AllSBNews

Friday, March 18, 2016

Shan Herald Agency for News

Time to have licit opium production in Myanmar?

Posted: 17 Mar 2016 10:50 PM PDT

There are always two sides (some say three, or more) to a story. So it is with opium, the largest output of which is in Burma (not counting Afghanistan), the derivative of which, namely heroin, is destroying families, especially the youth, the country's future.

No wonder it had prompted community-based organizations like PJS to take drastic actions in Kachin State during the past few months. Their campaign, to no one's surprise, ended inconclusively in bloodshed.

No doubt the group is licking its wounds and gathering its strength for another fight during the next poppy season.

But before they embark on another bitter campaign, it is worth looking at the other side (s) of the story.

Down south in Shan State, the typical answer from the poppy farmers, if asked what/who they are growing it for, would be in this way:

For every 5 times my hoe goes into the ground (of the poppy field),

· The first one is to feed the (Burma) Army

· The second one to feed the PMFs (People's Militia Forces)

· The third to feed the rebels, and

· The fourth to donate to the village monastery and the spirit's shrine

· Only the fifth is to support my family.

Most of them, especially the elderly ones, would say until after the civil war broke out in full swing, they had never dreamed of growing poppies, the fruit of which used to be a taboo in Shan society.

The only areas where it was grown commercially were Wa (60%), Kokang (30%) and Loimaw (10%). Others grew it mainly for medicinal use.

This changed with the war. Rebels needed it to exchange with arms coming from neighboring countries. The army needed it to supplement its meager war expenses, and also to induce local volunteers to fight for its cause. The volunteers also needed it to beef up their strength to help fight the rebels and, if things don't turn out right with the Army, to fight against it.

Thus come into being the standard reply to the above question.

In the past, growing rice paddy gave them enough income to pay for their annual taxes to their rulers, to donate to the monastery, and to support their families. Moreover, many could boast surplus so they could hold or join annual festivals. Indeed, according to an old saying, "Kings and Shans crave festivities the most."

No more today, unless you are allowed by the powers that be to work on a poppy field or you have a son or daughter working in Thailand.

Just annual slashing of the poppy fields therefore won't end the culture of poppy cultivation which has taken root since independence.

A combination of peace process, sustainable development projects and rule of law will be necessary to successful end the production and the trade. Cooperation by all the stakeholders in the peace process, including, most importantly, the people, is imperative to win this war on drugs.

One thing that never that ceases me to wonder is why our successive governments have been buying opiates from other countries for medicinal use at exorbitant prices, instead of buying it cheaply from our own farmers.

In my simple mind, that doesn't make any sense at all.

Of course, experts talk about the Single Convention to which Burma, since the British days, has been a signatory, where it agrees, to its own disadvantage, to become a zero-producer.

This it has done without any evident returns, plain enough for plain people like us to see.

This it has done when The Economist, 8 October 2005, points out that "only 24% of the world's pain relief needs are being met, while 77% of the world's morphine and codeine are consumed by just 7 developed nations."

Also, this it has done when opium poppy is legally produced in at least 19 countries, according to alcoholrehab.com:

Australia Hungary Slovakia

Austria Japan South Korea

China India Spain

Czech Republic

Estonia Netherlands Macedonia

France Poland Turkey

Germany Romania United Kingdom

All in all, it appears there are more countries growing legally and they seem to be getting away with it. But not Burma.

Of course, they have a point in saying that Burma is still ravaged by war and still a long way to go until there is rule of law in the whole country.

However, what isn't right is that the international community, to quote the late Shan leader Chao Tzang Yawnghwe, is only trying to douse the smoke —development projects in places where the government allows it to engage, and legal action against rebel leaders fighting against the government — but not the fire and its cause — political issues between the Burman-dominant government and the non-Burman ethnic nationalities.

Since 2011, the peace process, aiming at resolution of political issues through negotiations, has been an ongoing one. The international community should therefore do its best, for the sake of the resolution of the drug issue if not for anything else, to have its hand in the process, helping not only the government, but all the stakeholders involved.

If the process is triumphant, meaning bringing a win-win solution for all, then there is a realistic hope that the drug problem may now be effectively dealt with. Licit production of opium, but definitely not yaba, might be one of the outcome.

However, if the peace process is just a Trojan horse by the government to beat the rebels, we can all be sure that there'll be more druglords to be eliminated, and after their elimination, the drug problem goes on.

The Generation to Enjoy Peace?

Posted: 17 Mar 2016 08:01 PM PDT

We are at a critical juncture in our history, more promising than at any time in recent memory. The country will have a civilian-majority government that came to office through the votes of a multitude of smaller nationality groups for a pan-national party promising political change. If this political transition is to succeed, poverty must be alleviated, corruption curtailed, drug abuse radically reduced, and a host of other social crises addressed that have long blighted our country.

At the beginning of the year my son came to the Kachin state with his newly-wed bride to receive our blessings for his marriage. For the first time I began to think about becoming a grandmother, holding a tiny grandchild and then actually thinking that, at some time in the future, I would welcome a granddaughter or grandson to our home for another happy wedding. What can I pass on to this future generation? What will unfold before their eyes? Snow-capped mountains and orchids hidden in deep forests? Streams rushing downhill to join the great Irrawaddy? Flourishing farmlands?

I had a vision of reforested hills in Hpakant, travellers gathering pleasure from the peaceful countryside where camps for internally-displaced persons now dot the hills. I saw organic farmers, where today great swathes of monocultures for export have now displaced the original owners. And I could imagine thriving universities, where drug-addicted young people presently waste away their lives.

These reflections are not simply personal, but concerns that every parent has in our country today. We are now at a critical juncture in our history, more promising than at any time in recent memory. For the first time since the 1950s, the country will have a civilian-majority government that came to office through the votes of a multitude of smaller nationality groups for a pan-national party promising political change.

For non-Burman peoples, however, an underlying question remains, as it has in every political era since independence in 1948: can a multi-ethnic country of such cultural vibrancy and diversity be governed by a party that appears to be led by one majority group?

Problems Confronting the New Government

The transition to democracy in Myanmar has taken over 25 years, and it is still far from complete. The writing of the most recent constitution took 17 years, and it is still not democratic in many respects.

Now, the largely civilian government of the National League for Democracy must deal with a multitude of problems. First and foremost, there is the continuing civil war, which has cost so many lives, disrupted entire communities and prevented the development of a modern state such as we see in other ASEAN countries. Then there is the need for fundamental reform in many aspects of national life, including the judiciary, economics, infrastructure, education and health. And, if political transition is to succeed, poverty must be alleviated, corruption curtailed, drug abuse radically reduced, and a host of other social crises addressed that have long blighted our country.

