The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Burma Celebrates First Pulitzer Prize-Winning Female Journalist
• Thingyan Deaths Double in 2016
• Arakan Army: Clashes With Govt Forces Threaten Peace Prospects
• Avian Flu Strikes Poultry Farms in Sagaing Division
• Traditional Typists Persevere in 21st Century Burma
• Indonesia Takes Step Toward Reckoning with ‘65-66 Atrocities
• Thailand Says Songkran Holiday Road Deaths Rose 21 Percent
• Suu Kyi Vows to Amend Junta-Era Constitution

Burma Celebrates First Pulitzer Prize-Winning Female Journalist Posted: 19 Apr 2016 04:41 AM PDT Esther Htusan, Associated Press journalist and member of Pulitzer Prize-winning reporting team. (Photo: Esther Htusan / Facebook) RANGOON — An ethnic Kachin journalist from the Associated Press (AP) is the first woman from Burma to be among those awarded the prestigious Pulitzer Prize for her reporting. Esther Htusan, 29, is one of four AP journalists who worked on an investigation into severe labor abuses within the Southeast Asian fishing industry, a sector which supplies seafood to supermarkets and restaurants abroad. The team's reporting contributed to the freeing of approximately 2,000 slaves; their work also brought perpetrators of trafficking and enslavement to justice and inspired reforms in the industry. From March until December of 2015, Esther Htusan, Margie Mason, Robin McDowell and Martha Mendoza broke the story of fishing industry atrocities in nine installments. On Monday, it was announced that the series had earned the AP team the award for excellence in journalism in the category of Public Service. Aye Aye Win, a former AP reporter from Burma, said she was very proud of the AP journalists for their service to those who would have otherwise remained trapped at sea. "Their reporting saved fishermen stuck abroad. Their efforts deserve the prize," she said. This is one case, she continued, where "reporting has given not only information, but also liberation." Myint Kyaw, a member of the Myanmar Press Council, said Esther Htusan's involvement in the investigation had an impact on the whole country. "Consequently, those who were forced to work in slave-like conditions were saved, and Burmese citizens also got rescued," he said. The AP team's success "is also beneficial to Myanmar," he added. The post Burma Celebrates First Pulitzer Prize-Winning Female Journalist appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thingyan Deaths Double in 2016 Posted: 19 Apr 2016 01:18 AM PDT Revelers of Burma's Thingyan water festival, April 2016. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The number of deaths during Burma's five-day water festival, Thingyan, has more than doubled since last year, according to the Myanmar Police Force. The announcement on Monday said that a total of 35 people died and another 316 were injured between April 12 and 16, when millions of people across the country welcomed the Burmese New Year with wild street parties, ceremonies and water-throwing. Last year, a total of 16 people died and 356 others were injured because of traffic accidents and crimes that occurred during the Thingyan festivities. Fourteen of the reported deaths in 2016 were due to traffic accidents, while three were victims of murder. The other 18 deaths during the celebratory period were due to various other unnamed causes. Of the 235 people injured in traffic accidents, 73 were considered serious injuries. In Rangoon, however, statistics revealed lower numbers than 2015. There was one death in the commercial capital this year—the result of a murder—and 24 reported injuries, compared to three deaths and 69 injuries last year, Police Major Pyae Zone told The Irrawaddy. He added that the decrease in deaths and injuries this year was "mainly because of fewer traffic accidents in Rangoon compared to 2015." The post Thingyan Deaths Double in 2016 appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Arakan Army: Clashes With Govt Forces Threaten Peace Prospects Posted: 19 Apr 2016 12:41 AM PDT Arakan Army soldiers conduct a military exercise in Laiza, Kachin State, where the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) is headquartered. (Photo: Thaw Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON – The Burma Army engaged in two ambush attacks against the Arakan Army (AA) during the country's New Year water festival on April 16 in northern Arakan State, according to AA communications officer Khine Thukha. The clashes reportedly occurred in Ponnagyun and Rathedaung townships. Khine Thukha claimed that at least 30 government soldiers were killed or injured in the fighting, but denied that AA had suffered any casualties. The Irrawaddy made contact by phone with residents in Rathedaung Township on April 18, who said that the situation had calmed, but locals in nearby Kyauktaw Township reported the reinforcement of government troops in the area since the clashes. Arakan State residents told The Irrawaddy that they sensed growing tension between ethnic Burmese and Arakanese communities due to what they describe as "hate speech" on social media, including inflammatory written posts and unverified photos depicting violent acts. Before the most recent clashes, Burma's Ministry of Information (MOI) stated on April 13 that government troops would try to remove ''AA insurgencies'' from Arakan State's Kyauktaw Township; military officials also acknowledged in state media that the army had suffered casualties in recent armed clashes with the AA. The AA commemorated its seventh anniversary on April 10 with the armed group's commander-in-chief Tun Myat Naing stating hopes of restarting a political dialogue with Burma's new National League for Democracy-led (NLD) government, which took power at the beginning of April. Under the previous administration of President Thein Sein, the AA—along with ethnic Palaung (Ta'ang), Wa and Kokang armies—was excluded from signing Burma's so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) in October 2015. Eight armed organizations—out of more than 20—inked the accord, but some larger groups, like the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), withheld their signatures. Khine Thukha described the NCA as a "failed" agreement. "If the new government continues in the same way as Thein Sein, [the outcome] will be the same," he said in reference to the previous administration's approach to the peace process, which has yet to bring an end to armed conflict in Burma's six decades of civil war. He added that the AA would participate in talks with the government only if the other excluded groups were also invited. Ponnagyun constituency's Arakan National Party (ANP) lawmaker in the Lower House, Tun Maung, urged the NLD government to bring the AA into a political dialogue when they re-start the national peace process. "I believe that the NLD will carry out that matter for national reconciliation," he said. The post Arakan Army: Clashes With Govt Forces Threaten Peace Prospects appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Avian Flu Strikes Poultry Farms in Sagaing Division Posted: 18 Apr 2016 11:59 PM PDT A farm worker feeds chickens in a poultry farm in Hmawbi Township, north of Rangoon, March 29, 2007. (Photo: Sukree Sukplang / Reuters) MANDALAY — Surveillance of the poultry trade in Sagaing Division's Monywa Township has been ramped up after an avian flu outbreak over the past several weeks. Some 500 chickens from Monywa poultry farms have died since March 31, after being infected with the H9N2 strain of avian flu. Local authorities have since killed over 20,000 chickens and restricted poultry trade from farms in the area. "With the help of the police and fire brigades, we have been able to control the avian flu [outbreak in Monywa] and have killed the infected animals and restricted poultry trade," said Myint Naing, chief minister of Sagaing Division. There are 250 poultry farms in Monywa's livestock farming zone, about six of which have reported cases of avian flu since the end of March. The Ministry of Health said in a statement on Saturday that there have been no reports of humans having contracted avian flu in the area. "We can't control the entire poultry market in the division, but we plan to investigate nearby villages and towns and will prohibit trade with