Shan Herald Agency for News

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• Defining indigenousness in Burma context: The case of Kokangnese
• Shan State Parties Meet to Discuss Upcoming Panglong II summit
• To Hopeland and Back: The 20th trip
• Tripartite dialogue revisited or shifting alliance?
• Movie on Shan prince and his Austrian wife shines light on Burma’s 1962 coup

Defining indigenousness in Burma context: The case of Kokangnese Posted: 01 Jun 2016 05:40 AM PDT Just recently, on 26 May, a piece of interview,  conducted by The Irrawady with the spokesperson of Ethnic Affairs Ministry and Deputy Secretary U Aye Min, concerning the view of being an indigenous people said: "Kachin, Kayah (Karenni), Karen, Chin, Mon, Bamar, Arakan, Shan, including other sub-ethnic groups(races) are explicitly indigenous peoples. Some even think Bamar is not indigenous. No, Bamar is also indigenous." A map showing the location of Burma's Kokang region. Graphic: RFA He added: "Indigenous (peoples) are those that have resided in Myanmar, as their country of origin, for hundreds of years. To be frank, the Chinese moved over to Myanmar and no matter how long they stay, they are not indigenous. They have their original country, that is China. They cannot consider our country to be their own. They might become citizens but not indigenous. This has been clearly mentioned in the law." Question arises if U Aye Min's stand point of the Chinese living within Burma is also meant to include the people of Kokang or Kokangnese, who are descendants of Han Chinese, but have been living in Shan State since the middle of 16th century, ruled by their own princely ruler or Sao Hpas. And so do many pockets of Chinese dwellings within Shan State that either have migrated since pre-colonial times and don't have the privilege of being included formally like those of Kokangnese. Let us ponder on U Aye Min's point of view, even we are not quite sure, if this is the official government policy on all Chinese population residing within the country, and look a bit deeper from the indigenous perspective of the Kokangnese in particular. The Kokang region and Kokangnese Kokang is located in the northern part of Shan State, with the Salween River to its west, and sharing a border with China's Yunnan Province to the east. Its total land area is around 10,000 square kilometres and its capital is Laukkai. "It is said that the Kokang Chinese are descendants of late Ming dynasty immigrants and that they are 'Han Chinese'. They have been recognized as one of the major ethnic groups in Myanmar since the beginning of the 1960s. Most of them are Yunnanese immigrants. Some families' records show that they have been living in the region for more than fifteen generations," according to an in-depth study written by Myint Myint Kyu, an academic who is originally a Kokangnese herself. Historical timeline of Kokang  During the period of late Ming Period (1623–1662), the followers of the late Ming Prince, Yong Li, were driven out of China. In search of a safer place to restart their lives, some arrived in the mountainous areas of northern Shan State and settled down. Yang Family Rule and the British Colonial Period (1670–1948), the Kokang area, being far from both the Chinese and Burma central governments, was ruled in part by various highland chiefs, while the Kokang Chinese came under the rule of Yang, who was one of the late Ming Prince's advisors. In 1739, when bandits along the Salween River raided the villages, Yang Zheng Cai, Yang's son, took a lead and attempted to protect the villagers from the bandits. Following this incident, villagers came to respect Yang Zhen Cai and acknowledged him as their leader. Yang Zhen Cai also introduced an organized administration and set government standards, which were to be followed by successive 'House of Yang' The House of Yang maintained an unbroken line of hereditary rule over the region, which lasted for nearly 250 years. Several years after the British annexed Upper Burma in 1885, the area was incorporated into British Burma (then a part of British India) under the Anglo-Chinese Treaty on 4 February 1897, although almost all its inhabitants were Chinese of Yunnanese origin. Before the British arrived, the Burma–China border was not clearly defined and no official border line existed until 1962. China Nationalist Party Era (1935–1950s), the population of Chinese migrants in Myanmar increased after the World War II, especially from Yunnan Province, with many Kuomintang (KMT) remnants settling in Kokang after Chiang Kai Shek's KMT was defeated by Mao Zedong in 1949. Recent Migration (1978–2009), the Kokang region had an estimated population of 200,000 in 2010, compared to an estimated 50,000 in 1953 (Upper Burma Gazetteer). The migration of Chinese people into Kokang since the 1980s has had the most visible effect in terms of the development of the region. The population grew significantly between the 1870s and 2010, and it has been estimated that 90 % of the current population in Kokang are Chinese, with the Chinese population growing both in absolute and in relative terms up to 2010. (Source: Kokang: The Rise of the Chinese Minority—the New Neo-Liberal State? By Myint Myint Kyu) According to the study, "Shan statistics on Kokang State show that there were 600 villages in the Kokang region when the British colonized the area, of which five were Shan, ten were Palaung, 30 were La or Wa, 50 were Miaozi, 50 were Shan Chinese and the remaining 450 were Chinese. However, an inspection of the district by British officials in 1892 gave a figure of 138 Chinese villages, with 1993 households, across the whole region." Legal Status In 1958, the central government sent many officials to the remoter areas of Shan State and set up immigration departments for people to register and be issued with national identity cards. The Kokang people were classified into different categories as follows: Chinese living in Kokang since the Myanmar Kingdom period; those who are descendants of refugees from the late Ming dynasty; Chinese from China who migrated to Kokang before the World War II; Chinese from China who migrated to Kokang after the political changes occurred in China; Descendants of the above-mentioned Chinese. UN criteria of being indigenous According to the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues & Department of Public Information Factsheet, the question of being indigenous is defined as follows: Understanding the term "indigenous" Considering the diversity of indigenous peoples, an official definition of "indigenous" has not been adopted by any UN-system body. Instead the system has developed a modern understanding of this term based on the following: Self- identification as indigenous peoples at the individual level and accepted by the community as their member. Historical continuity with pre-colonial and/or pre-settler societies Strong link to territories and surrounding natural resources Distinct social, economic or political systems Distinct language, culture and beliefs Form non-dominant groups of society Resolve to maintain and reproduce their ancestral environments and systems as distinctive peoples and communities. A question of identity According to the UN the most fruitful approach is to identify, rather than define indigenous peoples. This is based on the fundamental criterion of self-identification as underlined in a number of human rights documents. The term "indigenous" has prevailed as a generic term for many years. In some countries, there may be preference for other terms including tribes, first peoples/nations, aboriginals, ethnic groups, adivasi, janajati. Occupational and geographical terms like hunter-gatherers, nomads, peasants, hill people, etc., also exist and for all practical purposes can be used interchangeably with "indigenous peoples". In many cases, the notion of being termed "indigenous" has negative connotations and some people may choose not to reveal or define their origin. Others must respect such choices, while at the same time working against the discrimination of indigenous peoples. Is Kokang indigenous?  Seen from the point of UN Factsheet, the Kokangnese might be considered as being an indigenous group. In the Myanmar government categorized 135 races, Kokang people is included and even has been given a Self-Adminstartion Zone. Apart from this, Kokang had been part of the Federated Shan States formed in 1922, under the British rule, completed with its own ruler Saohpa or Sawbwa. Thus the place of the Kokangnese couldn't be in doubt. Coming back to the Kokangese being indigenous, the fact that the acceptance of the community of their self-identification; historical continuity and settlement since pre-colonial times as settlers; strong link to said territories; distinct social, language, culture, beliefs, economic or political systems; form a non-dominant group within the society; and resolving to maintain and reproduce their ancestral environments and systems as distinctive peoples and communities; all indicated that it has been and is a bona fied indigenous group in every sense of the words. If this is so, the spokesperson of Ethnic Affairs Ministry and Deputy Secretary U Aye Min's statement that Chinese are not indigenous should clearly differentiate that the Kokangese, although of Chinese descendent, are indigenous, including those that have been there since colonial and pre-colonial times. This kind of clarification would go a long way not to discriminate the ethnic Chinese, either Kokangnese or other Chinese population who are citizens and have a long line of ancestral linkage since pre-colonial times, even before the modern Burma came into existence in 1948.