The road ahead will not be easy for the NLD. With such a national mandate, voters have high expectations, so the party faces pressures not to stumble too obviously as it makes its way in establishing a new government. The NLD must be visibly active in the areas that it has emphasised, notably peace and the rule of law, and it must be able to make recognisable progress in the welfare of the poorer and least-advantaged sectors of society.

At the same time, NLD members have long been marginalised or faced repression because political opposition was not tolerated by previous military-led governments. In consequence, many party officials lack expertise and experience in governing, so capacity-building must be undertaken and outside expertise may be called for. Moreover, under the terms of the 2008 constitution, the national armed forces (Tatmadaw) are still able to influence, block or control many political issues and developments. This is through three special preserves: the reservation for military appointees of 25% of all members in the national and local legislatures; the military's right to appoint the ministers of Defence, Borders and Home Affairs and effect decision-making in the civil service down to the village-level through the General Administration Department; and the majority of military officers on the Defence and Security Council, which is the highest state institution in the country. In effect, despite the overwhelming support of voters, the newly-elected government of the NLD will remain dependent on the goodwill of the armed forces to exercise power and initiate social and political change.

For the moment, speculation is rife as to how the new government and legislatures will function. This is understandable as the country faces change after decades of military rule. For example, there are concerns as to whether the armed forces are ready to move forward more rapidly on the road towards democracy. In particular, there are rumours that military leaders still want to have more powers and posts in the country, not least in the ethnic states that are rich in natural resources and continue to suffer from conflict.

However, the intentions expressed by the NLD and its first appointments in parliament have generally been seen as positive so far. In Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's speeches and in the manifest of the party, it has been clearly stated that the party intends to form an inclusive, coalition-style government. The establishment of peace will be prioritised; a genuine federal system will be supported; and the party will "work to ensure a fair distribution across the country of the profits from natural resource extraction, in accordance with the principles of a federal union." Most recently in her message to the organisers of the Mon National Day celebrations, Daw Suu again emphasised the party's support for a "genuine federal system in Burma, with equal rights and self-determination" for all. After decades of political impasse, these are encouraging words to all our country's peoples.

What are the key issues at this critical juncture?

Given the multitude of tasks and obstacles that the NLD government must face, this raises the question of what the Kachins, like other marginalised peoples, must focus upon now? What problems and what strategies demand the most immediate attention?

The situation at the moment appears open on the surface but it is not transparent underneath. In particular, the outcome of Daw Suu's meetings with the military and retiring president is not yet known, and this is causing political uncertainties. In the meantime, it seems to me that it is of utmost importance for all citizens and communities to grasp opportunities to engage with the NLD and find common ground on the most pressing issues in our lives. The following issues can immediately be highlighted: the need for

an inclusive ceasefire, an end to human rights abuses and subsequent peace process for all peoples
putting a halt to natural resource exploitation, including the jade plunder at Hpakant, and initiating the sustainable management of all natural resources
the guarantee of feasibility studies, based upon international standards, that measure each project's social and environmental impact and involve local communities in decision-making and benefit-sharing
land reform and the security of land tenure through legislation, with special attention on conservation and sustainable use
drug eradication, eliminating production, supporting local communities and farmers, combating trading networks and corruption, and reducing addiction
the final ending of the threat of the Myitsone Dam construction, not just by its suspension but by cancellation for all time.

It must be emphasised, as demonstrated by the Save the Irrawaddy campaign, that the threat of the Myitsone Dam represents a national crisis that unites all citizens and peoples in our country, transcending ethnicity and religious affiliation.

In facing up to these tasks, it needs to be recognised that the political landscape has changed with the result of the 2015 general election. Many Kachin voters – like other nationality peoples – chose Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD. This means that, while political hopes and aspirations remain the same, we are not – or cannot justifiably be – any longer in a state of "opposition" to the ruling party as was the case in the past when the Union Solidarity and Development Party led the government. This means the need for more cooperation, more focus on common goals, and more consciousness that every agreement and political decision should be made with the intention to create a "win-win" situation among all peoples. And this, in turn, means that not only specific "Kachin" but also "national" goals from the perspective of the NLD must be kept in mind.

Successful reform must be built upon a two-way exchange between the communities and government, and this requires that the new government engages with the real concerns and representatives of the people and not rely on token appointments or symbolic acts that too often characterised national politics during the parliamentary era of the 1950s.

With this in mind, there are many reasons to look forward positively in addressing the grave social and political challenges listed above. Almost all are concerns that are deeply shared with the Burman majority. If the civil war is brought to a close, soldiers from every ethnic background can return home. If resource governance improves, all peoples will benefit because the extractive industries are scattered throughout all states and regions. And if land tenure becomes more secure and the Irrawaddy River flows freely into the future, farmers and communities across the country can enjoy prosperity and security. In short, resolving these grave social and political issues will bring benefits to all; they should not be simply the concern of one people or part of the country.

In the coming months, then, there needs to be a renewed sense of ambition and hope. We all have an ally in the prospect of democratic government that we must seek to engage with. After decades of impasse and military rule, the success of the NLD government will be of the upmost importance to the development of a sustainable peace, a real democracy and a growing economy. It is surely in our interest, in the interest of our political parties, our civil society organisations and our people as a whole, to support and contribute to this process in any way possible.

And this need for cooperation should not be simply an issue for the relationship of communities with the NLD or new government. This need for reconciliation and collaboration is equally true among all ethnic nationalities as well. At this critical moment of change, it is equally important to find common ground among ourselves, finding compromises where they are needed and taking the same paths toward shared goals. Our objective should be to participate in and contribute to forums, negotiations and agreements that will resolve conflict and relieve ethnic grievances.

In summary, at the dawn of the NLD government, it is vital that new cycles of instability and unrest do not begin due to political inertia or the renewed marginalisation of any people or party once again.

Conflict and Peace

Because of Myanmar's troubled history, it is important to remain informed and realistic. There have been too many unfulfilled promises and disappointments before. Most recently, the so-called "nationwide ceasefire agreement" has proven to be just the contrary: a spark to set off new armed conflicts that are now flaring up between signatories and non-signatories, with reports that the Tatmadaw has opened up a new front to support one nationality force in trying to take over new territory. The "nationwide ceasefire agreement" presently appears anything but these three words.

In this vacuum, we Kachins and other nationality peoples should therefore take every opportunity to engage with the NLD and new government on the vital subject of conflict resolution. Up until now, the NLD has kept its distance on recent peace talks and may not yet be very knowledgeable. On the other hand, the NLD's distance has left room for negotiators from the ethnic armed organisations to develop their ideas in preceding years. On a positive note, it has also been reported that leaders of the main ethnic alliance, the United Nationalities Federal Council, have now formed a committee to hold dialogue with an NLD-led government, and they have also said that they are on the same side as the NLD in their views on federalism and other key issues of ethnic reform.

