crime and thereby taint their involvement in the current peace process.

This association can also extend to the second major issue of concern: on-going human rights abuses committed by the Tatmadaw against non-Bamar ethnic minorities in conflict-affected areas across the country.

The fact is that even after the transition to quasi-civilian rule and the beginning of the current peace process, the Tatmadaw has continued the practice of forced labor, as well as committing rape, torture and killing civilians. Such abuses have long been a feature of the military's notorious scorched-earth "Four Cut" strategy. In addition, the Tatmadaw has also continued its practice of indiscriminately laying landmines and deliberately shelling civilian populations. In both Shan and Kachin states, the scale and intensity of these crimes have resulted in tens of thousands of civilians being displaced from their homes.

While it would be bad enough that a lifting of military-related sanctions would be seen as a tacit acceptance of these abuses, the third major issue of concern is that the Tatmadaw continues to violate ceasefire agreements and even refuses to engage some ethnic armed organizations in peace talks.

In the case of the Shan State Progressive Party, the political wing of the Shan State Army–North, this group has had more than 100 clashes with the government over the past three years. At the same time, it has been subjected to repeated demands that it withdraw from outposts, bases and towns that are under its control. It was the refusal of Shan State Army–North to withdraw from the outposts in Mong Hsu as well as the strategically located river port town of Tar San Pu in Kyethi Township, Shan State, which resulted in the Tatmadaw launching an attack that displaced about 10,000 civilians.

One doesn't need to know much about Burma to understand that a willingness to do business with the Tatmadaw as it continues to violate ceasefire agreements and refuses to negotiate with some ethnic armed organizations would risk further emboldening it to use force against them, rather than seeking a genuine political settlement to the country's protracted civil war.

Of course, the already weak response of the international community to these crimes and its failure to force Naypyidaw to abide either by its ceasefire agreements or obligations under international treaties—including the Geneva Conventions and Declaration of Commitment to End Sexual Violence in Conflict—has not gone unnoticed. Nor has the fact that the United States, the European Union and others have done little to dissuade or prevent countries receiving large amounts of aid from selling arms to the Tatmadaw. A recent example is their failure to stop Pakistan's sale of JF-17 Thunder multirole fighters, which could be used not only against ethnic armed organizations but also civilian populations.

Lifting military-related sanctions would be a betrayal on a scale unseen since the United States and the United Kingdom abandoned the Karen and Kachin after World War II. For this reason, efforts by political parties, NGOs and civil society to maintain the arms embargo and other sanctions against the military must be sustained if the current peace process is to survive.

Khu Oo Reh is Vice Chairman of the Karenni National Progressive Party and General Secretary of the United Nationalities Federal Council.

The post Maintaining Arms Embargo is Crucial to Peace Process appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Buyers Remain Cautious as Condominium Law Approved By Parliament

Posted: 25 Jan 2016 05:09 AM PST

Construction site in Mayangone Township, one of Rangoon's prime real estate locations.  (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

Construction site in Mayangone Township, one of Rangoon's prime real estate locations.  (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burma's outgoing Union Parliament on Friday approved a new Condominium Law, clarifying some property regulations and making 40 percent of units available for foreign purchase.

Three years in the making, the law is expected to breathe new life into a stagnating real estate market, though industry professionals predict foreign investors still await more reform.

Under the new law, foreigners will be able to buy units on the sixth floor or higher, but are not allowed to manage properties. Buyers will acquire shared ownership of the land on which the condos are built, viewed as an improvement over previous property laws favoring landowners over apartment owners.

The law also outlines criteria for condominiums, detailing the number of floors, units, parking places, facilities and security required. Condominiums must be more than ix stories high with a footprint of at least 20,000 square feet.

Lower House lawmaker Khine Maung Yi, of the National Democratic Force party, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the bill had been passed by both houses and that "details will be announced after the President [Thein Sein] approves it."

Real estate professionals expect to see an uptick in sales, especially in the commercial capital Rangoon, where supply has exceeded demand amid a construction boom in recent years. The property market has also slowed since 2014 due to skyrocketing prices and concerns over political stability.

"There are many condos waiting to be sold in Rangoon, but the market has cooled down as many investors take a 'wait and see' approach to the country's political situation and laws," said Than Oo, vice chairman of the Myanmar Real Estate Association.

"But now I expect many developers will be happy, as foreign investors will come," he added.

Some investors still remain cautious because of Burma's as-yet incomplete tax reform agenda, according to Zin Min Swe, managing director of Mandalay-based CAD Construction. A number of lawmakers have proposed raising property and sales taxes, and enforcement is expected to become more stringent in the years to come.

"I am concerned that the government will try to control the property market with the tax laws; they will reassess the property taxes for these buyers," Zin Min Swe said, explaining that until investors see a clear and fair tax policy, they are unlikely to rush in and buy residential properties.

In addition to vague and likely impermanent tax laws, investors want to see a number of other refinements to related policies.

Tony Picon, managing director of the US-based real estate firm Colliers International, said that buyers will be waiting for a clearer land titling system and changes to parking requirements, "which are hindering the condo sector."

The post Buyers Remain Cautious as Condominium Law Approved By Parliament appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

New Mon Language Curriculum Ready for Government Schools

Posted: 25 Jan 2016 04:33 AM PST

A Mon nongovernment primary school operated by the Mon National Education Committee under the New Mon State Party in Kabyarwa village, Ye Township, Mon State. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

A Mon nongovernment primary school operated by the Mon National Education Committee under the New Mon State Party in Kabyarwa village, Ye Township, Mon State. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The training of 400 teachers in a new child-centered curriculum for the instruction of the Mon language began this week in Moulmein.

Regional volunteers and civil servants who work as Mon language instructors in government schools will attend the training in the Mon State capital. Participants are from Mon and Karen states, and Tenasserim Division.

Min Aung Zay, a team leader on the Working Committee for Curriculum Drafting, said the training will be delivered as a four-day workshop to two batches of 200 teachers. He explained that these teachers will then try out the new curriculum when schools re-open. Through student-centered methodology, he hopes children will be able to "learn the language easily."

The Mon Language Curriculum Committee within the Mon State government has finished drafting primary-level textbooks, a basic Mon language book and a teacher's guide for the upcoming school year. The materials were adapted from Burma's national curriculum and are based on "mother tongue-based multilingual education," an approach in which students are instructed in their first language as a way to both preserve non-dominant languages and build confidence in learning.

New Mon-language textbooks for kindergarten up to grade five are currently being printed with Unicef funds, and are expected to be ready at the end of April or early May.

With support from the Mon State government, the Mon language teachers will be provided a salary of 30,000 kyats (US$23) per month. The Irrawaddy reported in May that, due to a lack of funds and national support, teachers had previously only received one-third of this.

There are approximately 50,000 students in Mon State and 100,000 students countrywide currently attending schools where the Mon language is taught.

"Most schools that teach Mon language classes are in Mon villages where there are no Burman students," Min Aung Zay said. Seven of Mon State's townships are home to 382 such schools.

"The language is not taught in some cities where Burmese is spoken more. But in cities where there are more Mon, we have to teach it," he added.

In 2014, the Mon State parliament approved a bill allowing ethnic language instruction during school hours, yet access to Mon language classes still varies by school. Beginning in 2011, ethnic educators and lawmakers proposed the inclusion of local languages in government schools. It was permitted one year later, but only outside of regular school hours, and did not receive state funding.

For 50 years, Burma's military governments banned ethnic minority language education from public schools, requiring that all instruction take place in Burmese, the language of the country's ethnic Burman majority. Minority languages were instead taught in non-government schools run by the administrative divisions of non-state ethnic armed groups.

The post New Mon Language Curriculum Ready for Government Schools appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Letpadan Detainees Facing ‘Life-Threatening’ Illnesses: Report

Posted: 25 Jan 2016 04:15 AM PST

 Members of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), Justice Trust and the Letpadan Justice Committee hold a press conference on Monday in Rangoon. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

Members of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), Justice Trust and the Letpadan Justice Committee hold a press conference on Monday in Rangoon. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A coalition of three groups released a report on Monday highlighting the ailing health of 53 student demonstrators and supporters detained since March and urging their "immediate and unconditional" release.

In the report, the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), Justice Trust and the Letpadan Justice Committee said some of the Thayawaddy Prison detainees are suffering from life-threatening medical conditions without access to proper treatment services.

"The poor health of the students is a result of the brutal crackdown at Letpadan [in Pegu Division]. They were kicked, punched, as well as beaten in the face and head with batons," said ABFSU spokesperson Aung Nay Paing.

The report released Monday said unsanitary conditions at Thayawaddy Prison had contributed to detainees' deteriorating health.

Protests against Burma's controversial National Education Law went on for months before police eventually clamped down on demonstrators at Letpadan on March 10 of last year. Of the 127 students initially detained, 53 have since been released. The remaining students have been charged with various sections of Burma's Penal Code.

Nineteen of the remaining students were granted bail and two were released after they were found to be minors.