Shan State Parties Meet to Discuss Upcoming Panglong II summit Posted: 01 Jun 2016 03:48 AM PDT Over 100 representatives from a range of political parties and civil society organizations in Shan State attended a meeting in Shan State's capital Taunggyi today to discuss the upcoming 21st century Panglong Convention. The special convention which is expected to be held some time in July is being convened by Burma's State Counsellor and National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi.  This will be a follow-up to a meeting convened by her father in 1947 that was attended by representatives from the Shan, Chin and Kachin communities. The agreement reached at Panglong in 1947, stipulated a significant level of autonomy for Burma's ethnic groups in exchange for their decision to support Aung San's bid for independence from Britain. Aung San, was assassinated just months after the agreement was reached, his successor U Nu, did little to implement the agreement before he was overthrown by General Ne Win in 1962. The subsequent military regimes that ruled Burma also disregarded the commitments made by General Aung San at Panglong. Today's seminar, which focused on national reconciliation, the peace process, democracy and federalism, was organized by the Committee for Shan State Unity (CSSU), an organization comprising of Shan parties and armed organizations which Khun Tun Oo, leader of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) is also the chairperson. Sai Lek, a spokesperson for the SNLD and one of the meeting's organizers, said that the meeting was being convened in order to prepare discussing issues of equal rights of Shan State's people to the national conference. "The main goal is to build unity among all ethnicities in Shan State," he said. "This is a first for Burma to hold this political conference after 70 years. It is very important for ethnic nationalities equal rights, autonomy, as well as constitutional amendments." "In order for us to get a chance for constitutional amendments at the political conference we (ethnic nationalities) have to discuss and support the matter," he added. The two-day meeting, which began today, was attended by nineteen political parties and eight civil society organizations from Shan State. In addition to the SNLD, representatives of the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) also attended as did members of the NLD and the military backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). On May 29th, representatives from nineteen political parties in Shan State held a meeting in Yangon and formed a committee called the League for Shan State Ethnic Political Party (LSSEPP). BY SAI AW / Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)

To Hopeland and Back: The 20th trip Posted: 31 May 2016 09:10 PM PDT Day Three. Wednesday 25 May 2016 Only do not contend And you will not go wrong. Tao Te Ching (Book of The Way and its Derivative), Chapter 8 This morning I'm attending a discussion on federalism at PI Yangon. It isn't a formal meeting, so everyone speaks what they want to. The upshot of it is  I'm learning things that I wouldn't have learned had it not been an informal one. Speaker 1            Things certainly have changed. Until 4 years ago, federalism was a dirty word. Now the military officers are holding workshops to study it. Speaker 2            Most Bamars, living in central Burma, away from the states on the periphery where suffering takes place, don't understand federalism. We need to make allowance for it and try to educate them. Speaker 3            Most of the ethnic activists think they understand federalism. But I have found that their main focus is on self rule, rarely on shared rule, which is, like self rule, the most important component of federalism. At the same time, I have questions about how useful federalism workshops and seminars organized by foreign experts are. Because each and every one of them are saying different things which I fear only serve to get people more confused about federalism. Note: There is a Burmese saying, "saya-mya-tha-thay" (Too many                                                 doctors kill the patient) Speaker 4            I agree. Federalism, to most of us, seems like an elephant to the six blind Brahmins. The first Brahmin touches the trunk and says it's like a snake. The second touches the tusk and says it's like a lance. Others touch the ears, leg, body and tail and say they're like fans, pillar, wall and rope respectively. Each one of them is right in his own way but all of them are getting it wrong as a whole. We don't want to become like them blind Brahmins. "And so these men of Hindustan Disputed loud and long Each in his own opinion Exceeding stiff and strong Though each was partly in the right And all were in the wrong" John Godfrey Saxe (1816-1889) Speaker 1            The focus on 8 states/14 states should be later. We should instead focus first on main principles and not argue over details. Only then the process can move forward. Federalism, on the other hand, is difficult to understand when you've been living most of your life under a centralized system. Speaker 4            Reminds me of the story of a turtle coming back from a visit to dry land being asked by his friend the fish. No matter how hard he tries to explain, the fish couldn't understand "dry" or "walk," because all he knows are "wet" and "swim." Note Only the Shans who had had a 25 year firsthand experience as a federation, 1922-1947, have  some understanding. But most of those who do are already gone. Speaker 5            Speaking of which, there were several presentations on federalism during the first Union Peace Conference. We may need to rearrange them into a single text procedure. Speaker 1            Balance between the center and states is important for a federation's sustainability. If the center is too weak and the states are too strong, the center will inevitably collapse and the states with it. The same outcome if the center is too strong and the states too weak. We later talk about state constitutions, merits of having them and not having them, and local government, which is considered the third tier in a federal state. In the afternoon, I'm at the first meeting of the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST) which was established by the Second Summit of the signatory EAOs in March. They are finalizing the draft TOR for the PPST by the time I arrive at Green Hill Hotel, where the meeting takes place. Following its ratification, the PPST, whose members are top leaders of each signatory EAO, go on to deliberate on the planned meetings in Naypyitaw on 27-28 May. The PPST, headed by KNU leader Gen Mutu Saypoe and RCSS leader Gen Yawd Serk, passes a resolution that its continued participation on in the peace process will be based on a 5 point condition, which includes: Adherence to NCA and Not becoming a pawn (for other stakeholders) The day's agenda ends with a meeting with 3 foreign generals who discuss their experience in the peace processes of Nepal, South Africa and the Philippines. At the end, we ask the organizers if they can bring presenters not only from the government side but also from the rebel side too. They promise to. After they were gone, one grumbles that we already have too many experts coming in and scrambling over each other to tell us how they did things in their countries. "I wonder if there is a conspiracy to confuse us," he muses. Another friend ponders over it and says, "Me too. I'm asking myself whether we should stop them from coming and just let us do things in our own way." In the end, we conclude that the problem is not stopping them from coming but how to manage them. With that conclusion we part, each to his room. And I go to my hotel.