Of course, many challenges lie ahead, both in the detail and processes for peace and reform. In the future, for example, it may be necessary to open up dialogue to include additional issues and initiate parallel processes for topics that are not strictly military or political, with a committee to coordinate between them. But whatever the structures for dialogue and political agreement, it will be essential to:

ensure peace talks are genuinely inclusive and open to all peoples
include new stakeholders in negotiations from broader sectors of society, especially women
consider third-party facilitators
monitor ceasefires effectively
halt offensives and guarantee the withdrawal of Tatmadaw combatants as well, perhaps through reducing numbers step-by-step or retreating from one area after the other
disband government-created militias that do not represent the interests of any community or nationality group but control areas where the state cannot exercise its power
organise humanitarian access for internally-displaced persons and support their voluntary resettlement
define the future role of ethnic armed forces
encourage the national armed forces to revise the last of its six principles: "to march towards a democratic country in accord with the 2008 Constitution".

This last need is especially sensitive and requires handling with care. It will mean Tatmadaw leaders dropping their insistence on maintaining every aspect of the 2008 constitution. But for political reform to move forward, it will be an increasing contradiction to try and create a representative and democratic political system in accord with a constitution that explicitly stipulates that a quarter of the parliament must be reserved for military appointees who are not elected. For its part, the NLD has not been very concrete about its peace talk intentions. Nevertheless, in the light of the NCA failure, ethnic nationality leaders should use the advent of a new government and this time of change to seek to improve the composition and process of the negotiations.

Many areas for improvement could be picked out. But to highlight just one long-neglected issue: there is a real need to include more women in all levels of dialogue. This is not simply a "gender-equality" question or because women are often the greatest victims of conflict. Rather, the equitable inclusion of women will be a real contribution to the peaceful resolution of a critical and life-defining issue for both the communities and nation.

Recently, for example, a study by the Peterson Institute in Washington, which covered 22,000 companies in 91 countries, demonstrated that the more woman are employed in middle and upper management the more profitable the business becomes. If, in fact, the number of women in senior management rose from 0 to 30 per cent the profitability of the concern rose by 15 per cent. This trend held true everywhere, and it is doubtless true for any institution in which women are active. The lesson is clear. The inclusion of women benefits society in general, and it is a necessity in terms of the human rights, democracy and economic progress that our country has long needed.

Let us hope therefore that future generations can look back with pride at a central role for women in our country's peace process as a model for inspiration and success. For too long, the unhelpful reality has been one of exclusion and neglect.

Resource Management and Resource Sharing

Like all nationalities, the final key area of concern for the Kachin people is that of the management of natural resources. The regulation of extractive industries and the distribution of the benefits or revenues is a complicated process and should not be undertaken without the necessary expertise. But however it is conducted, it needs to be coordinated under a process of decentralisation or, in Myanmar's case, federalisation as the most commonly-agreed goal. Presently, step-by-step decentralisation appears a realistic prospect, but the establishment of federalism depends on constitutional change that could require time.

In the meantime, it is reasonable to:

focus on a discussion – perhaps within the framework of a future Union Peace Dialogue – of how a sharing system can be administered
negotiate with the government to slowly delegate resource management and expenditure responsibilities to local officials to enable them to gain competency
negotiate with the central government to combat and reduce illegal mining, smuggling and under-reporting and make information available to local governments so that they can verify the value of minerals extracted and be assured that they get their fair share.

Conclusion

It is easy to aspire to laudable goals. But in Myanmar we have already learned from bitter history to be realistic and that we cannot hope for immediate results in every challenge that we face. Progress is only likely to be incremental: one small change for the better, one after another. In the meantime, we must always be ready to grasp opportunities as they turn up in order to maintain our focus, to initiate suitable measures and to reach our goals. This will mean combining efforts to mobilise public support with the work of civil society organisations, with local and national parliamentary backing, and with legal measures to end conflict and deal with poverty, corruption and impunity.

We need, however, to be prepared for new difficulties as we deal with the legacies of the past. National transition is unlikely to be a smooth path. A current example is the question of poppy-growing and drug eradication in the Kachin and Shan states which has come to a head with the activities of the anti-narcotics Pat Jasan organisation. Here we see conflicting imperatives on the local level tied up with powerful stakeholders on the national level. Long-suffering communities seeking to take action on issues that harm their lives are threatened by local militias often connected to influential interests in the previous government, who are complicit in drug trafficking. At the same time, farmers deprived of their livelihoods need an alternative which frees them from dependence on illegal trade.

All such issues need to be addressed if they are not to undermine the prospects of national dialogue and peace-building in our country. While the peoples suffer, resources, trade and conflict have become closely inter-linked. This means that, in the coming years, we must bundle diverse strategies together to achieve agreements with the relevant parties on issues that are of urgent importance to us all. Whatever the difficulties, we must sustain national focus on these critical issues, seek ways and means to include all stakeholders, lend our strength to the civil government and legislatures as peace moves forward, and avoid threatening the chances of urgently-needed success. We can only wish for the success of the first democratically-elected, civilian government since 1960, now so many long years ago.

I have a simple vision of peace in my native Kachin land: a healthy environment and fair chances for my grandchildren. Is that too much to expect? After struggling for 55 years since conflict began in 1961, is this too much to hope for? We must dare to dream and we must dare to join all efforts to achieve the necessary change. Theirs must be the generation to enjoy peace.

Lahpai Seng Raw is a 2013 Ramon Magsaysay Award winner and co-founder of the Metta Development Foundation and Airavati.

This commentary is part of a project funded by Sweden.

A commentary by Lahpai Seng Raw

Thursday, March 17, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Victims’ Families Demand Burma Army Punish Alleged Murderer
Weighing Suu Kyi’s Role in a New Political Order
NLD Urged to Sustain Efforts to Fight Money-Laundering
Treatment of Burma Refugees Spotlighted Ahead of Thai Rights Review
NCA Signatories, Abstainers Welcome New Leadership
‘Ethnic Affairs’ Portfolio Created, MOI Survives in NLD’s Ministry Pruning
ANP and NLD Remain in Tussle Over Chief Minister Position
China Premier Declares Confidence in Hong Kong Government
Mumbai Dance Bars to Reopen Amid Worries Trafficking of Women May Rise
Indonesia Security Forces Kill Two Chinese Uighur Militants in Sulawesi Shootout
The Price of Peace

Victims’ Families Demand Burma Army Punish Alleged Murderer

Posted: 17 Mar 2016 05:59 AM PDT

People attend Nai Moe's funeral in Ye Township, Mon State. (Photo: Mi Kalayar / Facebook)

RANGOON — The families of two men from Mon State's Ye Township have accused the Burma Army of failing to take action against an army captain who allegedly killed their loved ones.