poultry farms in Monywa," Myint Naing said. "Though H9N2 is not as severe as H5N1, and there have been no reports of human infection, it is important to take precautions. I ask poultry farmers and traders to inform the authorities of any chicken deaths without delay." In particular, the chief minister urged poultry farmers not to hide the deaths of potentially infected animals for fear of losing their farm. "Once a chicken is infected, it is necessary to destroy almost every animal from that farm, since we have no vaccine here to prevent the spread of the [avian] flu," he said. "The divisional government is taking data on farmers' losses and will work with the central government for possible compensation for loss due to avian flu," Myint Naing added. Poultry farms in the same livestock farming zone in Monywa were also struck by an avian flu outbreak in early 2015, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of chickens. The post Avian Flu Strikes Poultry Farms in Sagaing Division appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Traditional Typists Persevere in 21st Century Burma Posted: 18 Apr 2016 11:30 PM PDT RANGOON — On most afternoons, Tin Zaw Htet sits in front of a Cold War-era typewriter surrounded by satin-and-gauze portfolios and legal certificates hanging in the unrelenting Rangoon sun. On the lower block of Maha Bandoola Park Road, several typists are dutifully stationed in individual makeshift stalls alongside him. They earn their living within a bureaucracy that demands typed forms over handwritten ones, but in a locale where computers and printers remain luxuries and electricity is still unreliable. Tin Zaw Htet shares a laminated certificate verifying his completion of a one-month typing course at a vocational training center five years earlier. Upon graduation, he left a job selling pet fish and joined his aunt, also a typist, in opening their own kiosk. "I only want to work in my own business, even if I have to run it on roadsides," he said. The 28-year-old earns 1,000 kyats (US$0.83) per page filling out marriage certificates, power of attorney forms and other legal contracts with Burmese or English typescript; on an average day, he gets between 10 and 15 pages of work. Small plaques engraved with the phrase "Made in Western Germany" betray the age of the typewriters that propel this small sector. Fifty-year-old Win Htay, who restores the machines, is nearly as old as the typewriters he has been repairing since he was 13 years old. He claims that they were first imported for Burmese civil servants under either U Nu or Ne Win's government in the early 1960s. Auctioned, refurbished and resold through the decades, the sturdy metal structures have yet to render themselves obsolete in Burma, even as the government offices that originally bought them now largely rely on computers, and lie 200 miles north in purpose-built Naypyidaw, no less. From a modest workshop in downtown Rangoon's 35th Street, Win Htay still sells them, fully restored, for around 100,000 kyats (US$83). "I have a close attachment to these typewriters," he said. "This is all I know how to do. I don't even know how to touch a computer." When government offices began to move from Rangoon to Naypyidaw in 2005, Win Htay lamented how many ambitious typists and repairmen also relocated their businesses—and their typewriters—to the remote new capital. He is defensive when asked about the machine's place among an increasing selection of more modern gadgets, foreseeing a continued reliance on typewriters in courts, schools and government offices particularly in rural parts of the country. About 70 percent of Burma's population still has no access to the electricity needed to run more updated apparatuses. "All they need is ink," he pointed out, a testament to the typewriter's sustainability. Tin Zaw Htet acknowledges that one day he may have to adapt his work to accommodate changing technology, but says that he is lucky: He also knows how to use a computer. However, it is not a shift he will wholly welcome. "[Typewriters] challenge us to be more efficient, to see our errors on paper, so we are more careful not to make mistakes," Tin Zaw Htet explained. He also describes a satisfaction in working with the older machines. "The feeling of using typewriters and using computers is different. We can feel a lot of feedback from a typewriter's keys," he said, imitating the continuous clack-clack-clack of the metal buttons. "It makes noise. I kind of like it." Typewriters brought to Burma during an earlier era will likely continue to maintain a value beyond nostalgia and, for now, a function on the country's technological spectrum. The post Traditional Typists Persevere in 21st Century Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Indonesia Takes Step Toward Reckoning with ‘65-66 Atrocities Posted: 18 Apr 2016 10:35 PM PDT People watch "The Act of Killing," a chilling about the 1965-66 anti-communist atrocities, in Jakarta, February 6, 2013. (Photo: Beawiharta / Reuters) JAKARTA — Indonesia on Monday convened an unprecedented discussion of anti-communist massacres in 1965-66 that brought together survivors and representatives of the military that orchestrated the atrocities. Protesters who say the two-day conference will help revive communism scuffled with police outside the tightly guarded venue, in a sign of the deep divisions within Indonesia over what rights groups say was one of the worst atrocities of the last century. Researchers estimate that the military and religious groups killed half a million people in the attacks on communists and sympathizers that ushered in the 32-year rule of the dictator Suharto. Conference organizer Agus Widjojo, a retired general, said at the meeting that Indonesia is "torn apart" by the massacres and called for the government to establish a commission for truth and reconciliation. Within Indonesia, widely accepted accounts of the era gloss over the deaths, and descendants of Communist Party members are stigmatized and face legal discrimination that prevents them from holding government jobs. But the conference, being held at a hotel in Jakarta, the capital, has the backing of government figures and was opened by the Cabinet minister in charge of security and political affairs, Luhut Pandjaitan. Indonesia's attorney general, police chief and justice minister also attended. The killings began in October 1965, shortly after an apparent abortive coup in which six right-wing generals were killed. Suharto, an unknown major general at the time, filled the power vacuum and blamed the assassinations on Indonesia's Communist Party, which was then the largest outside the Soviet Union and China, with 3 million members. "Let's open this history together so we can all find out what has been wrong in our national system, why this nation could have the ability to commit mass killings," said Widjojo, whose father was one of the generals killed. Abdul Rashid, 71, was one of the thousands who escaped death but suffered years of imprisonment without trial or exile in remote corners of Indonesia because of a tenuous connection to the Communist Party. Rashid's crime was joining a youth group in South Sulawesi province that didn't advertise its links to communists. Four years later, when he was 21, he was seized by troops while teaching an elementary school class, and lost more than a decade of his life to detention and exile. "I still remember how a dozen military troops pushed into my class," he said in an interview. "They pushed in and pointed their rifles at me in front of my students." After being freed, a special stamp in his identity card made life difficult, stigmatizing Rashid and his family and making it hard to find work. "This stigma is a too heavy burden," he said. "There are so many innocent people who became victims of a black history. I want this stigma to be ended." Despite government backing for the conference, Pandjaitan, the security minister, said there would be no government apology to victims and also questioned whether estimates of the death toll were accurate. "I believe that this meeting will produce positive results to build our nation in the future," he said. "We must be able to create peace with our past. But don't ever think that the government will offer any apology." Andreas