Thet Min, the medical practitioner who led the research team for the report, said prison authorities had barred many of the ailing students from being transferred to private hospitals to receive treatment, despite his urging.

Thet Min examined 34 of the remaining 53 detainees for the report and found that some are suffering from gastrointestinal illnesses, chest infections and tuberculosis (TB). He recommended that the student who has contracted TB, in particular, be separated from other detainees to prevent spread of the infectious disease.

Overall, the report stated that some 70 percent of the students who were involved in the Letpadan protests had received internal injuries as a result of the crackdown.

Aung Nay Paing said that, nine months on, only a single witness out of the 49 who have submitted statements in the cases had actually made it to the courthouse.

"It [the trial] can take up to three years," he said. "These cases shouldn't lead to imprisonment. We demand that the government drop the case."

Aung Nay Paing added that the current government should resolve the Letpadan controversy, rather than leave it to the new government when power is transferred in late March.

Khin Khin Htwe, mother of detained student Min Thwe Thit, said she had gone to court hearings several times but that some parents had been unable to attend due in part to financial hurdles.

The post Letpadan Detainees Facing 'Life-Threatening' Illnesses: Report appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thai Court Orders Prison Transfer of Burmese Pair Implicated in Ranong Murder

Posted: 25 Jan 2016 03:56 AM PST

 Moe Zin Aung, Sein Kadone, Wai Lin and Kyaw Soe Win (from left to right) are seen with their families last year. (Photo: Min Oo / FED)

Moe Zin Aung, Sein Kadone, Wai Lin and Kyaw Soe Win (from left to right) are seen with their families last year. (Photo: Min Oo / FED)

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — A court in Thailand's Ranong province on Monday ordered that two Burmese minors accused of involvement in the fatal stabbing of a Thai student in September last year be transferred to a juvenile prison in Surat Thani province, some 200 km south of the Ranong juvenile facility in which they had been detained.

Four Burmese fisheries workers—including Moe Zin Aung and Kyaw Soe Win, both 15 years old—have been in detention since October 2015 in connection with the stabbing death of a 19-year-old Thai woman the previous month.

The two minors appeared in court on Monday after a judge accepted the case against them on Jan. 22. The pair are being tried in separate proceedings from the other accused, Wai Lin and Sein Kadone, as the former are adolescents.

"I told my son to stay safe at the Surat Thani juvenile detention centre," said Ei Ei Moe, the mother of Moe Zin Aung. "I am worried about him as they are moving him to a place further from us."

She said Moe Zin Aung received minor injuries after he was assaulted by another detainee in the juvenile detention center in Ranong on Jan. 15.

Ei Ei Moe added that the defendant's lawyers and the migrant rights group, Foundation for Education & Development, pledged to assist the family to arrange future prison visits.

Family members of the accused have alleged their sons were tortured by police in detention.

The next court hearing for the two Burmese minors is scheduled for Feb. 29. Wai Lin and Sein Kadone appeared in court on Jan. 18 and their next hearing is set for March 14.

The case is expected to be closely scrutinized after a Thai court sentenced two Burmese migrant workers to death last month for the murder of two British backpackers on a Thai resort island in September 2014. The verdict prompted days of protests outside the Thai Embassy in Rangoon.

The post Thai Court Orders Prison Transfer of Burmese Pair Implicated in Ranong Murder appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Suu Kyi, Military Chief Meet Again as Power Transfer Nears

Posted: 25 Jan 2016 03:31 AM PST

Burma Army commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, left, and Aung San Suu Kyi shake hands ahead of talks on Monday in Naypyidaw. (Photo: Facebook / Senior General Min Aung Hlaing)

Burma Army commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, left, and Aung San Suu Kyi shake hands ahead of talks on Monday in Naypyidaw. (Photo: Facebook / Senior General Min Aung Hlaing)

RANGOON — Burma Army leader Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and Aung San Suu Kyi held talks on Monday for the second time since the National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman and her party emerged victorious in a Nov. 8 general election, according to the commander-in-chief's office.

The two-hour sit-down in the capital Naypyidaw came more than a month after the two leaders first met on Dec. 2.

Also present for Monday's meeting were Min Aung Hlaing's deputy Snr-Gen Soe Win and other high-ranking generals, as well as NLD central committee members Win Htein, Win Myint and Zaw Myint Maung, and Suu Kyi's personal physician Dr. Tin Myo Win, the statement said.

"The two sides frankly discussed matters related to a peaceful transition in the post-election period, parliamentary issues, formation of the next government and measures to be taken to build permanent peace after the signing of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA]," the statement read.

Suu Kyi's NLD won nearly 80 percent of seats contested in November, and will hold the parliamentary supermajority it needs to choose Burma's next president.

With Suu Kyi barred from assuming the presidency and the military controlling three powerful ministries, relations between the NLD chairwoman and Min Aung Hlaing are seen as a critical indicator of the extent to which the party will be able to govern effectively over the 2016-21 period.

A second meeting between the two had been tipped in recent weeks. Unlike Monday's gathering, their first encounter was a private one-on-one.

The NLD will take power on April 1.

The post Suu Kyi, Military Chief Meet Again as Power Transfer Nears appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Three Children Reported Injured After Burma Army, TNLA Clash

Posted: 25 Jan 2016 01:37 AM PST

 TNLA soldiers from Battalion 527 at Lwel Khan village in Kyaukme Township in northern Shan State. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

TNLA soldiers from Battalion 527 at Lwel Khan village in Kyaukme Township in northern Shan State. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Three children were wounded by an artillery shell in northern Shan State's Namhsan Township on Saturday, local sources said, during a clash between the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and government troops.

Ba Kyaw, of the Ta'ang Literature and Culture Association in Namhsan, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that three children from one family, aged seven, 10 and 12, were injured when an artillery shell landed on their house in Namhsan town during clashes in the area. It was unclear which side had fired the shell.

"They were hit by the explosion," said Ba Kyaw, who described the fighting as a rare occurrence in the town. "Many of us were afraid."

TNLA troops reported that they attacked a Burma Army base of Light Infantry Division 77 just after midnight on January 23. They allegedly exchanged fire for 30 minutes.

Tar Bong Kyaw, TNLA general secretary, told The Irrawaddy last year that increased aggression from the Burma Army could lead the armed group to consider a more offensive strategy.

"We will change our military tactics if they chase our troops into the jungle," he said in October. "We will attack their base in the town instead of letting them come to fight us."

The TNLA have recently accused Burma Army troops of partnering with soldiers from the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) and jointly attacking them, a charge which the SSA-S leadership denies.

Since November, clashes between the TNLA and the SSA-S have reportedly occurred in several northern Shan State townships, including Namkham and Manton. Both groups have traded blame over the cause of the fighting.

The SSA-S was one of eight armed groups to sign a so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement with the government in October, while the TNLA was one of three armed groups excluded from signing. Several major ethnic armed organizations opted out of the agreement on the basis that it lacked inclusivity.

The post Three Children Reported Injured After Burma Army, TNLA Clash appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Market Launched in Muse Business Zone

Posted: 25 Jan 2016 12:11 AM PST

 Mingalar Market in Muse is pictured during its launch last week. (Photo: Facebook / Phyo Aung)

Mingalar Market in Muse is pictured during its launch last week. (Photo: Facebook / Phyo Aung)

RANGOON — The Mingalar Market in the Muse Central Economic Zone at the Sino-Burmese border opened last week, with shop rental spaces commanding up to 1 billion kyats (US$770,000) per unit.

The 192-unit market, built on 15.5 acres of land, is the first phase of the Muse Central Economic Zone project, a joint venture between the Shan State government and New Star Light Co., which is being built over six phases near the Shweli River along Shan State's northern border with China.

The shops will be leased out on 30-year terms, with rents ranging between 300 million kyats and 1 billion kyats for the three-decade period.

Shops are housed within a three-story compound and leases can be renewed twice, meaning a maximum lease length of 90 years. More than 60 percent of the shops have been leased out so far, according to a New Star Light official in charge of the sales.

More than 200 acres of lands were confiscated for the business district project and a compensation of 24 million kyats was given for each acre of land, Sai Kham Hein, one of the farmers whose land was confiscated, told The Irrawaddy.

Sai Myat Aung, a member of the Shan Literature and Culture Committee in Muse, told The Irrawaddy: "Farmers are not yet satisfied with the compensation they have been given. They want to claim more in compensation."

Construction for the project began in 2013 and the entire project was originally scheduled to be completed last year.

The project's first phase will also include offices, banks, an exhibition center and specialty shops for gems and jade, the Myanmar Times reported.

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Army Chief Vows to Inform Press Council About Peace Process

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 10:33 PM PST

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing with members of the Myanmar Press Council in Naypyidaw on Jan. 24, 2016. (Photo: Min Aung Hlaing / Facebook)

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing with members of the Myanmar Press Council in Naypyidaw on Jan. 24, 2016. (Photo: Min Aung Hlaing / Facebook)

RANGOON — The chief of the Burma Army has promised greater transparency throughout the peace process, telling the country's press council that it will serve as an important liaison between the military and the national media.