The two ethnic Mon civilians, 48-year-old Nai Moe and 23-year-old Nai Chit Oo, from Kawzar sub-township, were allegedly shot and killed by Capt. Zaw Myo Thet from Light Infantry Battalion No. 280 on March 8.

"We do not know whether [the army] took action or not," said Ashin Janaka, an ethnic Mon Buddhist monk, who is close to Nai Moe's family. "[The army] took the captain back already. He is not here anymore."

The local community wants the army to administer proper punishment. In cases where soldiers are accused of crimes, the army applies its own disciplinary process, which can be both opaque and lenient.

"If anyone with a gun can commit murder and get away with it, they could oppress us all," said Ashin Janaka. "This was a human rights abuse."

After the deaths, army generals donated money and rice, and forced the families to sign papers saying they had received the donations, he said.

The incident happened around midnight on March 8, when the two men walked to the Andaman Sea to go fishing. Nai Moe was shot first, five feet from the captain, accordin to Ashin Janaka, who added that when he collapsed, Nai Chit Oo attempted to run and was shot as well. He didn't die immediately, and the captain proceeded to beat him and break his ribs, said the monk.

The captain threatened villagers by shooting his gun and wouldn't allow family members to take Nai Chit Oo to the hospital, for fear of being charged, said Ashin Janaka. He later died on the way to the hospital.

The family told Nai Sawor Mon, program coordinator from the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM), that before Nai Chit Oo died, he told his family the captain beat him despite his innocence.
Kyaw Myint, a police officer from Kawzar sub-township, told The Irrawaddy the police couldn't take action since the captain was under the army's jurisdiction.

"We could charge him with Article 302 [of the Burmese Penal Code, covering murder], if [the army] brought him back," said Kyaw Myint.

Kyaw Myint said the shooting may have been a mistake, because the captain had received a tip that there were gang members nearby, and he mistook the civilians for attackers.

The family members maintain it was no mistake.

Crimes committed by the Burma army in ethnic areas aren't unusual. Human rights groups repeatedly press the army to try the cases in civilian, rather than military, courts. Civilians have no rights to information about charges, findings, or sentences in the military judicial system, which has led to a history of impunity.

The post Victims' Families Demand Burma Army Punish Alleged Murderer appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Weighing Suu Kyi’s Role in a New Political Order

Posted: 17 Mar 2016 05:42 AM PDT

National League for Democracy party (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi, center, leaves after attending a Lower House of Parliament meeting in Naypyidaw on March 11, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

When the National League for Democracy (NLD) unveiled its plan on Thursday for a reduction in the number of executive branch ministries, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs ranked at the top of the 21-portfolio roster, in notable contrast to the ministerial protocol of the outgoing government, which placed it below three security ministries at fourth in importance.

Where once was the military-controlled Ministry of Home Affairs, now sits the Foreign Affairs Ministry atop the protocol hierarchy. The change-up is likely to further fuel speculation that NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi has her eye on the foreign affairs minister post, where she would have an official say on the powerful National Defense and Security Council, in lieu of the presidency that she has been denied.

In light of this, The Irrawaddy republishes a Commentary from Jan. 22, 2016, in which English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe laid out the case for why it is that Suu Kyi might want the position.

It's one of several unanswered questions in what looms as a new era in Burmese politics.

With Aung San Suu Kyi constitutionally barred from assuming the country's highest office, what formal political position, if any, will the ever popular pro-democracy leader seek when her party takes power in late March?

Undoubtedly, the National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman's ultimate aim is the presidency. However, Suu Kyi remains ineligible for the position due to Article 59(f) of Burma's military-drafted 2008 Constitution, which rules out individuals whose parents, children or spouse are foreign citizens.

Suu Kyi's two children are British nationals, as was her late husband.

There has been speculation that the offending article may be suspended to allow Suu Kyi to assume the role. However, the likelihood of the military agreeing to such a proposition ahead of the impending transition of power appears remote.

With that in mind, some analysts have turned their attention to what official role Suu Kyi, 70, may take on in an NLD-government. The Lower House speaker of Burma's Parliament was one plausible suggestion.

But that notion seemed off the mark after recent reports the NLD had nominated Win Myint and ethnic Karen Win Khaing Than, both NLD members, as speakers for the Lower and Upper House, respectively—notwithstanding the party's subsequent refusal to confirm the reported nominations.

Other analysts contend Suu Kyi may remain as party leader, without taking any official position in the Parliament or the executive.

She would certainly still be "The Lady in charge" regardless of her formal political role. The NLD leader has made one point abundantly clear: Whoever officially leads the country, she will rule from "above the president" in the forthcoming government.

However, Suu Kyi may feel that assuming an official position is the best way to drive the government. There are also important points to consider regarding her influence over key decision-making bodies, perhaps most importantly, the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC).

The 11-member body is empowered by the Constitution to devise policy on certain military and security issues, including the right to petition the president to declare a nationwide state of emergency.

The council includes the president, two vice presidents, both Union Parliament speakers, the commander-in-chief and deputy commander of the Burma Armed Forces, and respective heads of the Foreign, Home, Defense and Border affairs ministries—the latter three of whom are military appointed.

A position on the powerful council, of which the military commands a majority (considering one vice president is selected by military lawmakers), will be a key concern of Suu Kyi.

In light of that—and with the presidency currently off-limits—Suu Kyi may opt to assume the role of foreign minister. In that role, whenever the council is held, Suu Kyi would retain a constitutional right to be there, alongside the Burma Army chief and other powerful military figures.

Of course, her "president" would be there too.

The role of foreign minister would not allow the NLD chairwoman to spend as much time on the coalface in Parliament, as she has done since winning a seat in April 2012 by-elections. However, in the new legislative chamber, the NLD will command a powerful majority and both speakers. Suu Kyi may deem it wise to focus her efforts on managing the executive arm of government.

Soon after the November general election, the Washington Post newspaper asked the leader of the victorious party: "When there is a meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations—or another gathering of heads of state—they are going to want you there. They are not going to want someone else."

Suu Kyi's answer was unequivocal: "I'll go there. I'll go along with the president, and he can sit beside me."

To fulfill that vow, The Lady, despite her already distinguished standing around the world, may be aided by formally commanding a ministerial position. The position of foreign minister would seem an ideal choice.

No other person within the NLD is more qualified to grace the stage of international diplomacy and, even if she wasn't foreign minister, it is Suu Kyi that world leaders will want to meet.

As for the Burmese people, most will be satisfied regardless of the 70-year-old's official position—as long as she is the lady in charge.