Harsono, Indonesia researcher for Human Rights Watch, said the two-day symposium by itself is not sufficient to come to terms with a buried past. "At the least, what the government can do is stop discrimination against the victims—the survivors and their children and their grandchildren," he said. Millions of people are affected by a 1981 presidential decree barring communists and their descendants from serving in the police, military or civil service. Before the conference, rights groups urged the United States to release all of its secret files on the massacres, which could help reveal facts about the period. Declassified documents held at the National Security Archive of George Washington University show that the US Embassy in Jakarta was aware of extensive killings in Java and other parts of Indonesia and passed lists of communists it had compiled to Indonesia's military. It also organized the supply of radios to the military and secretly gave money to a military-linked group involved in the repression. At the time, the US viewed Indonesia as a bulwark in its efforts to thwart the influence of the Soviet Union and China in Southeast Asia. An embassy communication to the Department of State on April 15, 1966, about the number of deaths said: "We frankly do not know whether the real figure is closer to 100,000 or 1,000,000 but believe it wiser to err on the side of the lower estimates, especially when questioned by the press." The post Indonesia Takes Step Toward Reckoning with '65-66 Atrocities appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thailand Says Songkran Holiday Road Deaths Rose 21 Percent Posted: 18 Apr 2016 10:29 PM PDT Revelers react during a water fight at Songkran Festival celebrations in Bangkok, April 13, 2016.  (Photo: Jorge Silva / Reuters) BANGKOK — Authorities in Thailand said Monday that 442 people died in traffic accidents during the just concluded traditional New Year holiday—a 21 percent rise over the same period last year despite stern efforts to curb drunken and unsafe driving. It was the highest number of Songkran holiday deaths since 476 were reported in 2006. The weeklong holiday has been dubbed the "Seven Days of Death," though Thailand has the second-worst record in the world for annual traffic fatalities. There were 3,337 accidents during the week ending Sunday, with motorcycles accounting for more than 81 percent of the total, followed by pickup trucks, the Road Safety Directing Centre announced. Drunken driving was blamed for just over one-third of the accidents, and speeding for just under another third. Road injuries for the week totaled 3,656. The government had sought to curb accidents during the holiday by deploying 20,000 officials to checkpoints and ordering drunken drivers' vehicles to be impounded and their licenses revoked. Rewards were also offered to police making the most number of drunken-driving arrests. Deputy Government Spokesman Weerachon Sukondhapatipak blamed the high accident rate on unsafe road design and lack of discipline among Thai drivers. "Not only villagers, but educated people, who have been to developed countries, they obey laws in those countries but they don't do it here no matter how strict the laws are, how many officers were patrolling or doing their jobs at checkpoints," he said. The post Thailand Says Songkran Holiday Road Deaths Rose 21 Percent appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Suu Kyi Vows to Amend Junta-Era Constitution Posted: 18 Apr 2016 09:58 PM PDT Aung San Suu Kyi and second Vice President Henry Van Thio attend the handover ceremony from outgoing President Thein Sein and Burma's new President Htin Kyaw at the presidential palace in Naypyidaw, March 30, 2016.  (Photo: Nyein Chan Naing / Reuters) RANGOON — Burma's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi vowed Monday to push for constitutional amendments to build a true democracy in the Southeast Asian country as it emerges from decades of military control. Suu Kyi made the comments in a nationally televised address to mark the start of the Buddhist new year, highlighting her hopes for the future and also the difficult tasks ahead for her new government. "Our policies and principles are to ensure national reconciliation, internal peace, the rule of law, amendments to the constitution and keeping the democratic system dynamic," she said. "The constitution needs to be one that will give birth to a genuine democratic union," she said. "We need constitutional amendments." Suu Kyi's power to change the constitution remains hamstrung by the military, which still retains considerable power in government and parliament. But she has repeatedly said the current constitution—written during the era of military rule—must be revised so the country can move forward. The constitution reserves key ministerial posts in the Cabinet for the military, which heads the Home Ministry, the Defense Ministry and the Border Affairs Ministry. It also allots 25 percent of the seats in parliament for military officers, ensuring that no government can amend the constitution without the army's approval. Suu Kyi has been working to build alliances with the military but has reportedly angered the military with her government's initial acts since taking power two weeks ago. Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, won a landslide victory in November elections, ushering in the country's first civilian government after 54 years of direct and indirect military rule. Suu Kyi is the country's most popular political figure but was unable to become president because of a clause in the constitution that bars anyone with a foreign spouse or child from holding the job. Her two sons are British, as was her late husband. To get around that clause, Suu Kyi selected her longtime confidant, Htin Kyaw, to become president. One of his government's first acts after taking power at the end of March was to give Suu Kyi a newly created position called "state counselor" which is akin to that of prime minister. Htin Kyaw's government has made it a priority to release political prisoners detained during military rule. Prior to the New Year, his administration freed more than 100 political detainees and on Sunday granted amnesty to another 83. "We will continue to try to release political prisoners, political activists, and students facing trials related to politics," he said in televised comments Sunday to mark the new year. The post Suu Kyi Vows to Amend Junta-Era Constitution appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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To Hopeland and Back The 18th voyage (Day 3) Posted: 18 Apr 2016 09:42 PM PDT Third Day. Saturday, 10 April 2016 Wu Zixu (died BC 484), the "first ancestor" from my paternal grandfather's side (Photo:cultural- A mill does not run with the water that is past. Louis L'Amour, (1915-1985) The Walking Drum The most famous of all the Wu-s (伍) was General Wu Zixu aka Wu Yun, who was a confederate of Sun Zi who wrote The Art of War , more than 2,500 years ago They have a shrine for him at Suzhou, Jiangsu province. All Wu branches consider him as their "First Ancestor." Hso Khan Fa (1291-1364), the "first ancestor" from my paternal  On my paternal grandmother's side is Hso Khan Fa (1291-1364) of Zelan, whose suzerainty was said to have stretched from Dali in the northeast to Assam in the northwest, and almost all of today's Burma/Myanmar, except maybe Chin, according to J.G. Scott. "The sad thing," I tell my relatives, "is that the glory of the past do not carry us forward. We learn from it, and from it we choose the path to follow. But we have to walk it by ourselves, not depending on the glory of our ancestors to do  it for us,"  quoting Louis L'Amour (another one!): A ship does not sail with yesterday's wind. The Shans also have a saying for this: "Only a tiger can succeed a tiger, that passes a way." Hotel Royal Taunggyi (Photo:www.booking.com) We have a roaring party in the afternoon at Hotel Royal Taunggyi, and another at the Mawk Zarm Hawm restaurant in the evening. My generation, about 20 of us in all,  were quite close to each other. But for most of the third and fourth, it is the first introduction to each other. I hope what we have done yesterday and today sets a precedent for the future.