Tripartite dialogue revisited or shifting alliance? Posted: 31 May 2016 08:05 AM PDT The Aung San Suu Kyi-headed Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC), which is made up of Union Government, Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and Political Parties, with 16 members from each group, recent restructuring meeting looks like it has created an atmosphere of a tripartite dialogue, which the UN has all along endorsed to resolve the ethnic and ideological conflicts that Burma has to endure, since the military coup of 1962. The UN had, until 2010 nationwide elections that has ushered in the quasi-civilian Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)-Military government of Thein Sein, steadfastly stood by the tripartite dialogue initiative, which should involve representatives of the government, political parties and the ethnic nationalities, to resolve the problems and conflicts surrounding the country. But started to become silent on its insistence of tripartite dialogue, after the military has allowed limited political reform and the quasi-civilian government came into being in 2011. Perhaps the UN, together with the international community would like to encourage the nascent reform process by staying on the sideline, rather than pushing hard for the tripartite dialogue. But whether the planned 21st Century Panglong Convention (21CPC), also dubbed Union Peace Conference (UPC) by the former Thein Sein regime, would really be tripartite dialogue in a real sense or not is a question, which needs to be scrutinized. For equal representation is the key that would make the peace process all-inclusive and not unequal or imbalance representation. Apart from this, the speculation of shifting alliance, between the EAOs and between those of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the military also  requires careful attention, as the fate of the whole peace process would depend on the outcomes or results materializing from such interactions. First, let us look at what the UPDJC structuring meeting of 27-28 May has changed and altered from the previous setting. NLD or Aung San Suu Kyi's undertakings Aung San Suu Kyi has taken the position of UPDJC chairperson with Kyaw Tint Swe, Thu Wai and Phado Kwe Htoo Win appointed as vice chairmen, and former government peace negotiator Hla Maung Shwe of the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), now renamed as National Reconciliation Peace Center (NRPC), as secretary. The UPDJC meeting decisions are: Confirmation of the Union Government 16 members for UPDJC; Confirmation of the 8 EAOs 16 members, that had signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA); Agreement that for the Political Parties group, 16 of its members will be chosen by the government, including consideration of at least one woman representation; and Agreement that the UPDJC Secretariat will be formed with 3 persons each from the 3 groups, of which list would be sent to U Hla Maung Shwe, general secretary of the UPDJC. Some of the NLD or Suu Kyi's policies were spelled out as the following in the recent two days UPDJC meeting. Regarding the future peace process restructuring of MPC and 21st Century Panglong Convention (21CPC) would be undertaken. Suu Kyi explained that 21CPC and UPC are the same and both names are usable and accepted. UPDJC role will continue but amendment would be undertaken to meet political reality and future necessities. Regarding political convention participation of more than 90 political parties, as the NLD's previous policy of parliamentary representation will be norm, only political parties that have at least one elected representative, in either union, or state/regional level parliaments, will be eligible to participate in the peace convention. The role of the political parties, that have no representation in the parliament, would be to compliment the convention process through participation in the Civiian Based Organization (CBO) Parallel Forum, which is open to them. Suu Kyi said that many understood Panglong as secession. She took Panglong spirit as being the main core necessary factor than Panglong Agreement. Saying that the Panglong spirit had united all the ethnic peoples leading to the achievement of independence through unity and cooperation and that the same could be done to reach the goals of peace, tranquillity and development. Other than that the UPDJC will meet non-signatory EAOs in June, from which it hopes that many will join, leading to joint-activities to alter and review the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD), which they will also become co-ownership and participate in UPC in July, according to the secretary U Hla Maung Shwe. He said the meeting participants also agreed to this arrangement, according to RFA report of 28 May. Under the 21CPC preparation mould, two negotiation committees, one for the 8 EAOs signatory group and the other, for the non-signatory 13 EAOs. However, it is not clear if the military rejected 3 EAOs – MNDAA, TNLA and AA – will be covered is unknown. Even as Suu Kyi actions have been in full swing regarding the peace process, the doubtfulness on her commitment to national reconciliation are rife, especially from the ethnic nationalities' point of view. Shifting alliance  Looking at the indecisiveness of Suu Kyi where all-inclusiveness of all EAOs is concerned, many are doubtful of her real sincere intention, whether she meant what she said. On several occasions she said that the convening of  21CPC or UPC would go parallel with soliciting the non-signatory EAOs, emphasising and including the former regime's usage of the phrase "those who deserve and are appropriate to participate" in the peace process. Besides, it was said to be decided that she would curtail economic incentives of the EAOs, which the former Thein Sein regime had effectively used to win over the EAOs, and that future negotiations would only be conducted within the country and not in Thailand or China,  where previous meetings were held on several occasions. And as she seemed inclined to give in to the military demand, the MNDAA, TNLA and AA, would likely be excluded. Although this could be a tactical move or political tightrope walking of Suu Kyi, the EAOs took it as her possible shifting of alliance from being an ally to collaborator of their adversary, the military. The ringing of alarm bell was evident, as an ethnic leader who attended a recent meeting of the newly formed peace committee dealing with the eight groups, which signed the NCA, but declined to be identified said: "In the past the army guys all attacked her, but now they hail her in our meetings," according to Larry Jagan in his commentary in Bangkok Post, on 27 May. He stressed: "Clearly there is a strong understanding between the military and the government and we fear we will be isolated and Aung San Suu Kyi take the military's side." The UWSA factor  As the shifting of alliance seems to be in the making between the Suu Kyi-led NLD and Tatmadaw from adversaries to those of actual, grand coalition partner, the non-Bamar armed ethnic