The post Weighing Suu Kyi's Role in a New Political Order appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NLD Urged to Sustain Efforts to Fight Money-Laundering

Posted: 17 Mar 2016 05:35 AM PDT

A staff member of a bank in Rangoon ties stacks of kyats together on Oct. 10, 2012. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — The UK-based International Governance and Risk Institute (GovRisk) has encouraged Burma's new government to continue the country's financial intelligence unit (FIU) in order to clean up financial crime.

In a statement released on Thursday, GovRisk, a provider of training and consultancy services in financial crime prevention, noted that Burma is on the intergovernmental Financial Action Task Force (FATF) blacklist for money laundering, but that it can be removed from the list if it can install sufficient policies to combat money laundering by the next FATF site visit.

"This is a complex subject. We want to make sure that everybody has an opportunity to understand what's going on regarding financial crimes prevention," Nicolas Le Moignan, director of training and consultancy at GovRisk, told The Irrawaddy.

GovRisk noted that in 2017 Burma will undergo an independent assessment of its adherence to the international standards set to combat the financing of terrorism and money laundering, defined as turning money generated from illegal activity into seemingly legitimate funds.

"We hope to continue work with the new government [in the field of] anti-money laundering. We've worked with the financial intelligence unit for three years now," Le Moignan said.

Burma's financial intelligence unit works with police officials to investigate and report any suspicious business activity that might be linked to money laundering.

According to Marcus Stewart, who worked for years with Britain's FIU, the most suspicious money laundering happens in banking, real estate and accounting.

Burma's FIU has made investigations into the real estate industry since 2014. Police Col. Kyaw Win Thein, the FIU's deputy chief, encouraged real estate agents and bankers to report transactions involving large sums of cash, a response to suspicions that money laundering was rife within Burma's property market and financial institutions. Banks were also asked to report clients with cash savings over a certain amount, though this figure was never released.

GovRisk noted that if Burma were to be removed from the FATF list, it would signal that some of the key building blocks needed to combat money laundering are in place.

The post NLD Urged to Sustain Efforts to Fight Money-Laundering appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Treatment of Burma Refugees Spotlighted Ahead of Thai Rights Review

Posted: 17 Mar 2016 04:41 AM PDT

Refugees who fled Burma wait for Thai authorities to conduct a census at Mae La refugee camp, near the Thailand-Burma border in Tak province, north of Bangkok, on July 21, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Seven international human rights groups on Wednesday urged the Thai government to better protect the rights of refugees, asylum seekers and victims of human trafficking in the Southeast Asian country, which has for years been dogged by criticism for its handling of these populations, including many Burmese.

A joint statement from the organizations released in Bangkok on Wednesday said the Thai government "should commit to concrete actions to respect, protect, and promote the rights of asylum seekers, refugees, and survivors of human trafficking during its upcoming Universal Periodic Review [UPR] at the United Nations Human Rights Council."

In May, Thailand will undergo its second Universal Periodic Review—a process in which the UN Human Rights Council reviews the human rights record of member states every four years. The seven groups also published a joint submission for the review on Wednesday, recommending several of these "concrete actions," including signing the United Nations' 1951 Refugee Convention, relating to the Status of Refugees and their rights and legal obligations of states.

Thailand's non-signatory status is frequently cited as one reason that refugees, asylum seekers and human trafficking victims in the country are vulnerable to arbitrary arrest, extortion, torture and forced repatriations to countries where they have often fled persecution. It also lacks domestic legislation protecting the rights of these populations, Wednesday's statement said, referring to more than 100,000 Burmese refugees who have lived in camps along the Thai-Burma border for more than two decades.

"Since 2011, Thailand has effectively denied at least tens of thousands of camp-based asylum seekers and refugees from Myanmar access to asylum procedures," the statement said.

Amy Smith, executive director of the Thailand-based human rights advocacy group Fortify Rights, said in the statement: "Thailand has an opportunity to demonstrate a commitment to human rights and improve its international reputation by ensuring asylum seekers and refugees have access to legal protections."

"A key to minimizing the abuse, exploitation, and human trafficking of displaced populations in Thailand is recognition and protection," she added.

Julia Mayerhofer, interim executive director of the Asia Pacific Refugee Rights Network, said in the statement that although the Thai government has made commitments to ending the immigration detention of children, the practice continues, another blight on the country's human rights record.

"Children should not be detained, and we urge the Thai government to actively explore alternatives to detention in partnership with civil society," Mayerhofer said.

The rights groups also accused Thai authorities of implementing a "push-back" policy to asylum seekers who arrive by boats.

In 2015, the plight of asylum seekers from Burma's Rohingya Muslim minority and economic migrants from Bangladesh gained international media attention after Thai authorities pushed them out to sea, putting them at risk of death.

The other five organizations signing on to the release were Asylum Access; the Human Rights Development Foundation; the Jesuit Refugee Service; the Migrant Working Group; and the People's Empowerment Foundation.

The post Treatment of Burma Refugees Spotlighted Ahead of Thai Rights Review appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NCA Signatories, Abstainers Welcome New Leadership

Posted: 17 Mar 2016 02:40 AM PDT

Aung San Suu Kyi, chairwoman of the National League for Democracy, sits next to Karen National Union leader Mutu Sae Poe during talks between the government, army and representatives of ethnic armed groups in Naypyidaw on Jan. 12, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — Both signatories and non-signatories of Burma's so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement have welcomed the country's new president- and vice presidents-elect.

The United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance of nine ethnic groups that have opted out of signing the accord with the outgoing government, described the election as a harbinger of positive developments to come as Burma moves toward peace.

"I am happy that a genuine civilian has become president. He is also the representative of the NLD [National League for Democracy], which won the election with the people's support. And we view this as a positive sign. We believe it will contribute to democratization and bringing national unity," said UNFC vice chairman Naing Hong Sar.

On Tuesday, NLD nominee Htin Kyaw was elected president by the Union Parliament, winning 360 votes. Myint Swe, nominated by the military, received 213 votes, and Henry Van Thio, also an NLD nominee, received 79 votes, making them vice president Nos. 1 and 2, respectively.

While a large portion of the population has welcomed Burma's new president, there has been some criticism over the two vice presidents, both of whom have military service experience.

Naing Hong Sar said the UNFC had no comment about the two men and that it accepts the decision of the voting parliamentarians. He also said he believed that a truly nationwide ceasefire agreement could be achieved with the NLD at the helm. About a dozen ethnic armed groups have opted out of signing or been excluded from the ceasefire by the outgoing government.

"Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said before that she will focus on national unity and try to include all [ethnic armed groups] in the NCA [nationwide ceasefire agreement]. I believe this will come true," he said.