To Hopeland and Back The 18th voyage (Day 2) Posted: 18 Apr 2016 09:20 PM PDT Day Two. Friday, 9 April 2016 People will not look forward to posterity, who never look backward to their ancestors. Edmund Burke (1729-1797) Irish political philosopher My paternal grand parents Heho, where our plane Air KBZ, touches down at 09:00 used to be "Haiwo" which means a district assigned to present cows to the ruling prince of Yawnghwe as tributes. Nowadays, even Shans, let alone non-Shans, know little or not what it means. However, there are still many places in Shan Shate, whose names begin with "Hai" (tribute): Hai Nang: assigned to present women to serve princesses Hai Niang: assigned to present tea Hai Pa: assigned to present fish Hai Phak: assigned to present meat Hai Kerh: assigned to present salt Hai Ya: assigned to present tobacco The first thing we do after lunch is to visit the Cantonese cemetery which is located southwest of The city. There we find the last resting-place of our paternal grandfather Wu Guangxuo, 1885-1983, better known as A Ping Kung to his neighbors. According to the papers in English he had kept, he came from Canton aka Guangdong in 1909, got married to our paternal grandmother Nang Hseng Gam and had 5 sons, from whom some 200 offspring have descended in successive generations. Actually, Ching Ming, or Ancestor's Day, for this year was already past, 5 April. But had my nieces who are the organizers decided on that day, only a few of us would be able to make it. But thanks to these nieces who live in Taunggyi, some 80 have already confirmed their participation. The problem with us is that most of us, brought up as Shans, have little inkling about the Chinese ritual. But we are lucky to have Sai Win Aung, 58, my youngest brother, who is the only one among us to be know at home with Chinese customs, presides over the brief ceremony. We then visit the hotel, Royal Taunggyi, one that was reportedly opened only 4 months ago, where the gathering is to take place tomorrow. It is said to be owned by one of the former ministers of Shan State government, together with two others from Rangoon. Their names are not mentioned. The hotel clerk is obviously feeling uncomfortable about it. But I just know I'm going to find out sooner or later. And no one should be unduly worried, because the hunting season, since 2011, when the peace process began, is over for me. Well, almost. It's hard to get rid of one's habit, isn't it?

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Posted: 18 Apr 2016 01:04 AM PDT I was in Burma/Myanmar, 8-12 April, the first time there for a very personal reason: reunion with my relatives, far and near, known and unknown. But as usual for a person like me who can't live without some work, and who likes to mix play with work (rarely the other way round), there were meetings that took place which I believe are worth reporting enough. Day One. Thursday, 8 April 2016 Peace too is a living thing And like all life, it must wax and wane, Accommodate, withstand trial and undergo changes. Hermann Hesse (1877-1962), Nobel laureate on Literature The first thing I want to do on arrival at Mingladon is to check in at the hotel, and not the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC). But the latter is nearer and if I choose to go to the hotel first, I might miss the appointment. If turns out I took the right decision. Takes me one and a quarter of an hour even to get there. But I'm right on time, 13:30. The following is the rundown of what I've learned from U Aung Min, who, after serving for 5 years as government peace negotiator, is waiting for the new government appointee to take over: Everything is in order for the handover. The former MPC premises will be halved, one half going to the new peace commission, and the other for the CPR (Center for Peace and Reconciliation) set up by U Hla Maung Shwe and PDF (Peace and Development Foundation) set up by U Aung Min. Both will work together to support the new peace commission. He doesn't say exactly whether the Union Peacemaking Central Committee (UPCC), which had served as a decision-making body of the U Thein Sein government, and/or the Union Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC), which was the implementing body, will still be retained by the new government. "But good relations between the government and the military will assure the success of the peace process." As for the Wa's recent offer of itself as the new leader of the non-signatory EAOs, he thinks having more money and more men will not be sufficient. "The first thing their leaders should do is to polish on their Burmese. At present, I know of no Wa leaders except U Aung Myint (aka Li Julie) who are proficient in the language." Since 2012, we have received Euro 7.1 million (US $ 8.1million) from EU to run the Childhood friends that met on  8 April: First row: Tom Wu (#2),  Ivan Lee (#8) Hla Myint (#9),  Khuensai (#10) Fourth row: Michael Ni  (#2) Photo taken in 1961-62 academic year,  Grade 4, Guardian Angels'  Convent High School, Lashio. peace operations. The EU, to our knowledge, is happy with our financial reports. The evening is spent meeting with my childhood friends from Lashio: Tom Wu, his sister Mary Wu, Hla Myint, Michael Ni aka Myint Oo, Kenneth aka Thein Naing, Ivan Lee, and myself. Most of them have also brought their wives. Naturally we talk about old days. Never knew almost all of them could remember all the naughty things I had said and done when I was a kid. Maybe that's the reason why some famous people don't want to meet friends of their schooldays. They seem to be scared of those who can rattle the skeletons in their long closed closet. It's a relief to find out that I'm not one of them.