front is also gearing up for a possible change. During the last few weeks, the Kokang or Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and Palaung State Liberation Front/Ta'ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA) have tendered resignation to be excluded from 11 member military alliance, United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), of which both are members, although the decision of acceptance or approval is said to be pending for the moment. The reason for their resignation was given as the UNFC being unable to do much for the said two EAOs practically, while they have to endure ongoing heavy Tatmadaw offensives. Besides, they didn't want to be on the way of UNFC, which has been adhering to all-inclusiveness and thus unable to sign the NCA, due to the former Thein Sein government's exclusion of the two, including the Arakan Army (AA). The reasoning is that the new NLD regime is likely to toe the same policy line of excluding them, as it  doesn't like to upset the Tatmadaw, which had openly said that they all have to surrender first in order to be able to join the peace process. And with the UNFC's rejection – after the 19-22 April meeting in Chiang Mai - of the United Wa State Party/Army (UWSP/UWSA) aspirations to lead the whole ethnic military alliance, it is only a matter of time that the MNDAA and TNLA would join the military alliance headed by the latter, including the Mong La or National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) and AA. During the Ethnic  Armed  Organizations Leaders' Summit  held  from 26 - 28 March  2016  at  Pang  Kham Town, where  34  representatives  from  UWSP/UWSA,  KIO/KIA,  Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA),  PSLF/TNLA,  AA and  NDAA  attended, one paragraph of the statement issued after the meeting stated: "Conflict  between  RCSS  and  TNLA  in  Northern  Shan  State  was  discussed  at  the  meeting  and  both sides  are  urged  to  immediately  halt  hostilities.    Both  sides  are  encouraged  to  solve  the  problem through  negotiation  mean.  In  case,  one  side  keeps  creating  conflict,  all  EAOs  agreed  to  collectively prevent  and  protect  from  it.  Simultaneously,  we  demand  Tatmadaw  immediately  cease  all  military offensives in Northern Shan State for the sake of the stability for the people living in the areas."  Following this some weeks later, heavy clashes involving some 700 troops of TNLA attacked RCSS positions, which let many, including the SNLD's secretary general Sai Nyunt Lwin, to say that other EAOs might be involved on the side of TNLA to rid the RCSS from its encroachment within the areas, which the TNLA insisted belongs to them. The situation became even more complicated with the TNLA accusation that the RCSS and Burma Army were coordinating the assaults on its positions with heavy artillery and at time, attacking in tandem. Thus, the UWSA military alliance, although not yet formally formed, might have already existed in practice. The inclusion of the KIA, AA and NDAA were highly likely in attacks against the RCSS, while SSPP could not be involved as it is also a Shan Army like the RCSS and also member of the UNFC, which is trying to mediate the conflict between TNLA and RCSS. If this development process of UWSA forming a military alliance becomes real, the UNFC could be drastically weaken. Perspective  Given the recent military and political developments, it is a bit too early to predict if the Suu Kyi initiated 21CPC or UPC would really lead to the tripartite dialogue of the government, political parties and ethnic nationalities, as had been endorsed for decades until 2010 by the UN. It will actually depend on equal representation on all level of the peace process  from manning the Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting (JICM) to overseeing its execution by two bodies: the Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee (JMC) that essentially deals with military matters, and the other, the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) that deals with the political ones. Two points needed to be considered, in order to become a bona fide tripartite dialogue and would hinge on altering the following in an equal basis, acceptable to all parties. Firstly, the restructuring of UPDJC will have to include the participation of the 13 non-signatory EAOs, which would also include the 3 left out EAOs. This would mean expanding the representatives from 16 each to 16 + 26 = 46. The added 26 representatives would come from 13 non-signatory EAOs inclusion of 2 representatives each, making it 26 altogether. The present UPDJC is manned by 48 members, with 16 each from the government, ethnic armed groups and political parties. Secondly, the Union Peace Conference that has been slated to be attended by a total of 700 delegates comprising 75 from the Government, 75 from the Hluttaw (Parliament), 150 from the Tatmadaw, 150 from ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), 150 from registered political parties, 50 from ethnic representatives and 50 from others who should participate, written in The Framework for Political Dialogue, would need to be adjusted to reflect the recent changing  political configuration and equality. In the formerly UN endorsed tripartite dialogue, the three group stakeholders were the military government (State Peace and Development Council), the democratic forces (NLD) and the ethnic nationalities. Speculation on possible de-escalation or heightened armed conflict will solely depend on how the Tatmadaw would go about with its non-inclusiveness in relation to the all-inclusiveness of the non-signatory EAOs and a not so clear stance of the NLD's stance regarding the matter. If the Tatmadaw would continue with its strategy of side-lining the MNDAA, TNLA, AA and continues its offensives on the SSPP/SSA and KIO/KIA, the possibility that the Tatmadaw's military pressure would push the two groups into a wider alliance with the UWSA could become a reality. Then this would strengthen the hand of the UWSA and increased influence of the big regional power, neighbouring country, whether one likes it or not. At the same time, the counter strategy of the EAOs could be like those of the Tatmadaw, which is talking peace, while fighting. In other words, the UWSA headed military alliance would tie down the Tatmadaw militarily, while the UNFC-led alliance would continue with the negotiations within the bounds of 21CPC. But if such speculation would become a reality, where would the country's peace process lead us to? The answer would likely be continued warfare, at the expense of the ethnic nationalities in the first place and hindering overall development and democratization process in the rest of the country. As such, we should all take heart that compromise, or a real equal tripartite dialogue, is the only way out of this debacle and that it must be coupled with determined conviction to be able to end the decades-long ethnic armed conflict and strive to achieve durable peaceful settlement, that the people has been waiting for so long.