The Delegation for Political Negotiation (DPN), which is comprised of the leaders of the nine UNFC member groups, met on Wednesday in Chiang Mai, Thailand, to discuss future peace talks with the incoming NLD government.

Kwe Htoo Win, general secretary of the Karen National Union (KNU), told The Irrawaddy that NCA signatories, of which the KNU is one of the largest, also welcomed the recent election of the president and vice presidents.

"Selecting the president should not be about who he is, but about what he can do and his capabilities. It seems that the NLD has chosen [the president and vice president] with consideration to national reconciliation. We accept anyone who has goodwill for the country and who is able to serve the interests of the country," Kwe Htoo Win said.

Kwe Htoo Win added that while the new government is responsible for convincing non-signatories to sign a ceasefire agreement, President Thein Sein's outgoing government as well as current NCA signatories must continue taking part in the peace process.

The post NCA Signatories, Abstainers Welcome New Leadership appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Ethnic Affairs’ Portfolio Created, MOI Survives in NLD’s Ministry Pruning

Posted: 16 Mar 2016 11:59 PM PDT

National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, center, arrives to the opening of the new parliament in Naypyidaw on Feb. 1, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — A proposal by President-elect Htin Kyaw to reduce the number of ministries in his incoming government was put forward at the Union Parliament on Thursday, with the plan seeking to shrink the executive branch from its current 36 ministries down to 21.

One new ministry is proposed, with a portfolio covering "ethnic affairs," in what is viewed as a nod to the incoming National League for Democracy's pledge to make national reconciliation among Burma's many ethnic groups a priority.

Surviving under the proposal is the Information Ministry, an institution that had been tipped for potential elimination and which has had a long and at-times fraught relationship with the country's pro-democracy movement, given to serving as a formidable public relations apparatus for the outgoing military-backed government and the junta that preceded it.

Members of Burma's private media had voiced support for scrapping the Ministry of Information, while outgoing Information Minister Ye Htut late last year urged caution on the matter, saying the welfare of its 7,000 employees should be considered.

Under Htin Kyaw's proposal, some existing ministries would be subsumed into others, while several would be eliminated altogether.

Six ministries under the President's Office, Ministry of the President's Office Nos. 1-6, would be combined into one.

Burma's Sports Ministry would be eliminated, with that portfolio, in its current form or reduced in scope, likely to become a department under one of the 21 ministries put forward on Thursday. The same is likely true for the current Ministry of Cooperatives, which does not make an appearance on the proposed list, nor does the Ministry of Science and Technology. The existing Ministry of Mines would appear likely to see its portfolio subsumed by the proposed Ministry of Resources and Environmental Conservation.

Merged are portfolios on religion and culture. So too with agriculture, irrigation, livestock, fisheries and rural development—the latter three currently form one ministry, with agriculture and irrigation administratively delineated as a separate portfolio; energy and electric power; transportation and communications; and national planning and finance.

A reduction of government ministries was one pledge put forward in the NLD's election manifesto, "in order to decrease government expenditure and establish a lean and efficient government."

The proposal submitted to Parliament did not provide information on expected savings, or offer details on how the administrative shakeup would play out. The NLD has previously sought to assuage concerns that the structural reforms would lead to significant redundancies among the ranks of Burma's civil servants.

Lawmakers will begin deliberating the proposal on Friday. With the Union Parliament heavily stacked in favor of the NLD, it remains to be seen whether the incoming government's first major policy proposal offers an opportunity for spirited chamber debate or a rubber-stamp for Aung San Suu Kyi, who has said she will be calling the shots via her proxy, Htin Kyaw.

Mann Aung Pyi Soe, an ethnic Karen who is deputy chairman of the Phalon-Sawaw Democratic Party, told The Irrawaddy that the proposed Ethnic Affairs minister post was a welcome addition to the cabinet, though he added that he would reserve judgment on whether the post will facilitate national reconciliation efforts until more specifics are known about the portfolio.

The ministerial position is one of 18 that Htin Kyaw will appoint, with three security portfolios' ministers chosen by the military. Mann Aung Pyi Soe said he assumed the future Ethnic Affairs minister would be an ethnic minority, while acknowledging that even then the role would present inherent challenges.

"For example, if the NLD appointed that position from Shan or Burmese or someone else, he may know well about his own ethnic affairs, but what about others? I reckon he couldn't."

The post 'Ethnic Affairs' Portfolio Created, MOI Survives in NLD's Ministry Pruning appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

ANP and NLD Remain in Tussle Over Chief Minister Position

Posted: 16 Mar 2016 11:50 PM PDT

NLD central executive committee member and Arakan State party chairman Nyi Pu (second from left) attends a ceremony in the state capital of Sittwe this week. (Photo: Ko Min Aung / Facebook)

RANGOON — According to Arakan State's National League for Democracy (NLD) chairman, decisions regarding the appointment of state and division ministers will be decided at the party's central executive committee (CEC) meeting on March 20.

Since the NLD itself will retain authority over the selection of Arakan State's chief minister, The Irrawaddy asked NLD chairman Nyi Pu on Wednesday whether the winning party intends to allocate other state-level ministerial positions to the Arakan National Party (ANP). Nyi Pu said all outcomes hinge on CEC decisions.

"As we've said before, we [the NLD] will lead the state government. I can't say right now what our party will have to offer to the ANP," said Nyi Pu.

The Union Parliament on Tuesday elected NLD nominee Htin Kyaw to be the next president, with the transfer of power scheduled to take place on April 1. Meanwhile, more than 100 Arakanese civil society organizations have demanded that the state's chief minister position go an ANP member.

The ANP won 44 out of 77 contested seats in the Arakanese regional parliament the November election, while the NLD won the vast majority of seats in the national legislature.

The ANP has also created a team of leaders whose aim is to foster political dialogue with the NLD. Tun Aung Kyaw, ANP general secretary and a team member, said that the ANP had once expressed the possibility of a party member being appointed as the Arakan State state chief minister, but in reality, this decision rests with the NLD, which will form the majority of Burma's new government.

"We [the ANP] are awaiting their [the NLD's] offer, but we've heard nothing from them," said Tun Aung Kyaw, who added that collaboration with the NLD would be dependent on the outcome of the dialogue between the two parties. He did not comment on what the ANP's response might be if they were allocated other state-level ministerial positions, rather than that of the chief minister.

The Irrawaddy attempted to reach ANP chairman Aye Maung by phone on Wednesday, but he was not available to comment for this article.