Speaking to council members on Sunday in Naypyidaw, Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing said the press council would be "contacted directly" about military-related news, and that press releases will be issued if necessary.

The commander said the press was often "incorrect," warranting greater cooperation between the military and the country's highest semi-independent media body, formed last year with 24 members.

Min Aung Hlaing said the Burma Army was committed to full implementation of a lasting peace agreement, and viewed ending civil conflict as necessary for the country's stability and development.

Reiterating that the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and security sector reform (SSR) process must adhere to a firm timeframe, the commander said the military was working closely with the government and the Parliament to ensure the rule of law and urged the media to remain "positive."

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Acclaimed Writer Amitav Ghosh Honors U Thant in Rangoon

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 10:14 PM PST

  Amitav Ghosh speaks on climate change at the U Thant House museum in Rangoon on Jan. 24, 2016. (Photo: U Thant House)

Amitav Ghosh speaks on climate change at the U Thant House museum in Rangoon on Jan. 24, 2016. (Photo: U Thant House)

RANGOON — Internationally acclaimed writer Amitav Ghosh spoke in Rangoon on Sunday at an event marking the birthday of the late former UN Secretary General U Thant, Jan. 22.

The best-selling author of fiction and non-fiction works, including "The Glass Palace," which was set partly in Burma, delivered a lecture called "Climate Change and a Rising" Asia at U Thant's former home in Windermere, near Rangoon University.

U Thant's house has recently been restored and opened to the public as a museum in his honor.

Thant Myint U, the grandson of the former secretary general and co-chairman of the U Thant House Trust, gave introductory remarks, calling it "very fitting" to discuss climate change in U Thant's home.

"U Thant was a passionate believer and early advocate of environmental protection," Thant Myint U said.

"We hope U Thant's house will continue to be not just a museum, but also a venue for talks on issues related to U Thant's life and legacy, such as peace, human rights, sustainable development and climate change," he added.

More than 120 people attended Sunday's event, including Tin Oo, the party patron of the National League for Democracy (NLD), political figures, civil society leaders, diplomats and UN officials.

The post Acclaimed Writer Amitav Ghosh Honors U Thant in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ethnic Protesters in Nepal Reject Constitutional Amendment

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 08:56 PM PST

 Madhesi protesters block the highway connecting Nepal to India as they protest against the new constitution in Birgunj, Nepal Nov. 4, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

Madhesi protesters block the highway connecting Nepal to India as they protest against the new constitution in Birgunj, Nepal Nov. 4, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

KATHMANDU — Ethnic protesters in Nepal rejected a constitutional amendment passed by the parliament in a bid to end months of protests that have blocked a key border crossing with India and caused shortages of fuel and other supplies.

Members of Madhesi ethnic parties boycotted a late night vote Saturday that approved the first amendment to the constitution with overwhelming support. Laxman Lal Karna of the United Democratic Madhesi Front said Sunday that the amendment was incomplete and did not address their concerns.

"We reject the amendment that does little to address our demands. It does not even touch our main demand for changing the borders of the provinces," Karna said.

The amendment backed by the ruling coalition and the main opposition party changes the constitution to ensure proportionate inclusion of minority communities in government and electoral constituencies.

The constitution was adopted in September by the Constituent Assembly despite protests from Madhesi groups.

The Madhesis in south Nepal have been protesting for months, saying the constitution carved Nepal's seven states unfairly with borders that cut through their ancestral homeland. They want a larger state, more government representation and more local autonomy.

The protests and a general strike in much of southern Nepal has blocked a key border crossing with India, through which Nepal gets much of its fuel and other supplies. It resulted in a severe shortage of fuel and medicines.

More than 50 people have been killed since August in protest-related violence. Three people were killed on Thursday when police opened fire on Madhesi protesters who tried to attack a political rally organized by Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Oli's party in a southeast Nepal town.

Talks between the protesting groups and the government have continued but no agreement has been reached.

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Vietnam PM Nominated to Panel in Key Move to Seek Leadership

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 08:39 PM PST

 Vietnam Communist Party Secretary General Nguyen Phu Trong, left, and Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung at the opening of the Vietnam Communist Party's 12th National Congress in Hanoi on Jan. 21, 2016.  (Photo: Reuters)

Vietnam Communist Party Secretary General Nguyen Phu Trong, left, and Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung at the opening of the Vietnam Communist Party's 12th National Congress in Hanoi on Jan. 21, 2016.  (Photo: Reuters)

HANOI — Supporters of Vietnam's prime minister have nominated him for a key Communist Party panel, a necessary step to contesting the post of the party chief, in a last-minute maneuver to secure the top job in the country.

Delegates at a Communist Party congress nominated Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung to the Central Committee in what amounts to open defiance of the party chief, General Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong, who for years has been trying to sideline Dung.

His nomination was announced by Vu Ngoc Hoang, a Central Committee member and deputy chair of the party's propaganda and education commission, state-run newspaper Tuoi Tre reported Sunday.

The move, while not completely unexpected, exposed the deep division between Trong and Dung. It was all the more striking as it was revealed during the ongoing party congress to choose the new general secretary and other leaders in the Politburo, the collective leadership that will govern Vietnam for the next five years.

Dung is favored by the business community, which feels that he will continue the economic reforms in the country at the same pace that have helped Vietnam attract a flood of foreign investment and helped triple the per capita GDP to US$2,100 over the past 10 years.

He is also seen as being more solid in standing up to neighboring China, which has been displaying aggressive territorial ambitions in the South China Sea.

Trong on the other hand is a stolid, conservative party apparatchik who is not seen as being too imaginative on economic reforms, and being too soft on China.

Before the congress opened on Thursday, it appeared that Trong had suppressed Dung by keeping him out of the official list of candidates for the new Central Committee, a key panel that will elect the Politburo. He also invoked a rule that prohibits the 175 members of the committee, where Dung has influence, from nominating anyone else.

However, Dung appears to have found a loophole in that rule by getting some of the 1,510 delegates attending the congress to nominate him, which is allowed.

Hoang was quoted by Tuoi Tre newspaper as saying that Dung and 61 others were nominated by the delegates for Central Committee positions. These names were not on the official list, and the development means that the congress will now have to vote on the final candidates.

Dung is obliged to refuse to accept the nomination, but the delegates are allowed to reject his refusal. If they do so on Monday, Dung would be in the running for the general secretary's post along with Trong. The Central Committee will also nominate other key posts, including prime minister, which is the No. 2 in the hierarchy, the president and the chairman of the National Assembly, or the parliament.

Dung has been prime minister for two terms, and the only job open for him would be the No. 1 post. Trong's camp accuses him of economic mismanagement, a prime example of which was the bankruptcy of a state-owned shipping company, failing to control massive public debt, corruption and non-preforming loans of state-owned banks.

Vietnam is one of the last remaining communist nations in the world, with a party membership of 4.5 million. But like its ideological ally China, the government believes in quasi-free market economy alongside a strictly controlled society that places several restrictions on its 93 million people.

The post Vietnam PM Nominated to Panel in Key Move to Seek Leadership appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Malaysia Detains 7 Suspected IS Members Plotting Attacks

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 08:27 PM PST

  Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak delivers a speech at the opening of the ASEAN Summit in Kuala Lumpur November 21, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak delivers a speech at the opening of the ASEAN Summit in Kuala Lumpur November 21, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

KUALA LUMPUR — Malaysian police have detained seven men suspected of being an Islamic State militant cell that was plotting attacks, authorities said Sunday.

The seven Malaysians were detained over the past three days in a follow-up operation after the Jan. 15 detention of a man who was planning a suicide attack in Kuala Lumpur, national police chief Khalid Abu Bakar said.

Among the items seized were 30 types of bullets, jihad books and Islamic State flags and videos, he said.

"All the suspects are members of the same [terror] cell, which is responsible for planning to launch terror attacks in strategic locations across Malaysia," Khalid said in a statement.

The suspect thought to be the cell leader is a 31-year-old assistant housekeeping manager at a hotel in southern Johor state, Khalid said. He said one of the suspects, whom he didn't identify, received orders from Bahrom Naim, an Indonesian based in Syria who had a role in planning the Jakarta attacks.

Malaysia raised its security alert level following the attacks on Jan. 14 in neighboring Indonesia.

More than 150 people suspected of having ties to the Islamic State group have been detained in Malaysia over the past two years, including some accused of plotting attacks in Kuala Lumpur.

The post Malaysia Detains 7 Suspected IS Members Plotting Attacks appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

A Kachin Leader’s Legacy Lives On Through His Daughter

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 06:25 PM PST

Ja Seng Hkawn at her riverside home in Myitkyina. (Photo: Thin Lei Win / Myanmar Now)

Ja Seng Hkawn at her riverside home in Myitkyina. (Photo: Thin Lei Win / Myanmar Now)

MYITKYINA, Kachin State — For much of the first 20 years of her life, Maran Ja Seng Hkawn was raised by her grandmothers in Kachin, Burma's northernmost state, without her parents or siblings by her side and under the scrutiny of military intelligence.