Movie on Shan prince and his Austrian wife shines light on Burma’s 1962 coup Posted: 31 May 2016 07:54 AM PDT A recently completed film made for European TV, Twilight Over Burma, based on the true story of Prince Sao Kya Seng, the ruler of Hsipaw and his Austrian born wife Inge Sargent, had its premiere in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai this past weekend. The story focuses on Sargent who became the princess of Hsipaw also known as the Mahadhevi Dhusandi and her marriage with the prince who was jailed when General Ne Win launched a coup d'état in 1962. As the film, which is the first to explore the events surrounding Burma's 1962 coup, shows Sao Kya Seng died in detention shortly after his arrest under circumstances that have never been fully explained. A similar fate suffered by Burma's first president Sao Shwe Thaike, another Shan royal who was arrested in the 1962 coup, and who was also never seen alive again. Maria Ehrich, the German actress who played Inge Sargent, was at the screening in Chiang Mai along with some of the film's producers. Many Shan living in Chiang Mai attended the screening including some who played minor roles in the movie. Apart from Ehrich most of the major roles in the film were played by Thai actors. During a Q&A conducted after the screening of the movie, which takes its name from Sargent's memoir, Ehrich explained that coming to Asia to shoot the film was an interesting experience. She added that the tragic nature of the script posed a challenge at times during production. "It was always the tragic story in my mind so I could not be very happy all the time when we were shooting the movie. Sometimes, all the crew team had a difficult time to shoot, for example, when Inge gets to know Sao might be dead. Everyone was crying on the set. It really touches you very hard. You can see in the movie how we felt. So, it's real," explained the 23 year old Ehrich who has also starred in a number of German language productions including a kids film called My Brother Is a Dog. Ehrich traveled to Hsipaw where much of the film is set, shortly after the film was completed to see the palace where Sargent lived. Like many visitors to Hsipaw she was saddened by the poor condition that the dilapidated Hsipaw palace is in. "In my mind I had already imagined Hsipaw, I was eager to see how it really is. My heart was really checking when we got close to it. We went up to the palace and talked with the person who is in charge. I told her that Inge did not take anything with her when she left and I'd really like to take something to give her but she said there is nothing left. The Burmese military took everything. I almost cried. I was really shocked because I thought it would be beautiful from what I knew from the script and the book, but it is not. It's a little dirty and rotted……. It really made me sad", she said. Inge Sargent eventually resettled in the US where she has lived for many years. She and her two daughters, Sao Mayari and Sao Kennari, wrote a letter to Burma's government concerning the disappearance of Sao Kya Seng. They never received a response to their inquires. Burma's newly installed consul-general in Chiang Mai Kaung San Lwin, also attended the screening. He told SHAN that did not know about the Inge Sargent's letter and was unaware of the specific details of the case which he said took place before he was born. It remains unclear when the movie will receive its Burmese premier but the movie which would almost certainly would have been banned in Burma had it come out a few years ago, will likely receive a much better reception under the new NLD government. But some things have yet to change. Today more than 50 years after the 1962 coup, turmoil continues in northern Shan State where the army in recent weeks has been engaged in clashes with ethnic armed groups including carrying out airstrikes against positions held by the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA). BY Staff / Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Big Cats Removed From Thailand’s Infamous Tiger Temple
• Ten Things to Do in Rangoon This Week (May 30)

Photographer Barred From Shooting Controversial Construction Site in Rangoon Posted: 31 May 2016 08:07 AM PDT Men in helmets and safety vests take pictures of Irrawaddy photographer Myo Min Soe before he was surrounded by them on Tuesday. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — On Tuesday, a photographer from The Irrawaddy was prevented from photographing a construction site that is set to be reviewed by the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC), after questions were raised about the project in the Rangoon divisional parliament on the previous day. The planned 12-story building is located at the corner of Khayaypin Road and Ahlone Road, Dagon Township, near the compound where the Rangoon Divisional Government, Parliament and Chief Minister Residence are located. The project is set to be reviewed by YCDC due to its close proximity to the government buildings, said Rangoon Mayor Maung Maung Soe during the divisional parliament session on Monday in response to a lawmaker who questioned whether the project was in accordance with YCDC regulations. The building was approved by the previous divisional government in 2013. Myo Min Soe, an Irrawaddy photojournalist, was assigned to take pictures of the ongoing Manawhari Commercial Complex construction site, which is being developed by the Waminn Group of Companies. The photographer said he was taking pictures from the sidewalk across the street from the site, when he was accosted by people wearing helmets and safety vests who appeared to be working at the location. "I just took two or three frames and two guys arrived and asked me, 'Why did you take pictures without permission?'" he said. More men from the site joined in and soon the photographer was surrounded. Men shouted, "Don't let him go." The photographer managed to take refuge in a parliament security booth nearby while nearly 15 people from the site waited outside. They were blocked by the security guards from going inside, but they then took pictures of the photographer from outside the booth. "Were it not for the security booth there, I don't know what would have happened to me because some of the men looked really serious," he said. "Why should I need to ask permission when I am just taking photos from a public space? What are they afraid of? Are they doing something unlawful? Is the site concerned with state security? Are they trying to threaten the media?" he asked. The move came a few days after another event considered to be an attack on press freedom. A reporter from a local news agency was obstructed by nationalist monks while he was trying to cover a meeting between the monks and the management of the luxury Sedona Hotel in Rangoon on Thursday. Myint Kyaw, a Myanmar Press Council member, said taking a picture in a public space should not be considered off-limits. "If [the construction company] wants to take action, they could make an official complaint if there is something defaming them in the story," he said. "Now there is no story yet, and preventing someone from taking pictures from a sidewalk is a threat to the media." The Irrawaddy has submitted an official complaint about restrictions to the Dagon Township Police Station. The post Photographer Barred From Shooting Controversial Construction Site in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Suu Kyi Heads New Committee for Troubled Arakan State Posted: 31 May 2016 07:58 AM PDT Aung San Suu Kyi convenes a May 27 meeting in Naypyidaw with Arakan State Chief Minister Nyi Pu and various Union ministers. (Photo: Myanmar State Counselor's Office) RANGOON — Burma's State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi is to chair a new high-level committee on Arakan State, according to an announcement from the President's Office on Monday. The initiative could represent a change in tack for the National League for Democracy (NLD) government and Suu Kyi, who at several points have played down the significance of the ongoing crisis in Arakan State, despite international pressure. Although the precise role of the Central Committee for Arakan State Peace, Stability and Development has yet to be spelled out, its purview includes resettling internally displaced persons (IDPs) along with "social development," and coordinating the activities of UN agencies and international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs). A sub-committee will be formed for each of these two thematic areas. Arakan State, a coastal strip along the Bay of Bengal in the west of Burma, remains one the most sensitive, conflict prone regions of the country. In 2012 and 2013, anti-Muslim violence flared across the state, leaving more than 140,000 displaced, the majority of whom were Rohingya Muslims, a stateless minority concentrated in the north of Arakan State. Only small numbers have been returned or relocated—most remain confined to IDP camps, with limited access to markets, education and health care. Outside the camps, the government has kept the Buddhist majority and Muslim minority largely segregated, purportedly for security reasons. In the