The post ANP and NLD Remain in Tussle Over Chief Minister Position appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Premier Declares Confidence in Hong Kong Government

Posted: 16 Mar 2016 10:51 PM PDT

Premier Li Keqiang waves as he leaves after a news conference following the closing ceremony of National People's Congress (NPC) at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, China, March 16, 2016. (Photo: Jason Lee / Reuters)

BEIJING — China's Premier Li Keqiang said on Wednesday that he was confident the government and people of Hong Kong have the ability to deal with whatever issues they face, though avoided direct mention of the territory's recent political turmoil.

Beijing's refusal to grant the former British colony full democracy has embittered a younger generation of activists, culminating in massive protests in 2014, and political tensions and unrest remain, with Hong Kong rocked by a riot in February.

"We believe that the Hong Kong government has the ability and the Hong Kong people have the wisdom to properly handle the complex issues in Hong Kong," Li said at a news conference at the end of the annual meeting of parliament.

Hong Kong is set to hold a full legislative council poll later in the year, pitting a pro-democracy camp that now enjoys a slender one-third veto bloc against pro-Beijing and pro-establishment parties.

A legislative council by-election in February saw strong voter support for an activist leader who placed third.

Britain returned Hong Kong to Chinese rule in 1997 under a "one country, two systems" formula that gives it a high degree of autonomy.

Li said that policy had not changed and would not change.

Beijing has said it understands the frustrations of Hong Kong's youths amid the city's sluggish economic growth, where median income has barely risen in the past two decades and property prices have surged, and Li said the central government would help support Hong Kong's economic growth.

"The development of Hong Kong is needed by Hong Kong itself and the country as a whole. Hong Kong's development ultimately comes down to the efforts of the people of Hong Kong," Li added.

"The central government will give full support to any proposal from the special administration region's government that helps maintains Hong Kong's long-term prosperity and stability and contributes to the well-being of the people of Hong Kong."

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Mumbai Dance Bars to Reopen Amid Worries Trafficking of Women May Rise

Posted: 16 Mar 2016 10:25 PM PDT

An Indian prostitute holds a placard and shouts slogans during a protest rally in the eastern Indian city of Kolkata, Sept. 1, 2005. Nearly 1,000 prostitutes marched during a protest against the banning of dance bars in Mumbai. (Photo: Reuters )

MUMBAI — After a 10-year hiatus, dance bars are set to reopen in Mumbai and Maharashtra state with activists warning women and girls could be trafficked and abused in these venues but bar owners arguing this is legitimate, needed work.

In 2005, Western Maharashtra state suspended the licenses of hundreds of bars and hotels that featured skimpily dressed women dancing to Bollywood tunes on a small stage for male customers.

But after several appeals over the years against the ban, India's highest court ordered the state to issue licenses from March 15 on condition that certain rules are adhered to.

When the bars were shut in 2005, about 75,000 women were estimated to be working there and bar owners said the women were earning a legitimate living.

But activists and charities feared the women were victims of trafficking and the bars were fronts for brothels.

"It's not as if shutting them down stopped trafficking, but reopening them would legitimize it and give traffickers another reason to dupe and abuse women and girls," said Suparna Gupta, founder of Aangan Trust, which works with victims of trafficking.

"A majority of dance bars were doubling up as brothels, and we established a clear link between many rescued minor girls and these establishments."

State Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis said last week the government was not in favor of reopening dance bars and will draft legislation to find a way around the Supreme Court ruling.

About 150 bars and hotels in Mumbai and about 1,200 in the state are applying for licenses, according to an industry lobby.

South Asia, with India at its center, is the world's fastest-growing and second-biggest region for human trafficking after Southeast Asia, according to the United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime.

Mumbai, India's financial hub, is one of the biggest destinations for trafficked women and children.

Most of them are brought from other states and neighboring countries, including Nepal and Bangladesh, under the guise of securing a well-paid job in a home or shop but are sold into sex work or forced into manual labor.

The Maharashtra government, which opposes dance bars on the grounds of obscenity, had proposed more than two dozen conditions for new licenses but the Supreme Court rejected some of them, including requiring a live stream to police stations.

Instead, closed-circuit televisions will be installed at the entrance, with a limit of four dancers per bar, a railing around the performance area, and a distance of at least 5 feet between the stage and customers.

Women won't be permitted to dance in an obscene manner and customers cannot fling money at the dancers, the rules state.

Hotel and bar owners have lobbied against some of these conditions, calling them unreasonable.

"What has the state done in the last 10 years for the rehabilitation of the thousands of women who lost their livelihood overnight?" said Adarsh Shetty, head of the Indian Hotel and Restaurant Association in Mumbai.

Many women who found themselves without a job then were forced into prostitution or trafficked to Gulf nations, said Bharat Thakur, president of the Dance Bars' Association in Mumbai, which has criticized the state's "moral policing."

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Indonesia Security Forces Kill Two Chinese Uighur Militants in Sulawesi Shootout

Posted: 16 Mar 2016 09:20 PM PDT

Indonesian soldiers from the 2nd Airborne Division patrol near Masani village, Poso, Central Sulawesi, on March 31, 2015 in this photo taken by Antara Foto. (Photo: Reuters / Antara Foto)

JAKARTA — Indonesian security forces have killed two ethnic Uighur Chinese belonging to a militant network led by the country's most wanted man, police said on Wednesday.

Indonesia has launched an aggressive, military-backed security campaign in the jungles of Sulawesi island as it battles the threat from growing domestic support for the Islamic State militant group.

Police said the men, part of China's Uighur Muslim minority, had joined Santoso, a militant in Poso in central Sulawesi, who is Indonesia's most high-profile backer of Islamic State, and has been on the run for more than three years.

Tuesday's shootout followed a challenge by security forces to a group of unknown men to identify themselves, during an operation to comb through a forested area of Poso, which is more than 1,600 km (994 miles) northeast of Jakarta, the capital.

"Based on testimony from another suspect we had arrested, those two were identified as Uighurs," said Central Sulawesi police spokesman Hari Suprapto, adding that authorities had notified the Chinese Embassy in Jakarta.

A Chinese Embassy press official told Reuters no information had yet been received on the deaths, however.

Four other Uighur men were jailed last year for attempting to join the same militant network, whose leader authorities say they have cornered, after a hunt that lasted more than a year and involved hundreds of troops.

"We have been successful in surrounding them. Their supplies have started to dwindle," the chief security minister, Luhut Pandjaitan, told reporters last week. "We hope Santoso will surrender, but we are prepared for the worst-case scenario."

Asked for an expected timeframe, he gave no details.

Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Uighurs keen to escape unrest in their far western Chinese homeland of Xinjiang have travelled clandestinely via Southeast Asia to Turkey.

China says they often end up crossing into Syria and Iraq to fight for Islamic State militants.

Hundreds of people have been killed over the past few years in resource-rich Xinjiang, strategically located on the borders of central Asia, in violence between Uighurs and ethnic majority Han Chinese.