Her crime? She was born into a revolutionary Kachin family.

Decades on, the 50-year-old daughter of a late rebel leader is poised to enter the Kachin State parliament as an elected member when it reconvenes in early February. She is one of only five representatives from Kachin parties to have won a seat in the Nov. 8 elections, which saw Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) sweep the board.

"I'm happy that I'd be able to work in a legal and official capacity… Of course, I don't know whether I would be able to do [everything] I wish to but I'm going to work to achieve a federal union that is fair and based on the wishes of the ethnic people," she said.

When Ja Seng Hkawn was six months old, her father left to join the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the political wing of the insurgent Kachin Independence Army (KIA), which was fighting for independence. Her mother followed him to rebel-held territory with her older brother when Ja Seng Hkawn was three, and gave birth to five more children there.

"I grew up in the arms of my grandmothers from both sides of the family. I couldn't even remember what my parents looked like," she told Myanmar Now, sitting on the terrace of her riverside home in a quiet suburb of Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State.

"We couldn't go 10 miles beyond the city without permission. We were constantly questioned. But I never felt scared or humiliated," she added, her slightness and soft-spoken manner belying a political steeliness.

Ja Seng Hkawn said she knew "by instinct" she would be joining her family, which she did, 30 years ago, abandoning her teaching job and joining the KIO struggle for Kachin self-determination.

By then, the dream of independence had been revised to a federal union after her father, Maran Brang Seng, was elected KIO chairman in 1976. Ja Seng Hkawn lived among the insurgents from 1986, working closely with her father, and bore witness to a period of upheaval and change.

There was heavy fighting between the Burma Army and the rebels, resulting in the loss of numerous KIO strongholds including their headquarters in Pajao. But the KIO also managed to find western allies sympathetic to their cause.

"Brang Seng was the first Kachin leader to reach out to the outside world in a broader, non-partisan sense," Bertil Lintner, a Swedish journalist and author of books on Burma's ethnic insurgencies, told Myanmar Now.

Rebel to Activist

Brang Seng suffered a stroke in October 1993 and passed away in 1994, months after his deputy signed a ceasefire with Myanmar's junta, an accord that lasted 17 years.

Ja Seng Hkawng stayed in rebel ranks for 16 more years, before returning to Myitkyina in 2010, intending to participate in the country's elections. But the Kachin State Progressive Party (KSPP), founded by Dr. Manam Tu Ja, another former KIO stalwart, was not allowed to register.

"When I first came back here I was very surprised. People were so scared and didn't even dare speak to each other," she said. "Over there, it was much freer. You could be honest with everyone and speak your mind, whether it's the chairman or the army chief."

She began her political career in Myanmar by bringing together women to advance the rights of the Kachin minority.

"We started Kachin Women's Union at my house, bringing two women with some influence from each township. We would meet here, get hold of whatever documents we can find on human rights, women's rights, democracy, and read and discuss them. We were like kids," she recalled.

Then the ceasefire broke down in June 2011 and fighting erupted, displacing tens of thousands of people.

"There are so many issues in Kachin. The government was talking about national reconciliation but constantly increasing the number of troops. There are environmental issues, including the Myitsone dam. There's land grabbing. There's also rape of ethnic women… many cases that people have not heard of," she said.

When President Thein Sein suspended the controversial Chinese-led Myitsone dam project in September 2011, a group of Kachins, including Ja Seng Hawn, decided to hold a celebration. They tried to get some kind of support from Aung San Suu Kyi, another famous soldier's daughter, but there was no response.

Suu Kyi visited Myitkyina on the same day, not to attend the Myitsone event, but to rally support for the NLD ahead of by-elections.

"Everyone was sad. Of course, we'd like her to give the event some respect," she said. Still, she went on to organize several other events, emboldening the local civil society.

NLD Dominates

Like many ethnic leaders, Ja Seng Hkawn believes Kachin State's interests would be best served by Kachins managing their own affairs.

Yet her views did not seem to be shared by the electorate—out of a total of 70 elected seats in the state, only five candidates from two Kachin parties won. She blamed the result on a divided vote and the fact that voters' main motivation was to throw out the military-backed government.

"In 2010, we weren't allowed to form a party. That turned upside down in 2015 when lots of political parties were set up," she said.

There were attempts to merge or form alliances—she believes the Kachin people should be united if they are to achieve federalism—but nothing materialized, and before the election, everyone was over-confident of their prospects, she said.

Ja Seng Hkawn ran under the banner of Kachin State Democracy Party (KSDP), another party founded by Dr. Tu Ja, for Injangyang (2) constituency. Her husband, also a former KIO officer, ran with a different party. He lost.

"There's much that we've done in Injangyang, but much more needs to be done. Farming is the only livelihood and it's not secure. When it was time to register for the elections, I decided to go with Injangyang and a party that I know well," she said.

Due to insecurity, elections were held in just one of the 35 village tracts in her constituency. She won 203 out of only 386 votes—a little more than 50 percent.

"I ran for the state parliament because there's so much to be done here. I didn't want to go to the national Parliament and spend five years yawning. At least here, you can use whatever opportunity you have to change things [on ethnic and women's rights and Kachin self-determination] on the ground," said Ja Seng Hkawn.

She is, however, worried about the implications of a single-party dominating the Parliament.

"If it's like the NUP [Ne Win's party] being substituted by the USDP and now USDP would be substituted by the NLD, I don't think that should happen," she said.

Mulit-Hyphenated

Ja Seng Hkawn is one of a number of passionate and prominent Kachin women who are shaping the state's social and political landscape, from Lahpai Seng Raw, winner of the Ramon Magsaysay Award, Asia's equivalent of the Nobel Prize, to champions of peace, women's rights and land rights.

She has many strings to her bow. The MP-elect is also chairwoman of Kachin State Public Company Limited, which runs utilities and other businesses together with the government—in what the Economist called a "novel private-public partnership."

"We wanted to show other Kachins that there's more to economy than extraction and selling timber," she said. Another motivation was to push reform of Burma's overburdened and inefficient public sector, instead of just criticizing from the outside.

So far, the company has signed contracts with the state government to run two small hydroelectric plants and provide ticketing and other services for the Mandalay-Myitkyina train.

She also continues to campaign for the scrapping of the Myitsone project at the source of the Irrawaddy River, also known as Ayeyarwady. In 2013, she visited China to lobby for its cancellation but nearly lost her cool in a meeting with officials from the Commerce Ministry and the Export Import Bank of China, which has provided Burma with multi-million dollar loans.

"They kept wanting to talk about how to re-start the project. I got so tired of explaining that I said, 'There's no way [to continue]. If you kill the Ayeyarwady, you're killing the whole country.'"

A devout Christian, Ja Seng Hkawn is frustrated by the breakdown of the ceasefire and resumption of hostilities.

"In the 50 years of conflict in Kachin, this is the first time the villagers have been displaced for this long. The weapons are now much more powerful and create much more damage," she said.

The solution, she says, lies in a federal system that promotes the rights of Burma's minorities.

"My father worked to achieve the people's desire for a federal Myanmar and Kachin self-determination. I will continue to work for this."

The post A Kachin Leader's Legacy Lives On Through His Daughter appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


A Kachin leader’s legacy lives on through his daughter

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 02:30 PM PST

For much of the first 20 years of her life, Maran Ja Seng Hkawn was raised by her grandmothers in Kachin, Myanmar's northernmost state, without her parents or siblings by her side and under the scrutiny of military intelligence.

Opium poppy farmers reject crop ban, war on drugs

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 02:30 PM PST

Opium poppy farmers from Myanmar attending an international conference on "prohibited plants" have rejected a ban on growing their crops and urged an end to forced eradication.

Three killed in construction site accident

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 02:30 PM PST

Three workers, including a child, were killed and another three are still missing after a retaining wall under construction at a Yangon monastery collapsed yesterday.

NLD insists it will choose Rakhine State chief minister

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 02:30 PM PST

The National League for Democracy insists it will appoint the chief minister and government for Rakhine despite protests by the Arakan National Party which won a majority of the state's elected seats in last November's elections.

Kachin activist convicted in Facebook defamation case

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 02:30 PM PST

Kachin humanitarian activist Patrick Kum Jaa Lee was sentenced to six months' imprisonment on January 22 for defaming the military commander-in-chief on Facebook.

Five cities better equipped to monitor earthquakes

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 02:30 PM PST

As a country lodged on some of the most seismically active faults during what scientists suggest may be a particularly active period, Myanmar is boosting its ability to predict earthquakes. New digital seismographs will be set up in five cities across the country by the end of this month, according to an official from the Department of Meteorology and Hydrology.

Police tackle unlicensed motorcycles and theft with new crackdown

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 02:30 PM PST

Police are cracking down on unlicensed motorbikes in Yangon Region hoping it will also reduce the number of street thefts. On the orders of the chief minister, police have seized more than 1100 illegal motorcycles in the past 40 days.