last six months, Arakan State has also suffered conflict between the Burma Army and the Arakan Army, a non-state ethnic armed group, which has displaced several thousand in the northern townships of the state. Lawmakers from the Arakan National Party (ANP), which represents the state's Buddhist Arakanese majority, have called in the national Parliament for the Arakan Army to be included in peace negotiations between the government, Burma Army and various ethnic armed groups—but the Burma Army remains determined to defeat them militarily. Arakan State also suffers from severe underdevelopment after decades of neglect under former military-led governments, leaving a legacy of resentment and distrust toward central-level leaders from the Burman majority, which includes Suu Kyi. UN agencies and INGOs are perceived by many Buddhist Arakanese to be biased, in directing assistance chiefly toward displaced Muslims, despite general poverty in the state. Coordinating UN and INGO efforts, to achieve "fairness," could also prove sensitive for the new committee. Earlier this year, relations deteriorated between the ANP and the ruling NLD, led by Suu Kyi, after the latter made it clear it would be selecting someone from within its own party to be chief minister of Arakan State, despite the ANP winning the largest plurality in the state legislature. The ANP has since styled itself as an opposition party. The communal conflict in Arakan State is an area of acute vulnerability for the NLD government, especially given prior nationalist rhetoric about the NLD being sympathetic to Muslims. The new Arakan committee includes as vice chairmen the Arakan State Chief Minister Nyi Pu, an NLD appointee, and Union Border and Security Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Ye Aung, a military appointee. The other 24 committee members are drawn from various ministries and departments, paving the way for coordination across the apparatus of government. The absence of an ANP representative, however, is likely to only heighten political tensions in Arakan State and could contribute to local opposition to the initiatives of the committee. Suu Kyi convened a meeting in Naypyidaw on Friday, with the Arakan State chief minister and the Union ministers of Home Affairs, of Security and Border Affairs, of Labor, Immigration and Population, and of Information. Participants discussed stability and development in Arakan State, and the controversial citizenship verification process, which reportedly resumed for IDPs in Arakan State this month. The ANP's chairman, Aye Maung, in conversation with The Irrawaddy, criticized what he described as the NLD's intention to deliver stability and development in Arakan State without consulting the party with the biggest electoral mandate in the state—the ANP. He urged the NLD government to hold political dialogue with the ANP if the party wished to succeed in their aims, rather than only relying on their own ministries. He also stressed the crucial role played by "opposition" parties, such as his, in relation to any government, citing the veteran opposition role formerly played by the now ruling NLD. However, Aye Maung remained pessimistic, saying he "dared not expect anything" of the new Arakan committee. Upbraiding the NLD on their lack of detailed policy, he said: "What is their national strategic plan?  What is their plan for the poorest states of the country [such as Arakan State]?" Aye Maung commented on the limited powers and resources held by regional governments vis-à-vis the Union government. He stated that chief ministers of states and divisions could only request additional budgets from Naypyidaw, and that all state and divisional budgets added up to less than 10 percent of the total Union budget. These budgetary constraints, he asserted, made it "impossible" to deliver real development and stability. Aye Maung asked whether the NLD government would outline additional special economic areas in Arakan State, with "zero commercial tax for 30 years" as a means of attracting foreign direct investment. "What can we expect of the NLD without knowing their policies?" he said. Arakanese social activist Wai Hun Aung told The Irrawaddy that, as a first priority, the committee should address the "Bengali" (the word used by many Burmese for the Rohingya to imply they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh) issue "in line with the 1982 Citizenship Law"—a law which defines citizenship entitlement on the basis of ethnicity and condemns most Rohingya to statelessness, since they are not a "recognized" ethnic group. Wai Hun Aung said that, secondly, the committee should invite the Arakan Army into the formal peace process between the government, Burma Army and various ethnic armed groups, in order to prevent further conflict in Arakan State. Wai Hun Aung also stressed decentralization and resource-sharing between the state and Union government as a top priority. The announcement from the President's Office, which was circulated online, has prompted some local Arakanese to speculate that the new Arakan committee would oversee the relocation of IDPs to urban areas of Arakan State, which could heighten tensions if implemented quickly, and would require deft management. Since the 2012 and 2013 violence, urban areas of Arakan State have remained largely empty of Muslims, where formerly these comprised a sizeable contingent—with the notable exception of Thandwe in southern Arakan State, where a longstanding community of Kaman Muslims (a group recognized under the 1982 Citizenship Law, unlike the Rohingya) continue to live alongside their Buddhist neighbors. Sittwe, the state capital, contains a Muslim majority ward, Aung Mingalar, but the area functions effectively as an IDP camp, with heavy restrictions on movement in and out, and comprehensive segregation vis-à-vis Buddhist families. A headcount of Muslim communities carried out this month by local authorities in Aung Mingalar—which revealed no appreciable change in the population since 2012—was driven by claims by some local Arakanese Buddhists that the Muslim population had been swelled by interlopers from the countryside. Khaing Kaung San, director of the Wunlark Development Foundation, a Sittwe-based civil society group, said that, although conditions have been peaceful in more recent years, the time was not right for IDPs, the large majority of whom are Muslim, to be relocated within Sittwe. The "two communities," referring to Buddhists and Muslims, still need more time to build trust, he contended, though, with a strict regime of segregation still in place, practical questions remain about how such trust could be built. Khaing Kaung noted the many "Bengali and Arakanese houses" burned down during the fighting, and said more houses would have to be built if comprehensive relocation were to happen. The ANP's Aye Maung warned the NLD government to be "cautious" and "think deeply about possible negative impacts" before handling this issue. "If they throw even a small stone into the lake, there will be ripples across the surface." The Irrawaddy attempted on Tuesday to contact the Arakan State government's spokesman, Min Aung, but he did not answer his phone. Additional reporting by The Irrawaddy's Su Myat Mon. The post Suu Kyi Heads New Committee for Troubled Arakan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rangoon Chief Minister Attempts to Defuse Electricity Concerns          Posted: 31 May 2016 05:50 AM PDT Rangoon Chief Minister Phyo Min Thein at a press conference at the Yangon Electricity Supply Corporation, May 31, 2016. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Rangoon Chief Minister Phyo Min Thein said on Tuesday that Burma's commercial capital will continue to face blackouts in the coming months as attempts are made to address the city's weak power cables and growing electricity demands. "We need to think about the long-term, sustainable reconstruction of underground cables that were weak in the past due to the government's limited budget and lack of a master plan," Phyo Min Thein said at a press conference at the Yangon Electricity Supply Corporation. He added that blackouts throughout Rangoon in recent days have been due to a combination of scorching temperatures and heavy rain, which have damaged power cables. "We need to repair these cables, which will take some time. During this period, we could experience some additional blackouts," Phyo Min Thein explained, saying that advanced warning of power outages will be given to the public through media. "We'll make an announcement, but these blackouts will be because of maintenance and repair of underground cables and cable towers [and not due to an insufficient electricity supply]." Burma's former capital uses more than half of the country's total electricity consumption, some 1,150 megawatts, a demand the chief minister said is difficult to meet. "This demand is likely to increase in Rangoon, as over 200 high-rise buildings, some 500 hotels and many other new projects are being constructed. It will continue to be a struggle to distribute a sufficient supply of electricity in the coming months," Phyo Min Thein said. The newly sworn-in National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government has been criticized for the frequent power outages across the country. Lower House Speaker Win Myint also stressed during a parliamentary session on Tuesday that the Ministry of Electric Power and Energy solve the problem. Even local newspapers have chimed in, with cartoons mocking Rangoon's electricity situation as worse now than it was under the previous government. "The new government is attempting to find a way to begin addressing [this problem] within 60 days," Phyo Min Thein told reporters at the press conference. He said that Rangoon's regional government is discussing with companies and international organizations how to meet electricity demands, a goal they hope to achieve by next year. "Currently, we need to get an additional 400 megawatts [for Rangoon]. One challenge will be the cost. It costs at least 130 kyats (US$0.11) per unit [to purchase the gas]. At present, we're only collecting 35 kyats ($0.03) per unit for under 100 units from consumers. We'll have to further discuss this price," Phyo Min Thein said. The post Rangoon Chief Minister Attempts to Defuse Electricity Concerns          appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Door-to-Door Voter Registration To Be Launched In Late June Posted: 31 May 2016 05:25 AM PDT Rangoon residents check their names on a public display of voter lists in 2015. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma's Lower House said that they will conduct door-to-door voter registration across the country to compile accurate voter lists for the next general election. During a session of Parliament on Monday, Lower House lawmaker Nay Myo Htet, representing Rangoon's Kyauktada district for the National League for Democracy, questioned the Union Election Commission (UEC) on its plan for assembling voter lists, citing the inaccuracy of the lists made for last year's election. The 2015 lists were highly controversial, with reports of the names of deceased people included and large numbers of ethnic minorities excluded. UEC member Hla Tint said the commission will conduct a nationwide door-to-door voter registration program to guarantee the accuracy of voter lists for the next election. He said that the project will start in Rangoon's Kyauktada Township, which will rely on the collaboration of election officials, village-tract authorities, political parties, voters and international organizations and will be based on the voter lists from the 2015 election. "We will encourage the public to participate in this plan by doing radio advertisements, posters and flyers," Hla Tint told the Lower House on Monday. An official from the UEC told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the project will be launched in late June. The post Door-to-Door Voter Registration To Be Launched In Late June appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Bangkok Wants Wa Army Bases Withdrawn From Thai Territory Posted: 31 May 2016 05:05 AM PDT Thai and Burmese military delegations meet in Mae Sai, Thailand, on Monday. (Photo: Network Media Group). Thai military officials have asked their Burma Army counterparts to help in convincing a powerful ethnic Wa armed group, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), to withdraw its bases on the Thai-Burma border, where some are on Thai territory. The Thai authorities made the appeal during a meeting between Thai and Burmese border security officials held in the Thai border town of Mae Sai, which sits adjacent Burma's Tachileik town, on Monday, according to sources close to both the Thai and Burmese militaries. The request comes just a few days after the Burma Army chief, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, visited the Thai capital of Bangkok on Thursday, when he met with top-ranking Thai military brass including junta leader Gen. Prayuth Chan-Ocha, who is also the country's prime minister. During a meeting with the Thai prime minister, Min Aung Hlaing said: "Illicit drug trafficking can affect all the countries in the region; cooperation is necessary to ensure that the armed groups relying on such drug trafficking do not exist." Prayuth agreed to working together on this point. Min Aung Hlaing, however, did not mention the UWSA, which reportedly relies heavily on drug trafficking and the border trade for funding. The UWSA is estimated to have up to 30,000 armed soldiers, approximately 10,000 of whom are based in southern Shan State along the border with Chiang Mai province in northern Thailand.  Formed of remnants of the defunct Communist Party of Burma (CPB), the UWSA and Burma's former junta government reached a ceasefire agreement in 1989 that has held strong since. The Burma military representatives told the delegation from the Thai military in Mae Sai that they would report the proposal to higher officials, according to Burmese media outlet Network Media Group, quoting Thai intelligence sources in Mae Sai. The UWSA bases that the Thai delegation wants removed are in Chiang Dao district in Chiang Mai province and in Pai district in Mae Hong Son province, both in northern Thailand, according to the Thai military sources. More than a dozen UWSA bases are in southern Shan State near or across the Thai border. Other UWSA bases are also reportedly on Thai soil in Mae Hong Son province as well as Mae Sai and Mae Ai districts in Chiang Mai province. However, a military source who is close to both Burmese authorities and the UWSA in Mae Sai told The Irrawaddy that he did not think the UWSA would voluntarily withdraw their bases on the Thai border, something the Burma Army has requested that they do several times in the past to no avail. "They [UWSA] were asked [by the Burma Army] to withdraw their bases in the past. But they didn't care and nothing happened to them," said the source, who spoke on condition of anonymity for security reasons. However, he said Burma Army units in Mongton and Mongsat regions in southern Shan State had been bolstering their military installations in the days since Min Aung Hlaing returned from his recent visit to Thailand. "[The Burma Army] has been fortifying their bases as if they are preparing for war. They've built walls and fenced in their outposts with barbed wire. They have deployed more troops and ammunition. This started just after Min Aung Hlaing's visit [to Thailand]," said the source. "I think they would like to cut off communications between the UWSA's northern and southern units," he added. The Wa control two noncontiguous territories in Shan State, the other being the Wa Special Region bordering China and comprising the townships of Hopang, Mongma, Panwai, Panghsang, Narphan and Metman. The border security meeting in Mae Sai was attended by 25 members of the Burmese military, led by Lt-Col Aung Myint Oo, and 47 members of the Thai military, led by Col. Prapat Found Suwan. The post Bangkok Wants Wa Army Bases Withdrawn From Thai Territory appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Export, Import Licenses to Be Made Available Online Posted: 31 May 2016 03:27 AM PDT A truck approaches the entrance to the Muse border trade center in Shan State. (Photo: Thit Nay Moe / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Export and import license applications will be available online as of June 7, according to the Ministry of Commerce, which hopes the move will help boost exports and shrink a persistent trade deficit. Win Khaing Tun, deputy director of the Ministry of Commerce, revealed the plan at the "Fully Online Licensing System" workshop at the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) on Monday. Applications will be available online for about 50 of more than 4,000 approved export and import items allowed by the ministry. "Initially, we will offer online licenses for agricultural produce and certain types of building materials and consumer goods," Win Khaing Tun said. Applications will be available at www.myanmartradenet.com and the ministry is prepared to review and approve requests within 10 minutes, according to the deputy director. The online licensing service will be available for both shipping and border trade, but applications will only be available for the Myawaddy and Muse border trade centers initially. Myawaddy, on the Thai-Burma border, and Muse, bordering China's Yunnan province, are the country's busiest overland trade posts. The licenses will be offered in these towns first because of difficulties with customs clearances at other trade centers, said Win Khaing Tun. A trial period for the online licensing service is scheduled to last three to six months, he added. The move will help reduce corruption because it will eliminate paperwork and red tape, said Myint Soe, chairman of the Myanmar Garment Manufacturer's Association. "Companies need to hire two different people to apply for import and export licenses. They have to go to Naypyidaw, but if something is wrong with the documents, they come back to Yangon and then return to Naypyidaw again. Online licensing will get rid of all of this," said importer Myat Thin Aung. Minister of Commerce Than Myint said his ministry is hoping to triple exports over the next five years and plans to boost agricultural produce exports by