BURMA'S POLITICAL TUG OF WAR: Democratic bullying, military reinforcement, political prisoners and diplomatic overtures Posted: 17 Apr 2016 06:46 PM PDT A lot of people were quite astonished at the speedy undertakings of Aung San Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy (NLD) Chairwoman, for her governmental formation, structuring and stream-lining to achieve her envisioned national reconciliation government in Burma (Myanmar). But it was her move to create the State Counsellor position for herself that have received the most ire and bad mood of the military (Tatmadaw), prompting one of its kind to burst out by saying that the NLD was indulging in an act of "democratic bullying". It all comes about as the NLD tabled a bill to make Suu Kyi a State Counsellor that according to the experts would have the similar power of a prime minister. The bill sailed through with a large margin of "yes" votes in the upper house and again in the lower house, where the military abstained from voting and physically standing up in protest for the adoption, stating disagreement in a number of wordings written in the bill. Chief among them being the usage of "Federal Union" and title of the bill wording of "State", which the military insisted that the two words be changed to "Union Country" and "President" respectively. The insistence of the latter word "President" and not "State" - following the word "advisor" - is to emphasize not to allow an individual to possess both legislative and executive powers, arguing that this would contravene the constitution, and stressing the importance of separation of powers. On 6 April, it was signed by the President and sent back to the parliament, which was immediately and  formally promulgated with "The 2016, Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament) Law No. 26". The next day, Aung San Suu Kyi started issuing clarification, in the capacity of her newly formed "State Counsellor Office", regarding the release of all political prisoners. Whether the military would file a protest with the Constitutional Tribunal, where all judges are also  being appointed by the NLD, is still yet unknown at this writing. Given such a situation, it is predictable that the two camps would definitely manoeuvrer to buttress and consolidate their positions to have political edge on one another. Let us ponder a bit more on this. The Military According to reports, the military has been reinforcing its troops within Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) operational areas in central Shan State, where heavy fightings had happened during November and October last year, causing thousands of Shan villagers to flee and still being unable to return, even after a temporary ceasefire has been reached that should lead to the withdrawal of both warring parties to a safe distance. The token withdrawal did occurred. But since both parties refused to withdraw to a safe distance, the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) insisted not to go back, citing lack of security. And now the military's massive deployment is threatening to derail the temporary ceasefire achieved a few months ago. According to Col. Perng Fa of SSPP/SSA, the Burma Amy brought in over 80 military vehicles, between 5 and 6 April, carrying soldiers and equipped with heavy arms into Mong Hsu and Mong Nawng near the Wan Hai headquarters. Reportedly, it maintained that it was swapping troops, but it looked more like an operation. Col Perng Fa said that the military has been attempting to put Shan State under martial law since last October, when it launched attacks on the Wan Hai headquarters. "The military frankly wants to impose martial law in Shan State in order to implement a larger strategy. They want to use Shan State as a base from which to attack Kachin State and the Wa region. They've been planning this since October, before the November election," said Col. Perng Fa. From March 26 to 28, the United Wa State Army (UWSA) hosted a meeting in Panghsang with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), SSPP, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Arakan Army (AA). Parallel to this, Tatmadaw and SSPP/SSA armed clashes in northern Shan State, and KIA continued to occur, during the second week of April. State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi Hardly have the presidential signature ink dried, the next day, on 7 April,  Aung San Suu Kyi using her newly minted position of State Counsellor, issued an announcement and clarification, on how she would go about with the release of all the political prisoners. Accordingly, the Announcement No. 1/2016 of State Counsellor Office, signed by Aung San Suu Kyi, in order to prioritize the release of all political prisoners, enumerates three type of approaches. One is the sub-article (a) of the Article 204 of the constitution that guarantees the right of the sitting president to pardon prisoners. According to Sub-section (1) of the Criminal Procedure Section 401, the president can grant pardon either conditionally or unconditionally to those who are serving a prison term. The second is the sub-article (b) of Article 204 that the president with the approval of National Defence and Security Council (NDSC) can grant general amnesty to all those who are serving sentences and facing law-suits. The third is the use section 494 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, which allows cases, for those arrested but not yet convicted, to be dropped even after a trial has begun. In the closing paragraph of the announcement, she wrote that in order to release the political prisoners, activists and students facing trial for their involvement in political activism as soon as possible, at the time of the Burmese new year, she will strive to achieve this goal with the use of the first and third approaches. The reason that the NLD has not being able to make use of the second approach was due to the fact of constitutional constraint, for with the starting of Water Festival (Thingyan), it is impossible to hold the NDSC meeting, or perhaps reluctant to do so, where the six military members would be included from the total of eleven. The NLD has only five members in the set up. Following the announcement, the Ministry of Information said 199 political activists were released from detention after police dropped charges against them on Friday, ahead of the April 9-20 holiday, according to DPA report of 10 April. Those freed included 69 student activists arrested a year ago during a march to demand education reform. A total of 2,178 inmates who had already served their jail terms were released from prisons across the country on 8 April, said the ministry's website. More political prisoners were to be released under an amnesty, and the cases against remaining political activists would be dismissed after the holiday, it said. There were 121 inmates convicted of political crimes and 418 awaiting trial in the country, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) before the latest release. China and the US Both China and the US have been actively engaged with the newly installed NLD regime, as it struggles to come to grip with the new reality of governing than just protesting, as it was used to as an opposition. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi's meeting with the NLD leader was said to touch on China's sometimes controversial investment projects, including the suspended Myitsone dam, but Aung San Suu Kyi insisted that it was mainly more of a courtesy call from the part of the Chinese. "The Chinese foreign minister came to congratulate our new government. There was a mention of their projects but we did not discuss anything at all," she replied during the 20-minute briefing, after her meeting with the Chinese foreign minister on 6 April. On his part, Mr Wang said: "China will not interfere in internal affairs, but we strongly support the right choice of the Myanmar people." Adding further: "We appreciate our long relations. We will not change that attitude even though the government has changed," and that Myanmar can rely on China for its development. The Chinese Foreign Minister when meeting with Commander-in-Chief Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing buttressed his support to the new regime, when he said:  "China supports Myanmar in its efforts to achieve peace through negotiations in northern Myanmar as early as possible," said the Chinese minister. "China is ready to jointly safeguard peace and stability in their border areas." For his part, Min Aung Hlaing said Wang's visit, the first of a Foreign Minister to the country after the new government took office, demonstrated the strong willingness of China to further promote its cooperation with Burma. Besides, acknowledging Burma's appreciation of support and help provided by China at hard times. He said the Burmese military is committed to pursuing a friendly policy toward China. Parallel to the Chinese Foreign Minister's visit, President Barack Obama called President Htin Kyaw and de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi, praising the move toward civilian-led government. According to the White House "the president commended Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's determined efforts, over the course of many years and at great personal cost, to achieve a peaceful transfer of power and advance national reconciliation," reported AFP on 7 April. What now? Looking at the recent political happenings, it is hard not to worry about the deteriorating relation between the military and the NLD regime. It is all the more important that this forced coalition partner needs to function, if the democratization process is to move forward, given that the military is allotted with 25% representation in all the parliaments, apart from having the privilege to install and control the powerful three ministries of home, defence and border affairs. The military and the NLD, for now, are joined at the hip, so to speak. Starting from February to the present complete take over of the NLD administration there have been several instances that the military has either protested or showed displeasure regarding the regime's undertakings. They are: Daw Khin San Hlaing and U Kyaw Aung Lwin's discussion in the parliament on controversial Letpadaung Taung copper mine issue; NLD's nomination of the two presidents, U Htin Kyaw and Henry Van Thio; Question over Henry Van Thio's family residency of six years in a foreign country; NLD appointment of Daw Khin Htay Kywe and U Dwar Kyin Paung to Constitutional Tribunal; and Finally, the debacle of State Counsellor appointment of Aung San Suu Kyi. On top of it, the dissatisfaction of the Commander-in-Chief's speech, on 27 March, Tatmadaw Day was evident, as he stressed:"The two main hindrances to democratization are not abiding by the rule of law and the presence of armed insurgencies. These could lead to a chaotic democracy." While the disappointment of the military is real, its back-tracking or extra-constitutional move is not on the card, according to a couple of seasoned observers of the country, for neither the NLD or the military are keen to go back to the totalitarian situation of the recent past. Political analyst Si Thu Aung Myint is said to be worried and that this confrontation and quarrelling trend between the military and the NLD could not achieve positive result, but U Ye Htun an ex-MP from Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) is of the different opinion, when he, regarding the military's loses or inability to achieve positive result whenever voting take place within the parliament, said: "Tatmadaw won't react in any way. It is just trying to show its stand point. Another thing is the NLD has already formed the government according to its wish for it has won the majority (vote). The military is showing that it won't accept everything without protest, even after the (NLD's) governmental formation. The extremely bad situation as the people feared won't happen. It is just to show their stand point. All the recent happenings have no extreme (bad) implications, (I) see it as just going on normally." The release of political prisoners by the NLD will no doubt empower the party domestically and received international praise, while the military could be seen in a bad light, as Aung San Suu Kyi refused to make use of the clause that involved the NDSC, where the military has the majority. Regarding the Chinese overtures, Aung San Suu Kyi is non-committal regarding China's economic and energy interest and tentatively just said that everything will be handled in friendly manner and according to mutual benefit of the two countries, based on non-alignment policy of Burma. Min Aung Hlaing, meanwhile, might have pushed for the containment of the ethnic armed organizations along the border, which the Chinese as usual won't be ready to comply with, stating it likes to see peaceful settlement of the ethnic conflict. All in all, China is worried of the further westward drift of the NLD regime and at the same time  its energy demand and "One Belt, One Road" economic blueprint, which Burma is part and parcel of the whole scheme, could be disrupted. As for Burma, while it needs the West for continuation of democratization process, China is also indispensable in it developmental undertakings. As such, the military should go along with the NLD, particularly in relation to the appointment of the State Counsellor position, and embark on a coordinated effort in trying to resolve the ethnic conflict, involving a give-and-take bargaining with China on a variety of fields, so that the crucial peaceful atmosphere could be achieved, while democratization, realization of a genuine federalism and development of the country be pushed forward, in an effective and speedy manner.

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A NEW BURMA PEACE PROCESS Posted: 16 Apr 2016 09:40 PM PDT http://www.dictatorwatch.org/articles/newpeaceprocess.html

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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NLD’s Inclusive Approach Yields Fissures as Well Posted: 12 Apr 2016 02:32 AM PDT Aung San Suu Kyi visits Aye Tha Aung of the Arakan National Party at his new residence in Naypyidaw last month. (Photo: Naing Ling Aung / Facebook) RANGOON — Since it won an overwhelming majority in last year's election, the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) has been vowing to form a "national reconciliation" government, with part of that plan including the appointment of members of other political parties to positions of power. In several cases, the party has done just that, but a strange thing appears to be happening along the way: The NLD's outreach, rather than uniting the country around its governing coalition, has exposed inter- and intra-party fissures, with at least one ethnic political party at risk of splitting in two. Differences between ethnic political parties and the NLD have been on display most visibly in Arakan State, where the Arakan National Party (ANP) in November made one of the most successful ethnic electoral bids. But in the months since, that success has laid bare factions within the party at the same time as ANP-NLD relations have soured. The latest development in the ongoing saga came last week, when one of the ANP's regional legislators, Kyaw Lwin, was selected by the NLD for an Arakan State government cabinet post, minister for forestry, mining, agriculture and livestock. President Htin Kyaw's appointee for chief minister of the state, the NLD's Nyi Pu, will lead the regional government, and on Thursday selections for subordinate state-level cabinet positions were revealed and confirmed by the Arakan State legislature. Just as the NLD has consolidated the bureaucracy by reducing the number of Union-level ministries, it has also reduced the number of Arakan State ministers from nine to seven. Along with Kyaw Win of the ANP, three ministers are NLD, one hails from the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and two are of no partisan affiliation. Following his appointment on Thursday, Kyaw Lwin confirmed that he would accept the post, and in the process shed light on coming internal friction as a result of that decision. He told The Irrawaddy that he had secured the support of the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD) faction within the ANP in his decision to join the cabinet, though he is not a former ALD member himself. An analysis by The Irrawaddy earlier this year chalked up tensions between the NLD and ANP, as well as the latter's fissures within, to a divide between members of the former Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) and the