Conf : Religious leaders needed in peace process

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 02:30 PM PST

President U Thein Sein attended this weekend's World Peace Buddhist Conference, organised by the deputy chair of the nationalist hardline group Ma Ba Tha.

Sleeping children wounded in Shan State mortar attack

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 02:30 PM PST

Two children and two adults were wounded in their beds when suspected Tatmadaw mortar fire hit two houses in the northern Shan State town of Namhsan during fighting with the Ta-ang National Liberation Army, residents said yesterday.

Demands ramp up for fuller political prisoner release

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 02:30 PM PST

The outgoing government's last-ditch attempt last week to make good on pledges to release all political prisoners fell well short of the aim, according to international rights groups.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


“Red Shan” form army in northern Burma after demand for new state

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 09:17 PM PST

The "Red Shan" of northern Burma announced the formation of their armed group, the Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA), on social media last week, amidst calls for their own state in parliament.
Described as an independent organization "not under any other group," the SNA claims to represent the Shan peoples of northern Burma. With a population estimated at 300,000, the Red Shan—translated to Shan-ni in Burmese and Tai-leng in Shan—largely live in southern Kachin State, particularly near Mohnyin and Bhamo, and in Sagaing Division.

SNA soldiers (Photo: The Shanni Nationalities Army / Facebook)
"If the tiger has no fangs, the animals will not be afraid of it," said a retired Shan-ni soldier from Kachin State, who asked not to be named. "If the people have no guns, we will not be safe. We cannot protect our area."


He said he believes that the establishment of an armed group will give the Red Shan a more prominent role in Burma's political dialogue, which was initiated this month with a five-day conference in Naypyidaw; a commonly held perception is that arms allow for demands to be taken more seriously at Burma's negotiating table.


The Tai-leng Nationalities Development Party (TNDP), which won one state seat in November's parliamentary election, asked the government to demarcate a Shan-ni State made up of territory within Kachin State and Sagaing Division.


The Pa-O and Wa also voiced demands for self-administrated ethnic states at January's Union Peace Conference. These proposed states would lie within Shan State's current boundaries.


Such calls for separation have been met with concern by other ethnic leaders, including Khun Htun Oo, chairman of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD).


"If we give states to [these] ethnic groups, our country will face problems like Yugoslavia," he said in a SHAN article published in Burmese on January 15, referring to the eastern European federation which broke up along ethnic lines following a violent civil war in the 1990s. "The Union of Myanmar will disappear," he added.


Little else is known or was revealed about the SNA, their numbers, political positions, activities or their leadership.


"Now is not the time to tell who our commander is," the Shan-ni ex-soldier told SHAN.
Officially, the SNA dates its formation back to July 1989, but the group is not included on lists of Burma's active armed organizations. Some suggest that the year could correspond to the formation or recognition of a Red Shan faction within one of the other armed struggles in which they were involved.


After Burma's 1988 pro-democracy uprising, it is known that many Shan-ni served in the All-Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF), a political and armed opposition group that was particularly active in the country's borderlands. These Shan-ni soldiers later formed affiliations with the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South (RCSS/SSA-S) in the 1990s.


A Red Shan brigade within the RCSS/SSA-S was active in northern Shan State and was commanded by the controversial former ABSDF leader Than Chaung—also known as Than Gyaung, Khun Kyaw or Myint Soe—who, since 2006, has been serving a life sentence in Tharrawaddy Prison, according to documents released by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).


One of the SNA's promises is to "protect local people bullied by other armed groups." Since the 1960s, Red Shan communities have been situated between two powerful militaries—the Kachin Independence Army/Organization (KIA/O) and the Burma Army. They report having suffered abuses from both sides in the conflict, which has reportedly contributed to the organization of informal Shan-ni militias over the years.


The SNA has reported one clash with the government this month: an outbreak of fighting on January 11 on the Burma-India border. They claimed that Burmese troops from ground force Battalion 369 in Sagaing's Homelin Township surrounded them on all sides, including from within Indian territory. Three SNA soldiers were allegedly arrested by the Burma Army and one SNA sergeant was killed.


By Staff / Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)


Debacle of selecting house speakers leads to doubtful NLD's ethnic reconciliation policy

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 09:23 PM PST

National League for Democracy (NLD) issued a directive on 22 January that Aung San Suu Kyi would be the only one who is allowed to answer and talk about its policy during the period of transition from quasi-civilian Thein Sein regime to NLD-led incoming government.

 The drastic action came about as spokesman U Nyan Win talked to Agence France-Presse (AFP) on the choice of two house speakers - Upper and Lower House of the parliament – prematurely that visibly made Aung San Suu Kyi upset, who thought it should be kept secret until officially announced.

On 20 January, U Nyan Win told AFP that senior party member Win Myint would be tapped to serve as speaker of the Union Parliament's Lower House, while the ethnic Karen MP-elect Mahn Win Khaing Than, also from the NLD, would get the party's backing for the Upper House.

The NLD later refused the selection have been made but neither confirmed nor denied the line up made known by U Nyan Win and said that official announcement would be made soon.

Against this backdrop and in relation to what U Nyan Win has made known, Sai Nyunt Lwin secretary general of Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) told Mizzima on 21 January, that a token placing of ethnic MPs in some key parliamentary spots either by Aung San Suu Kyi or according to the demand of some ethnic politicians, won't be enough for reconciliation with the ethnic nationalities. But discussion between ethnic political parties and NLD to map out policy matters such as constitutional amendment and formation of a federal union together is more important than just installation of some ethnic MPs to key governmental positions.

Hkun Htun Oo, Chairman of the SNLD regarding the rumour that there won't be a Vice-President post available for the ethnic nationalities recently said: "(I) want the NLD to be an all-inclusive government. They are shouting (voicing) national reconciliation government. The ethnic nationalities have to be included."

He stressed that since his party won some 40 seats, they would be ready for the post of Shan State Chief Minister if selected, but the problem was that the NLD hasn't initiated the meeting with the SNLD and other ethnic parties until now, according to the media reports.

Regarding the problematic nature following the NLD issued directive, Hkun Htun Oo told BBC on 23 January that Aung San Suu Kyi should regularly meet the press and make clarification as needed.

Meanwhile the Arakan National Party (ANP) concerning the Arakan State government formation said if its party is not given the opportunity to lead and given State Chief Minister post, it will go into opposition and also would not participate in any government organization.

Of the 48 seats in Rakhine's regional parliament, the ANP won 23 seats and the NLD 13, while the military occupies 12 seats – or 25 percent – under the country's constitution. The ANP still needs another 2 more seats to have absolute majority.

"We are engaged in politics for the development of our nation and the state. If the NLD does not want to work with us and refuses to speak to us – then we frankly want to say we are going to stand in opposition to an NLD-led government," the ANP statement read.

The frustration of the ANP could be detected as chief U Hla Saw told Anadolu Agency on 21 January that they had been waiting to negotiate with the NLD, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, since the official results of the November election were announced. "But no word from NLD yet," he said by phone.

To top off his disappointment he said: "We hoped that the political dialogue that is being widely discussed would take place between the ANP and the NLD. However we are not seeing the same attitude from the NLD. Instead, they have publicly spoken about their intention to form the regional government in Arakan State despite the fact that they only won nine seats in this region and refused to have a political dialogue with our party, which won 23 seats."

Rumours abound

As unclear NLD policy on how it will interact with the ethnic political parties remains a misery, the disappointment and frustration on the part of the non-Bamar ethnic nationalities snowballed into distrust that could make reconciliation a more formidable task.

Against this backdrop, the rumours making the rounds make the political guessing game more exciting for stakeholders, news media and as well Burma watchers, if not exactly beneficial to the prevailing cacophony sounding atmosphere.

For example presidential position is rumoured to be occupied either by NLD patron Thura U Tin Oo, Dr. Tin Myo Win or Sayar Min Thu Wun's son U Htin Kyaw, according to NLD sources.

As for Union Election Commission, Thura U Shwe Mann who is closed to Aung San Suu Kyi is said to be slated to take over.

Regarding States and Regions Chief Ministers, Dr Zaw Myint Maung for Mandalay Region, Dr Myint Naing for Sakaing Region, Nang Khin Htwe Myint for Karen State, U Nyi Pu for Arakan State and the rest of the States and Regions would be selected from central committee members of the NLD.

Even 3 to 4 from the Union Peace and Development Party (USDP) would be allotted positions in the government and Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing had said to have asked Aung San Suu Kyi to reinstate U Aung Min, the top peace negotiater of President Thein Sein, according to a source near to the NLD.

Of course, such rumours are hard to verify and one only have to wait until official announcements are made.

Where to Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD?

The solo taking over of the spokesperson role by Aung San Suu Kyi could be a sign of insecurity on how to handle the multi-tasks undertaking involving the choosing of candidates for key political positions in the parliament and as well the government ministers, not to mention the presidential candidates, who she would install as a figurehead. Suu Kyi, according to the constitution 59(f) Section could not become President and thus have made known that she would rule by proxy.