Beijing has blamed the unrest on Islamist militants, though rights groups and exiles say anger at Chinese controls on the religion and culture of the Uighurs is more to blame. China denies any repression in Xinjiang.

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The Price of Peace

Posted: 16 Mar 2016 06:01 PM PDT

Burma's outgoing President Thein Sein (center, with yellow ribbon) greets international witnesses after the signing ceremony of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in Naypyidaw on October 15, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Since the initiation of Burma's reforms in 2010, major policy shifts have emerged among Western nations that had long supported opposition forces and ethnic organizations committed to the democracy movement.

As aid to these groups has decreased, funds fulfilling the aspirations of the outgoing quasi-civilian government have increased.

Critics and observers point out that many within Western governments believe economic development will end Burma's political stalemate and resolve decades of armed conflict. This has led to hundreds of millions of dollars in both aid and investment being filtered through Naypyidaw, the government capital, instead of through long-established community-based infrastructure networks.

Myanmar Peace Center

The Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), a four-year-old Burmese government affiliate in Rangoon, is one institution that has benefitted from these funding shifts.

Hla Maung Shwe, an advisor within the MPC, would not elaborate on the organization's foreign monies; the Myanmar Peace Monitor has reported that the MPC has received around US$2.5 million in funds from Japan, the EU and the United Nations in its first year of operation. Hla Maung Shwe pointed out that "hundreds" of "foreigner-led" groups receive funds for peace-building as well.

But has it worked? The MPC advisor said that his organization has played a major role in shaping the perspectives of military generals in dealing with ethnic armed groups—of which there are more than 20 nationwide—in the peace process. But the MPC-brokered signing of a so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) by only eight of the armed groups and the state military last year has not ended civil war in Burma. Instead, critics say it is has served as a "divide and rule tactic" by the government.

The MPC may be well funded, but it lacks legitimate decision-making power and the trust of many ethnic armed groups, who, Hla Maung Shwe said, "think in black and white," when it comes to peace, rather than a more desirable "grey."

Yet Hla Maung Shwe also admitted that despite many outward changes, the former military regime remains a driving force in Burma's political scene, which continues to attract international interest to the peace process.

"It is true," he said. "Reforms [came] from a transition initiated by the government regime, and it is the elites who began this transition." But, he insisted that throughout the process, "government and Tatmadaw [Burma Army] officials have accepted many demands from ethnic groups."

'Supporting Government Policy'

At a development forum in Naypyidaw in January 2013 attended by around 600 delegates from 55 countries, foreign donors committed to actively supporting Burmese government structures in ceasefire and conflict-affected areas in ethnic regions. In 2014, international aid for health care began increasingly coming through the government’s centralized structure.

"Donors are just supporting the Burmese government’s policy and not listening to other voices," said Bertil Lintner, a veteran journalist focused on ethnic affairs in Burma, who also lamented the prioritizing of "shortsighted economic interests" by investors.

One long-time Burma watcher, who spoke to The Irrawaddy on the condition of anonymity, said that this foreign aid policy fuelled local resentment and continues to push long-standing ethnic health and education structures under the control of the central government rather than integrating them into a devolved federal system.

"It seems business interests have become the first priority. Human rights and democracy is secondary," she said regarding donor priorities.

The source highlighted Norwegian action in Burma as an illustration of this phenomenon.

In 2013, Telenor, a largely state-owned Norwegian telecommunications firm, signed a lucrative deal with Burma's government; its telecommunication services now operate widely throughout Burma.

Yet Katja Nordgaard, who served as the company's executive vice president, had previous political ties to Burma: she was formerly Norway’s ambassador to Burma, a role from which she resigned and then joined Telenor. Nordgaard reportedly introduced Telenor to Burmese government officials in 2012, while she was acting as Ambassador.

US Engagement

As interests change, increasing commercial engagement with Burma can be expected from other countries that once firmly supported the political and ethnic opposition. There is increasing pressure on the US government by business associations not to renew sanctions on Burma in May of this year, when the policy will go under review.

The United States eased sanctions in December 2015 against Burma's largest conglomerate, Asia World Company, by extending a six-month waiver for use of Rangoon's Asia World Port by American companies. Asia World's owner is Burmese tycoon Steven Law (also known as Htun Myint Naing), who is linked to illicit drug trade through his father, Lo Hsing Han, a notorious drug kingpin.

"Relief from US sanctions in Myanmar is challenging," said Kristine Gould, the head of PACRIM Research Associates, an American research firm that studies Burma. "In the case of Steven Law and the Asia World Port terminal, the United States had to balance sanctions policies regarding a Specially Designated National against pressure from the international business community for access to his port facilities."

Decisions on sanctions, Gould said, involve striking a "delicate balance" between US national interests, pressure from American and international business communities and National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi's wishes.

On Tuesday, a president selected by the NLD was voted in by the Union Parliament, since Suu Kyi herself is barred from holding the position due to constitutional restrictions based on her sons' British citizenship. The incoming president Htin Kyaw, a relatively unknown political player, is joined by two vice presidents, Henry Van Thio, also of the NLD, and Myint Swe, a former lieutenant-general selected for the post by the military. He remains on the US's Specially Designated Nationals list, due to his role in crushing the 2007 Saffron Revolution—a series of protests for political change led by Buddhist monks.

"The nomination of U Myint Swe to the Vice Presidency will further compound sanctions decisions," explained Gould. "This will certainly pose challenges to the US government."

In an interview with The Irrawaddy last month, Derek Mitchell, the former American ambassador to Burma, said he anticipates further engagement between Burma and international communities, but that there was also a need to acknowledge the country's turbulent history.

"There must be respect for the past. The younger generations are just outstanding. There is tremendous potential," said Mitchell. "We need to invest in that even though we deal with the pain of the past."

The post The Price of Peace appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

NLD leader to head parliamentary group
NLD to slash ministries in proposed shake-up
Magwe village burned to ground
Babies struggling after vaccines
Lawyers, activists press for Justice Ministry
Military pledges its total cooperation with new president
Ministry shake-up: ‘Small is beautiful’
Nationalists to protest against Christian as VP
Bus authorities warn on Thingyan price gouging
Teenager shot in Shan State clashes

NLD leader to head parliamentary group

Posted: 17 Mar 2016 10:07 AM PDT

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been named chair of a parliamentary team, the National League for Democracy announced today, fuelling expectations that the NLD leader does not intend to take a formal position in the new government.

NLD to slash ministries in proposed shake-up

Posted: 17 Mar 2016 02:05 AM PDT

President-elect U Htin Kyaw's government has proposed slashing the number of ministries in a shake-up that would create two mega-economic ministries.

Magwe village burned to ground