ALD. The two parties merged ahead of the 2015 election, but as has become apparent in recent months, differences between the two factions persist, with former ALD members perceived as too willing to acquiesce to Suu Kyi's call for "collaboration." The schism was highlighted by ANP patron Aye Tha Aung's appointment—and willingness to accept—the NLD's appointment of him as deputy speaker of the Union Parliament's Upper House. On Friday, Kyaw Win described himself as a "third-party" member of the ANP not linked to either of the factions that formally merged last year, and said he did not expect that the RNDP-siding politicians against working with the NLD would amount to his ouster from the party. But as is often the case in Burmese politics, a simple and straightforward appointment this would not prove to be. An 'Opposition' Party Kyaw Lwin's appointment followed the news early this month that ANP members had verbally agreed not to join an NLD-led cabinet without first informing the Arakanese party's leadership, with central executive committee member Aung Mya Kyaw somewhat absurdly telling The Irrawaddy that the party would levy a 50 million kyats (US$42,000) fine on any violators, who also might be subject to expulsion from the party. Last week ANP Vice Chairman Phoe Min doubled down on the claim to have reached a verbal agreement concerning the party's regional legislators, an account disputed by Kyaw Lwin, who told The Irrawaddy before his confirmation that there was "no official agreement" on the matter. Speaking before his appointment was made official, he signalled that he was open to working in an NLD-led regional administration. "If the NLD supposes that we are suitable for the post and offers it to us, I think we should not reject the offer, so long as we emphasize our nationality's interests as well for the country," he said, setting him on a crash course with the dominant RNDP faction within the ANP, which made clear early this year that it would be no NLD ally if the ruling party did not appoint an ANP legislator to the chief minister post. On Saturday, the ANP released a statement saying the "dissident" Kyaw Lwin had been expelled from the party. On March 24, the 22 Union Parliament lawmakers from the ANP and NLD Chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi held a meeting in Naypyidaw, where she told the Arakanese legislators that in an NLD-led state government, the ANP would be offered some positions. The NLD chairwoman reportedly asked for the ANP lawmakers' "collaboration." ANP leaders were not satisfied, and sought a follow-up meeting with its senior leadership, including party Chairman Aye Maung, who lost his election race in Manaung Township and was widely believed to have coveted the chief minister post. ANP parliamentarian Pe Than cried foul, saying the "NLD failed to keep its word," after the party four days later went ahead with its plan to appoint an NLD member as chief minister, prompting ANP lawmakers to stage a walkout when Nyi Pu's name was announced. Elsewhere in Burma While the political dynamics differ, a similar fracturing is happening within the Mon National Party (MNP). While the ANP won a majority of elected seats in the Arakan State legislature, the MNP secured merely four seats between the Union Parliament and Mon State legislature last year, making it one of dozens of ethnic political parties that fared poorly in a nationwide vote largely dominated by the NLD last November. Despite its poor showing, the MNP was offered two positions by the NLD. The highest was that of Union-level ethnic affairs minister, which went to MNP Vice Chairman Nai Thet Lwin. In addition, the NLD offered one post at the state level, the minister for forestry, mining, agriculture and livestock. According to the MNP's secretary, Nai Soe Myint, both NLD nominees from the Mon party were approached individually and not through the MNP leadership. Nai Soe Myint confessed that his party was also dealing with "internal factions," saying the party chairman, Nai Ngwe Thein, had made the decision to forego a vote by the party's central executive committee on whether or not the party should take the NLD offers. "Under some circumstances, the MNP chairman is entitled [to dismiss] the CEC's desire because of the democratic transition period and [his] preference for collaboration. The previous people [USDP] could be much stronger than pro-democracy groups if the MNP is against the NLD. That is why MNP chose the collaboration option." In Shan State, where a mixed electoral outcome offered a rare bright-ish spot for the USDP, both the NLD and Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) were bested by the former ruling party in regional parliament races. The SNLD won 24 seats, while the NLD won just 23 in the 137-member legislature. Nonetheless, the NLD's control of the Union-level executive affords it the constitutional prerogative to form its state-level counterparts across all 14 states and divisions in Burma, and here too the party sought collaboration in the form of ministerial posts, most prominently the Union-level ethnic affairs minister portfolio that ultimately went to Mon political veteran Nai Thet Lwin. Prior to his appointment, an NLD offer went out to the SNLD, which declined the invitation to hold that seat in the Naypyidaw cabinet. Local media reported that similarly, the SNLD was asked to join the state-level cabinet, but there too it opted to reject the offer, reportedly after a failed bid to secure the Shan State chief minister post, which went to NLD regional parliamentarian Lin Htut. The Irrawaddy made several attempts to contact the SNLD spokesman last week to gain greater insight into its decision to abstain from executive involvement, but he could not be reached for comment. Ethnic Shan journalist Sai Htun Aung Lwin said he assumed the apparent ambivalence of the SNLD and other ethnic political parties toward working with the NLD was due to the ruling party's method of approaching individuals rather than respective parties' leadership before selecting cabinet nominees from outside its ranks. He said a similar feeling had led members of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society—not a registered political party but influential among pro-democracy circles in Burma—to decline positions offered by the NLD. In the absence of SNLD participation, the Shan State cabinet of nine members includes five from the NLD, three USDP and one militarily appointed minister. Then there is Chin State, a complex amalgam of ethnicities officially grouped as 53 "sub-ethnicities" of the predominantly Christian Chin. The Zomi Congress for Democracy (ZCD) was the state's surprise success story among ethnic political parties, securing six seats between the Chin State legislature and Union Parliament. While elsewhere in the country resentment toward the NLD has been manifest, ZCD Upper House lawmaker Gin Kam Lian said that is not the case among the Zomi party, which was given one cabinet appointee in the new seven-member Chin State cabinet. Pau Lun Minh Thaung, elected in November, will serve as Chin State's new social affairs minister. "We are fine with the NLD," Gin Kam Lian told The Irrawaddy. Third-Party Perspective Like the Shan journalist Sai Htun Aung Lwin, the former lawmaker Ye Tun of the Shan National Development Party said he saw parallels with the NLD's current travails in courting collaboration with smaller parties and the now-defunct Communist Party of Burma (CPB). That party, which was once politically influential despite being made illegal under the socialist era of Ne Win, had similar problems courting ethnic armed rebel groups, said Ye Tun, who added that the lesser parties later blamed the CPB for their diminished standing as a result of CPB-instigated internal feuds. He said the NLD's outreach was commendable, particularly the appointment of Aye Tha Aung to the influential deputy speakership, but said the party had shown a lack of "mutual respect" to less prominent political parties by not approaching their leaderships and instead going to their individual members. "Big political parties especially should be cautious, that kind of problem has happened often between small and big parties," Ye Tun said. "I don't suppose that Suu Kyi has done it intentionally," he continued, while adding, "They [the NLD] should have empathy on the other [parties]." The post NLD's Inclusive Approach Yields Fissures as Well appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rangoon Chief Minister: ‘Public Support Is Our Strength’ Posted: 12 Apr 2016 12:53 AM PDT Chief Minister of Rangoon Division, Phyo Min Thein, pictured in April 2016. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — When Phyo Min Thein was appointed Chief Minister of Rangoon Division in late March, the 46-year-old National League for Democracy lawmaker knew he would face multiple challenges, from deteriorating infrastructure to controversial development projects to foreign investment. The two-time political prisoner—who spent a total of 15 years behind bars—said that he learned perseverance during this period of incarceration. "I'm very clear about what I am doing—[it is] not for myself," he told The Irrawaddy's Kyaw Phyo Tha during an interview on Monday, where he outlined his mission and his vision for Rangoon. What is your vision for Rangoon? I want to see the city developed systematically. What we are seeing now in Rangoon is unruly development, as there was no master plan and no one to take responsibility for it. For traffic congestion, the previous Rangoon government had many meetings, but what they discussed fizzled out, as there was no one to take responsibility for implementation. Compared to other countries, we don't have many cars, but every car in Rangoon heads toward the downtown area, causing a traffic bottleneck. Another thing is that there are some drivers who rarely follow traffic regulations, [creating problems] like double parking. If we enforce the regulations, the traffic problems here will get a lot better. We are trying to launch public campaigns to raise awareness about traffic regulations, and what people should and shouldn't do. We want everyone's conscious contribution. Apart from the traffic congestion, what are your other priorities for Rangoon? Garbage collection and a proper drainage system during this [upcoming] rainy season. I can't guarantee that the drainage system here will be perfectly fixed by the rainy season, as we will be able to learn more about the faults in the drainage system when the rains come. But we will fix it so that it does not get worse. We will [also focus on] development projects for the people who live on the outskirts of Rangoon. Yes, they live in Rangoon Division but there are no paved roads in the areas where they live, even in my constituency in Hlegu Township. So, from this year's budget of 300 billion kyats (US$254.9 million) we have added more than 32 billion kyats (nearly US$27.2 million), originally [designated] for the building of two flyovers, for the development of Rangoon's rural areas—12 townships. Originally, the rural areas had six billion kyats (just over US$5 million) but with [this] addition, they will have 38 billion kyats (almost US$32.3 million) for roads, schools and healthcare. Another thing is to increase foreign investment. If we have good foreign investment, there surely will be opportunities for people to get the minimum daily wage of US$3 [rate] they have been asking for. What has been happening is that people can rarely get that minimum wage, let alone any job opportunities. To get more investment, we will upgrade infrastructure and I myself will supervise foreign investment here—not to restrict it, but to help with speedy establishment and operation. No bribes will be needed. But there are criteria: any international company that wants to invest here must have goodwill, a good image internationally, and they will have to follow the culture and regulations here. What about native investors—including those known as 'cronies'? They are afraid of their international counterparts, as many [of Burma's own investors] lack capacity and some are used to gaining business concessions by bribing the government. I'm prepared and am going to meet them to let them know we will support them with the expertise to be able to keep abreast with the international companies [that will be] working here. For cronies, I want them to become people who can help the country with goodwill. Make no mistake, they will no longer have the opportunities that they enjoyed under the previous government. It doesn't mean we will eliminate them, but we will try to transform them into people who do business with dignity and responsibility. We encourage a win-win solution so as not to cause any damage while moving the country forward. What lessons did you learn from the previous government? I have requested that civil servants join us in a struggle for two or three years in order to make changes happen. Corruption was so rampant that even roadside vendors had no respect for the township administrator, as they had bribed him. I told [civil servants] that if they work hard without corruption, they can earn the respect of anyone. Another thing is, [under the previous government], despite having good basic plans, there was no one to take responsibility for them. Those plans shouldn't be on papers—they have to be implemented on the ground. There are many things to learn from the past. But we need to move forward rather than being encircled in the past. We are lucky we have public support—it's our strength. Rangoon has a very high density of both buildings and population. There are also controversial development projects in the city. Could you tell me about your plans to address these projects? I prefer to see Rangoon expand sideways rather than upwards. So we need to systematically develop satellite towns. We had them in the past and recently a new one [Rangoon Southwest] was just approved by the previous government. But land speculation is a huge problem here. Investors buy land and resell it at higher prices without any further investment, forcing local farmers into landlessness and joblessness. The government has to control this in the people's best interest, and not only in the southwestern Rangoon expansion project, because there there are other [examples] in Dagon Myothit, Hlegu and Htauk Kyant. These places, including industrial zones, will be reviewed after Thingyan [the water festival]. For controversial projects, I have told the mayor not to allow for any construction without YCDC's [Yangon City Development Committee] approval. YCDC has all of the relevant laws and regulations regarding development but [these rules] haven't been followed. We know that they sometimes approved some projects because they came from 'upstairs.' For us, there is no one above the law. Fighting for the rule of law and against corruption is our motto. We will strictly control any unruly development. When it comes to projects approved by the previous government, there will be negotiations in some cases. Could you elaborate more on this? I will ask the YCDC to [perform] a review. If we do it case by case, the investors will surely suffer, as they paid a lot so that their projects could bypass the laws and regulations. I don't blame them, as they were just following the current created by the previous government, but this current is destroying the city. We will explain to them what we can allow. If they have already exceeded our limits, we will tell them to stop. In return, we will invite those investors to join others in new city expansion projects. They will not have any special privileges and will have to compete with anyone else [for business tenders]. These are the legacies of the previous government. We want to see less suffering, and that both sides are all right. We have lost several public spaces to business development under the previous government. Will you be able to get them back? They will be reviewed. They are contract-based and there are many differences between each case. We will let people know what progress we make. We are thinking about turning the Rangoon River waterfront into a recreation area as the river is not really suitable for international cargo ships. There are so many things to do. Do you think you can handle all of it? The majority of people in Rangoon voted for us because they want to see change. In five years, I think I will be able to at least lay good foundations for development and for the rule of law in Rangoon. The post Rangoon Chief Minister: 'Public Support Is Our Strength' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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