Apart from that she still also couldn't find time or has no program to meet the ethnic political parties to determine on how the constitutional amendment and federal form of government would look like, to the disappointment of ethnic nationalities. For they might take it as that given her landslide win in most ethnic states, except for the Shan and Arakan, she doesn't have to compromise, negotiate and consult the ethnic political parties any more.

If this is the case, she is going to be on the wrong track, for no amount of vote gained in ethnic states would grant her a blank check to do whatever she likes and that ethnic rights to exist and ethnic self-determination cannot be nullified or taken away by anybody. Also she should not forget that the votes she had collected from the ethnic states are in large part tactical votes and of course, also due to her popular world stateswoman stature than the NLD policy declaration.

In the long run, if she is true to her ideas of genuine federalism, she should refrain from competing in ethnic states in the next elections, but instead should form coalition with like-minded ethnic political parties and endorse them so as to empower and let them grow, to adequately and conscientiously work for their individual state on their own.

While it is arguable that in an election any party, especially which considers itself as a nationwide party, cross-cutting ethnic lines, could compete any where like in the case of NLD. But there is a moral ethnic aspect that should be observed, not to intrude into ethnic states where the heavy weight Bamar political party could bully the politically handicapped home-grown ethnic political parties, which are materially and capacity wise no match to such nationwide competing party. No federalism minded dominant ethnic group should entertain such idea, particularly when national state-based federal union is to be the norm and system of governance.

For example in Federal Republic of Germany the ruling Christian Democratic Union party never venture into Bavarian State where it's coalition party Christian Social Union is strong. In contrast, the NLD's deeds could not be taken as such when compared to its relationship with the ANP and SNLD, in Arakan and Shan states respectively. And if one is not forgetful, the NLD had worked closely with the ethnic parties under the banner of  the Committee Representing the People's Parliament (CRPP), during the two decades repressive years of military rule.

But it could well be that the priority setting of NLD Chairwoman has changed, after the landslide election victory, which is to woo the military more at the expense of the ethnic nationalities, according to Sai Leik, the SNLD's spokesman.

In sum, Aung San Suu Kyi has to walk an extra mile to fulfill her pledge of reconciliation with the ethnic nationalities, after she has done her part quite well with the military. Otherwise, her commitment to build a national reconciliation government together with the military and ethnic in words and deeds will be thoroughly questioned and would even be seen in league with the military to subdue the ethnic aspirations of equality.

Other than that, all the rest of NLD  top decision makers would need to get rid of their phobia that the military will find reasons not to hand over power like in the aftermath of 1990 NLD's landslide election win. It is evident that, the present military is keen to improve its image and have embarked on a democratization process, even if it is dubbed a discipline-flourishing democracy for whatever  the said label is meant to portray.


The case in point here is that it is not about to throw away all the progress made, which is a preparation for the military's soft-landing, that has even reaped better international standing and acceptability in general for the reform process made. But of course, the balance between the people's desire for speedy democratization and the angst of the military class that wishes a gradual withdrawal from the leadership role of the country will have to be worked out, during the five year tenure of Suu Kyi's NLD regime. Only nobody could foresee how this likely long drawn out compromise will unfold in the months and years to come.

The contributor is ex-General Secretary of the dormant Shan Democratic Union (SDU) — Editor

Sunday, January 24, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


The Art of Letting Go: Year After Year, Myat Kyawt Transforms

Posted: 24 Jan 2016 04:25 PM PST

Click to view slideshow.

RANGOON — Myat Kyawt has been making art for decades, but he never seems to run out of new ideas and ways to approach his craft.

When he began his career, he tried to emulate other artists—the traditional, the figurative, the highly skilled strokes of experienced painters—until he finally arrived at his own very distinct style.

"In my early days as an artist, I used to imitate the styles of the artists I admired, such as Paw Oo Thet," Myat Kyawt told The Irrawaddy. "But when I moved to Rangoon and began curating exhibitions, I realized how important it was to have my own style."

"It's not as though you can invent your own style immediately, just because you want to; it's about how satisfied you are with the way you present your feeling in drawings," he explained.

Myat Kyawt made a name for himself through a solo exhibition called "Trees," which was on view at Rangoon's Sule Shangri-La Hotel, then called Traders, in December 2004. The works looked like abstract expressionism at first glance, but upon further inspection were representational.

Many artists stick to the approach that made them successful, but Myat Kyawt wasn't satisfied. He wanted to keep trying new things, regardless of how well-received his "Trees" were.

"Yes," he recalled, "those pictures were well-liked at home and abroad, but I have a habit of needing to transform immediately, as soon as I have a new idea. I'm not crazy about money or success. I'm not trying to keep a hold on anything, that's why I have to keep creating."

By the time he had his eighth exhibition, in Rangoon's Thamada Hotel in October 2007, his artistic approach had already undergone a number of transformations. This time his works were more representative, impressionistic portraits. Titled "People of Grace," the show featured a variety of subjects with halos around their heads, drawing on European religious imagery.

"Anyone who has a heart of gold—rich or poor, educated or uneducated—has influence," he said of the works, which seemed to elevate everyday people to a saintly status. "This is the message I want to give through my paintings."

If that was a departure from his earlier works, the years since have brought even more experimentation. Myat Kyawt has even organized a number of performance art events. He said he is interested in forms beyond drawing and painting, to see if they can offer a way to express concepts in a different way.

"Art is a single thing; all forms are connected with each other. Stationary and mobile, rich and poor, hot and cold are not separate things," he said, explaining that dichotomies create meaning as opposites inform each other. "You can really see this when you create art. I can't help liking performance art because I am keen on discovering new things, but I'm not a brilliant performance artist."

Myat Kyawt had his 15th solo exhibition in Rangoon late last year. The featured series of paintings, titled "Love in Adversity," reflect how Burmese people responded to severe flooding that struck the country in late July and early August. He wanted to show how communities came together to overcome a devastating natural disaster, fighting bad luck with love and sympathy.

The post The Art of Letting Go: Year After Year, Myat Kyawt Transforms appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Saturday, January 23, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Jan 23, 2016)

Posted: 22 Jan 2016 06:25 PM PST

Employees work at the Myanmar Central Bank's headquarters in Naypyidaw, May 17, 2012. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Employees work at the Myanmar Central Bank's headquarters in Naypyidaw, May 17, 2012. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

CITIC Official Pledges Environmental, Social Protections for Kyaukphyu

A senior official at the Chinese company leading the consortium that will develop a port and industrial zone in western Burma has promised that the project will create jobs for local people and protect the local environment.

The award of the contracts to the state-owned China International Trust and Investment Corporation, or CITIC, has been met with concern from local civil society groups in Kyaukphyu, where the special economic zone will be constructed.

In an interview with Chinese state newswire Xinhua in Beijing, however, CITIC Construction's vice chairman, Yuan Shaobin, reportedly made a number of pledges about the project, which he insisted was driven "purely by business value."

"We need to find a way to preserve the environment while fundamentally improving the infrastructure, and share the dividends released by the projects with Myanmar and the local people," Yuan was quoted saying.

The social impacts of the development would also be measured, he said, declaring that at least 2,000 jobs for local people would be created, and training opportunities, as well as schools, health clinics and emergency rescue services provided for the area, which is prone to cyclones.

Locals may respond that they have heard such promises before. The area is already the terminus of cross-country oil and gas pipelines connecting southwestern China's Yunnan province with the Bay of Bengal.

Local activists say previous Chinese investments in Kyaukphyu have not involved sufficient local consultation and have not been transparent about what safeguards were in place to protect local communities and the environment.

In his interview, CITIC's Yuan promised a "more orderly, beautiful, convenient and comfortable Kyaukphyu" for the locals.

Ironically, the developer from one-party state China also had a message of hope for the political future of Burma, which he reportedly described as an "untapped virgin land in Asia."

"I hope the incumbent and incoming Myanmar governments can adhere to the path of democracy, reform and opening-up, and inject more impetus into its economic development," he said, according to Xinhua.

Civil Society Groups Question EU Trade Deal

A group of 571 Burmese civil society organizations has written to the European Union's commissioner for trade raising questions about the ongoing consultation process for Burma's bilateral trade deal with Europe.

Burma and the EU have been negotiating an Investment Protection Agreement since 2014, which will set in place some terms of trade and investment. Controversially, such agreements often remove local government's powers to change investment conditions, giving companies the right to sue the state in offshore tribunals if policy changes impact on investment.

Private firm Development Solutions is currently collecting responses to a survey getting the feedback of stakeholders on the deal. The deadline for the questionnaire, which has been extended twice, is Feb. 25.

The collection of civil society organizations, some coming from the Myanmar Alliance on Transparency and Accountability and the Lands in Our Hands Network, is unhappy with the way the consultation is being conducted. The groups all signed a joint letter to the EU's trade czar, Cecilia Malmström, to raise their concerns directly.

The groups say that the questionnaire appears to be aimed at businesses and that the nature of the questions themselves was problematic.

"How can we answer questions asking for our views on potential impacts of the IPA when we have never read the full text up for the negotiation?" the letter dated Jan. 14 reads.

"If the EU is genuinely interested in our views, we would like to ask you to give us full insights in the text which has been proposed for negotiations and the different positions taken so far by [the European Commission's Directorate General for Trade] and the Myanmar government."

The groups also pointed out that that the consultation does not tackle the question of whether an Investment Protection Agreement is needed at all. The groups, the letter says, "believe that Myanmar should not sign IPAs at this moment in time with these provisions."

"Myanmar is still in its very early stages of democratization and peace building. Many laws and policies still need to be revised. An IPA would severely endanger our prospects for democracy and sustainable peace."

South Korean-Backed 'National Think Tank' Launched

A new Burmese government-linked think tank set up with funding from the South Korean government has been officially opened in Rangoon, state media reports.

The Global New Light of Myanmar said the Myanmar Development Institute, or MDI, would get $20 million of funding from the Korean International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) over five years.

"MDI will play a role of national think-tank in Myanmar as it is a decision maker to plan national socioeconomic and country policy after its launching," the newspaper said.

The institute will be led by a central committee including representatives of nine Burmese government ministries, it said.

The new institute appears to be similar to the Myanmar Development Resource Institute that President Thein Sein founded in 2011 as he initiated a raft of economic reforms shortly after taking over from the previous military government.

Presidential economic advisor Zaw Oo, executive director of the Myanmar Development Resource Institute’s Center for Economic and Social Development, is chairing the central working committee of the new institute, according to the report.

Malaysia's Edotco to Invest $200M in Burma

After sealing a deal to buy the majority stake in the Myanmar Tower Company last year, Edotco, part of Malaysia's Axiata Group, has announced plans to invest a massive $200 million in Burma.

According to the website Mobile World Live, Edotco's CEO Suresh Sidhu said in a statement that the company, along with its local partner Yoma Strategic Holdings, will build some 5,000 towers for the country's growing mobile phone networks.

"We are dedicated to establishing a high quality telecommunications network in Myanmar," Sidhu was quoted saying. "This will be achieved through the introduction of sustainable and value-added services, such as alternative energy solutions, dual-purpose structures and our proprietary echo remote monitoring and management system."

New Computer System for Burma's Central Bank

The Central Bank has received a new computer system that will modernize the way it settles payments between the country's banks, according to a statement from Japan's aid agency, JICA, which is funding the system.

At a cost of almost $44 million in grant funding, JICA said the project had provided "new payment infrastructure and prompt offices functions for CBM [Central Bank of Myanmar] to promote payment environment and Real Time Gross Settlement (RTGS) among Central Bank of Myanmar and financial institution. The CBM-NET covers fund settlement, T-bond/ T-bill settlement, collateral management for Kyat liquidity, DVP and Mechanized Clearing House."

"Myanmar needed to catch up with other ASEAN member states in financial sector development," the statement said. "Therefore, ICT system for interbank fund settlement and T-bond/T-bill settlement is one of the top priorities, as this will bring about immediate benefits to the financial institutions."

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Jan 23, 2016) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘The NLD Understands What Civil Society Is For’

Posted: 22 Jan 2016 05:28 PM PST

The Irrawaddy's founding editor Aung Zaw is joined by Kyaw Thu of Paung Ku for this week's Dateline Irrawaddy. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

The Irrawaddy's founding editor Aung Zaw is joined by Kyaw Thu of Paung Ku for this week's Dateline Irrawaddy. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Aung Zaw: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy, this week our guest is Ko Kyaw Thu, who leads a civil society organization (CSO) called Paung Ku. Paung Ku was established in 2007 and has been actively engaged in social works since the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in 2008. I'm Irrawaddy Editor Aung Zaw.

Ko Kyaw Thu, welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy. Both local and international commentators say that Myanmar is undergoing a big political shift at present and it is very interesting to see the developments. The National League for Democracy (NLD) government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will take power soon. I'm interested to learn what changes CSOs will see during this paradigm shift. As far as we understand, CSOs have had greater space in the time of President U Thein Sein. The president has also met CSOs in person. And CSOs have spoken out against land confiscation issues and China-backed projects. The Thein Sein government is no different from the former regime in mounting brutal crackdowns, arresting and repressing student protestors.

But we have learned that there has been greater space for CSOs compared to the past. Paung Ku, as a CSO, has also enjoyed greater space. But as far as I understand, CSOs do not enjoy full freedom. We learn that [the government is] keeping a watchful eye and impeding the activities of CSOs. What is the likely scenario for CSOs after the NLD government comes to power?

Kyaw Thu: U Thein Sein's government came to power under the 2008 Constitution, so their legitimacy is weak. But they are clever. To show that they are making a change, they have made use of CSOs. By granting greater freedom for them, it has tried to convince [the public] that it is making changes. This has however brought a lot of benefits to CSOs. We could operate openly and take up opportunities to operate more. In fact, the government has engaged with CSOs in its interest—to make itself appear legitimate.

AZ: They have established legitimacy by doing so.

KT: Yes, they did. And the number of people who were deceived into believing that they would be able to work together with the government is not small. The government did do some good things—I mean it has made a good beginning—but, whether its changes are real or not, time tells all. At first, the government gave us freedom, but in the end, farmers, students and activists who have stood up for their rights were imprisoned. If somebody exercises their rights, the government prohibits it. It is fair to say that they are clever.

AZ: The government has granted a certain degree of freedom for the media, but at the same time there was also suppression, wasn't there?

KT: Yes, it allowed for greater space, both for the media and CSOs in the beginning. But its real face was only revealed later, for example the cases of student activists, and Ko Par Gyi, [a journalist] who was even killed.

AZ: Ko Par Gyi's case…

KT: Yes, the death of Ko Par Gyi, and the imprisonment of Daw Naw Ohn Hla. The government has done things that appeared to be good, and we have had to deal with them cautiously. When we engaged with the government, they tried to influence us. If we opposed their ideas, they accused us of being against the reforms. There was a time when even the foreign embassies thought that we were rather aggressive while the government was making the right changes.

AZ: Foreign embassies thought that this was a reformist government.

KT: Not just reformist, they even thought that they were the champions of reform. They thought it was making real reforms. They thought it was great.

AZ: Especially the foreign embassies of western countries, right?

KT: Yes. The Chinese Embassy does not seem to have such astuteness, considering the way it dealt with the Myanmar government. The so-called changes of the government brought us an advantage in that we could engage with the newly-formed Parliament. There were good people in the Parliament. There are honest people who understand the need to seek the assistance of CSOs, while some exploited us for their political gain and to establish legitimacy.

 AZ: Let's discuss the challenges. In the past, the NLD was an opposition group and there was a common ground between NLD and CSOs, regardless of their differences. But now, the NLD has become the government, and it will be on a different side from civil society. CSOs have to continue to handle the issues that concern them. So what will be the challenges? Will the NLD government be turning a blind eye to the issues of land confiscation, political prisoners, civil war, ethnic issues, education, and environmental issues? Will it handle those issues? How much it will push the CSOs? What will be the scenario?

KT: The challenges of CSOs will also be challenges for the NLD. The challenges of the NLD will be the challenges of the entire country, as well as the international community, because the international community has actively encouraged the democratic change in Myanmar. Of three elections in 2010, 2012 and 2015, the participation of CSOs was highest in 2015 election. The NLD won an overwhelming majority of votes. The success of the party you voted for is your success. The challenges to the party you voted for are your challenges. Therefore, we, CSOs have studied how we can help the new government in overcoming those challenges—land confiscation, ethnic issues, peace, bribery and corruption. We have thoroughly studied the effects of policies and procedures. These will be helpful for the NLD government. We will have a good relationship with the NLD as the party understands the role of CSOs and we have personal ties [with them].

The outgoing government dishonestly used CSOs for their benefit, but the incoming one will use them with good intent, I believe. The new government can use CSOs cleverly and directly. There are roles that can be assigned to civil society. It will be a challenge for the NLD government to try to understand the voices of civil society and to listen to the voices of the people constructively.

AZ: You mean the NLD government needs to have courage to listen to the voices and demands of CSOs?

KT: You can divide CSOs into two camps. There are CSOs established under the outgoing Thein Sein government and CSOs that support the NLD.

AZ: I found that over the past two or three years, until and during the November election, CSOs have either directly or indirectly contributed a great deal to the NLD as the main opposition party. That's because everybody wants change. How has the NLD recognized those CSOs now?

KT: Let me tell what I have seen. There is frequent contact between the NLD and CSOs as they engage in social works. They may be strangers to each other in some areas, but mostly, the NLD understands what civil society is for. Many from CSOs have joined the NLD and become lawmakers. They are not complete strangers to each other.

AZ: It is a positive sign, isn't it?

KT: Yes, it is a positive sign. But on the other hand, the NLD has its own opposition—the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), as well as proxy parties of USDP and their associate CSOs. The NLD needs to view these clearly.

AZ: You mean the ruling party USDP will be out of power soon, but it has established its own CSOs?

KT: Power and money are related. The USDP is the biggest party, and since its members are the richest people in Myanmar, they still have influence. They still have a lot of influence and can get things done.

AZ: So do you think CSOs with strong financial backing will play a greater role after the NLD government comes to power?

KT: The NLD should be aware of those groups. They are still abusing social and religious issues.

AZ: Are they?

KT: Yes. And they also use the Internet in a systematic way.

AZ: They create hate speech systematically?

KT: I think the NLD will keep a watchful eye on this.

AZ: So they are so-called CSOs.

KT: Yes, so-called CSOs. The outgoing government has created an environment in which real CSOs and impostors are mixed together. Those impostors have grown up with the freedom granted by the outgoing government. Some do not know they are impostors as they are mixed with other CSOs. But the NLD should be able to see this. Their opposition, the USDP, is a huge force. Though the USDP has fewer seats in the Parliament now, their empire—their business empire—is very big. The USDP has spent substantial sums of money on the election. Their expenses were not audited because they lost. CSOs and regular people bore witness to how much they spent. They won't stop just because they lost. They have deliberately drafted the 2008 Constitution to hold onto their power. Don't underestimate them. It will not stop.

AZ: People have referred to NLD as democratic opposition party for more than 20 years. It is a universal truth that it is difficult for democracy to take root without an opposition. If a government can bear the criticism of the opposition, it will be more accountable to the people. Who will be the opposition in Myanmar? Setting aside the USDP, the USDP is demoralized and is trying to recover for the time being. Setting aside so-called CSOs, can independent CSOs and media become a form of opposition which can call the NLD out?

KT: Let's not talk about the definition of opposition first. As a government which will establish democracy, the NLD government should heed the monitoring and criticism of the media. And they should value CSOs, which independently speak up and make demands.

AZ: Thank you for contribution.

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: 'The NLD Understands What Civil Society Is For' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Would-Be Leaders of Burma’s New Parliament

Posted: 22 Jan 2016 04:40 PM PST

Win Myint, second left, and T Khun Myat, second right, are two names that have surfaced as potential candidates for a parliamentary speakership and deputy speakership, respectively. (Photo: Facebook / H.E. Thura U Shwe Mann)

Win Myint, second left, and T Khun Myat, second right, are two names that have surfaced as potential candidates for a parliamentary speakership and deputy speakership, respectively. (Photo: Facebook / H.E. Thura U Shwe Mann)

RANGOON — The National League for Democracy (NLD) offered a clearer picture of its plans for governance over the 2016-21 period this week, only to muddy the waters once more a day later, with two reports sending mixed signals as the party grapples with coordinating a communications strategy for a press eager for any tidbit on offer.

On Wednesday, NLD spokesman Nyan Win told the news wire Agence France-Presse (AFP) that senior party member Win Myint would be tapped to serve as speaker of the Union Parliament's Lower House, while the ethnic Karen MP-elect Mahn Win Khaing Than, also of the NLD, would get the party's backing for the Upper House.

One day later, central committee member Win Htein sought to walk back those remarks, however, telling reporters after a parliamentary session in Naypyidaw that the nominee list was not finalized. This, of course, left media in the difficult position of having to weigh the word of an official NLD spokesman against that of a fellow central committee member.

Win Htein and Nyan Win could not be reached for comment seeking clarification on Thursday and Friday, respectively.

Contacted by The Irrawaddy on Thursday, a senior member of the party did not refute Nyan Win's comments, but declined to discuss the issue.

In the end, The Irrawaddy offers a look at the backgrounds of the two would-be speakers, while again noting that that the party has offered conflicting information on whether the two men will indeed be the leaders of the next Parliament.

The Union Parliament will convene on Feb. 1 and nominees for the speakerships will be voted on sometime shortly thereafter.

Win Myint

Win Myint is considered to be something of a right-hand man for NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi. An NLD central committee member, 65-year-old Win Myint was re-elected to Parliament on Nov. 8, winning a Lower House seat in Rangoon's Tamwe Township. In an indication of his standing within the party, Suu Kyi brought Win Myint with her when she met with outgoing President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw on Dec. 2, less than a month after the NLD's landslide election victory.

Win Myint's presence at the high-profile meeting had led to speculation that he might be nominated to serve as president of an NLD-led government, an office Suu Kyi is constitutionally barred from holding.

He was born in the Irrawaddy Delta and studied geology at Rangoon University before studying law in the 1980s. He was working as a barrister in 1988 when nationwide pro-democracy protests led to the founding of the NLD, which Win Myint subsequently joined.

He won a seat in Burma's 1990 election, the results of which were annulled by the military, which went on to imprison him and many other victorious NLD candidates in the years that followed.

In Burma's 2012 by-election, he was elected to the Lower House's Pathein Township seat and was subsequently assigned to the secretary position of the Lower House's Rule of Law and Tranquility Committee, which is chaired by Suu Kyi.

Win Myint is said to have been one of four key party leaders responsible for the selection of NLD candidates ahead of the 2015 campaign, a process marred by controversy.

Mahn Win Khaing Than

The NLD's purported choice for the Upper House, should it come to pass, would make good on a party pledge to bring a diverse array of ethnic voices to positions of power during its tenure.

A Karen Christian, Mahn Win Khaing Than joined the NLD in 2013 and contested for the first time in the 2015 election, winning a seat in the Upper House representing a Myawaddy Township constituency.

Born in Irrawaddy Division's Hinthada Township, Win Khaing Than also graduated from Rangoon University, with a law degree in 1975.

He has ties to Suu Kyi's father Gen. Aung San, with his grandfather Mahn Ba Khaing having been assassinated alongside Burma's independence hero in 1947.

Before 1988, the 63-year-old served as secretary of the Karen Literature and Culture Association and in 1990 joined the Union Karen League (UKL), which contested the election that year.

Ethnic Unknowns

The NLD has not yet revealed the bicameral legislature's two deputy speakers by name, but AFP on Wednesday quoted Nyan Win as saying they would both be members of ethnic minorities, one drawn from the Arakan National Party (ANP) and the other a Kachin from the incumbent Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

Speculation appears to have coalesced around two names: Aye Tha Aung, the ANP patron who was elected last year to an Upper House seat in Arakan State, and sitting ethnic Kachin parliamentarian T Khun Myat of the USDP, who chairs the Lower House's Bill Committee.

T Khun Myat

T Khun Myat is said to be a close ally of outgoing Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann, who has established a good working relationship with Suu Kyi since she entered Parliament in 2012. Suu Kyi and Shwe Mann have reportedly met often in the post-election period, and T Khun Myat was included in at least one of those meetings, on Nov. 19 in Naypyidaw, less than a week after the NLD secured the parliamentary majority it needed to form the next government.

While the dots can be connected, T Khun Myat's selection for the deputy speaker post would raise some eyebrows, given that he has faced allegations of involvement in the illicit narcotics trade in a series of investigative reports by the Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.).

T Khun Myat, a 65-year-old ethnic Kachin, graduated with a law degree from Rangoon University and rose through the ranks of the civil service to legal director of the Attorney General's Office. He retired in 2010 to contest that year's general election, in which he won a Lower House seat in Kutkai Township.

His ties to the USDP go back to the former military government that preceded it, serving as the secretary of the Kutkai Township Peace and Development Council under the junta. While he was serving as legal director at the Attorney General's Office from 1990 to 2010, he concurrently served as leader of a local paramilitary force in Kutkai Township under the command of the Burma Army's North East Command. He also took part in the constitutional drafting commission in 2007.

He was secretary of the Kutkai Township Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) and an executive of the northern Shan State chapter of the USDP that succeeded it.

Sai Leik from the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) told The Irrawaddy on Friday that T Khun Myat was tasked by Shwe Mann with drafting a policy on federalism, but Sai Leik said he was unaware of what progress had been made on the assignment.

"There has no reason to object if the NLD nominates him as deputy speaker, but if it happens, he needs to follow the lead of the NLD, and if he can continue and complete that task, that's fine."

Aye Tha Aung

Aye Tha Aung told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that though there has speculation that he could be nominated as Upper House deputy speaker, he had not yet received any information from the NLD about it.

He was born in Myebon Township, Arakan State, and served as a sergeant-major and for a time worked in Ka-Pa-Sa, the heavy (Military) Industry Corporation, but was dismissed and imprisoned due to his underground political activities. He was released in a 1974 amnesty, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).

His pro-democracy activities also earned him an arrest in 2000, and he was released in 2002.

He was chairman of the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), a political party once outlawed by Burma's former military regime that later merged with the3 Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) to form the ANP.

The ANP won 22 seats in the Union Parliament in Nov. 8 election, clearly establishing it as the country's strongest ethnic political party. The ANP also won 23 of 47 state parliament seats on Nov. 8, just short of a majority in the Arakan State legislature.

The post The Would-Be Leaders of Burma's New Parliament appeared first on The Irrawaddy.