encouraging the growth of small and medium industries. Burma has suffered a trade deficit for years; in the past two fiscal years, the country's international trade total has been almost US$30 billion but it has carried a deficit of about $5 billion annually, according to the Ministry of Commerce. The post Export, Import Licenses to Be Made Available Online appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Lacking Documents, Mandalay Squatters Struggle for Low-Cost Housing Posted: 31 May 2016 03:18 AM PDT A tenant of low-cost housing constructed to accommodate Mandalay's squatter communities carries a pot past the apartment complex. (Photo: Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy) MANDALAY — As the Mandalay City Development Committee (MCDC) has moved forward with its plan to relocate squatters in the city, complaints are being raised that many squatters were not properly accorded housing while some impostors were given more than one residence. The complaints came after MCDC on Monday held a housing lottery for squatters to relocate them to a last batch of nearly 400 units in a newly built apartment complex along the Irrawaddy River. Many squatters said they were not on the list to participate in the drawing, yet some people who did not live in the squatter camp were. "People who were awarded the apartments rarely live in squatters' huts. Some of them even received two or three apartments because they submitted the forms with the names of every family member," said Ma Myo, one of the squatters living in Mandalay's Kyaukthabeik riverbank area. The squatters complained that they were not allowed to submit the forms to apply for the permit to stay in an apartment because they lacked the required documents, such as a national registration card, an alternative ID card or a registered family member list. "They [MCDC] said the housing is for the squatters, but if we do not have an ID card or family member list, we cannot apply. However, there were many people who were not squatters who were allowed to apply, and they received apartments," claimed Thein Soe, a one-time leader of a squatter community in Mandalay. Living in small huts along the Irrawaddy River, the squatters mostly came from nearby villages in Mandalay Division. Many earn a living on Mandalay's jetties, where they mostly work as porters, carrying goods from boats to trucks. "We've lived here for many years but we only have a national registration card. They said it is not enough and we feel very sad because the water level of the river is rising and we will soon have no place to live," said Cho Cho Oo, a squatter who works at Maychan Jetty. The Black Market "When the MCDC called for applications, some people did not submit forms, saying they didn't want to live in tall buildings because they were afraid of earthquakes," said Maw Maw Oo, who lives near Mandalay's Gawwain Jetty. "But when the MCDC announced that the squatters' huts were going to be destroyed after providing the apartments, and when some people sold their apartments illegally to earn money, they rushed to apply," she added. According to former squatters living in the apartments, some units were sold illegally, without the MCDC's knowledge, and the sellers fled far from Mandalay. The price of the apartments ranged from 1.7 million to 2.5 million kyats (US$1,400 to $2,140). "Some even rented out their apartments and moved to another area of the town to live as squatters again or went back to their villages," said Than Win Naing, a one-time squatter who is now living in a government-provided apartment. "We are afraid to report this to MCDC because the people [breaking the law] may harm us. We're also afraid MCDC would not believe us," he added. Impostors Cities like Rangoon and Mandalay, where there are many businesses and job opportunities, have attracted hundreds of thousands of poor from the countryside. But since they are often only able to work as day laborers, they earn just enough to feed themselves and their families and have no extra money to rent a home, leading them to settle for small huts in the squatter areas located on the outskirts of the big cities. In Mandalay, before 2010, squatters were relocated to a newly established "new town" project area, where they were given ownership of small plots of land and houses. However, when land prices in Mandalay rose, many sold their land to earn money and again moved back to their original squatter settlements. According to squatters who are currently living in relocation apartments, the opportunists are working in groups and build their huts in squatter-dense areas when there is news of a relocation project. "Even in this riverbank area, there are many squatters who just came and built their huts after hearing we received the apartments," said Thant Zin Soe, a day laborer who so far has been unable to submit the proper forms to MCDC. "They said they were here 20 years ago and they applied for the apartment. They have the required documents and once they receive their apartments, they sell them or rent them out," he said. "And now, they flee here with their money, and we never see them again," he added. MCDC's Plans for Relocating Squatters Nearly 1,600 apartments in six-story complexes are being rented to squatters at the low rate of 30,000 kyats per month. The apartment buildings were built after a visit from the Norwegian monarch to Mandalay in December 2014. A royal tour by boat that included a stop in Mandalay prompted authorities to evict scores of squatters ahead of his arrival, a move met with criticism at the time. Applications for living in the apartments were opened in that year and the chance to live in the complex was determined by a lottery. On Monday and Tuesday, the MCDC held a drawing for the last 393 apartments. After receiving an apartment, the squatters must leave their huts along the river and are not allowed to stay in the area. "The early applicants were given priority. We heard complaints about the documents but if a person cannot present both an ID and a family members list, it would be difficult for us to register them and to handle related issues," said Saw Tun Oo, an officer from MCDC's administration department. The officer said any form of ID is important for the department as they need to register the squatters to prevent possible duplicates or impostors. "We heard some people sold their national registration cards or family member lists, while some lent their IDs to make money. In such cases, they do not have their proof of ID, and we can't help them," he explained. "We are also investigating the selling and renting of these apartments. Once we have more information, we will take legal action against them, kick them out of the area and will give those apartments to those who are really in need," he added. According to MCDC's rules, selling or renting the low-cost housing is illegal, and should result in both buyers being kicked out and the sellers forfeiting the apartments. The apartment buildings, which cost over 1 billion kyats to construct, were built in 2015 with funding from MCDC and the Mandalay divisional government under a plan by the previous mayor. Since there are more than 3,000 squatters living along the riverbank, the MCDC said there are not enough apartments to relocate all of them. Further, plans to build more housing for the squatters have yet to be unveiled by the newly installed mayor and divisional government. In early May, Zaw Myint Maung, the chief minister of Mandalay Division, told the media his government is collaborating with the MCDC to collect and register the squatters who live in Mandalay city. The chief minister said they will formulate a better plan to eliminate the culture of squatting and will try their best to create better living conditions for the homeless poor once enough data has been compiled. The post Lacking Documents, Mandalay Squatters Struggle for Low-Cost Housing appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

South Korea: Attempted North Korea Missile Launch Fails Posted: 30 May 2016 10:16 PM PDT A rocket is launched during a demonstration of a new large-caliber multiple rocket launching system attended by North Korean leader Kim Jong-un on March 22, 2016. (Photo Korean Central News Agency / Reuters) SEOUL — North Korea attempted to fire a missile from its east coast early on Tuesday, but the launch appears to have failed, South Korean officials said, in what would be the latest in a string of unsuccessful ballistic missile tests by the isolated country. The launch attempt took place at around 5:20 am Seoul time, said the officials, who asked not to be identified, without elaborating. Tension in Northeast Asia has been high since North Korea conducted its fourth nuclear test in January and followed that with a satellite launch and test launches of various missiles. Japan put its military alert on Monday for a possible North Korean ballistic missile launch. "We have no reports of any damage in Japan. We are gathering and analyzing data. The defense ministry is prepared to respond to any situation," Japanese Minister of Defense Gen. Nakatani told a media briefing. "North Korea shows no sign of abandoning the development of nuclear missiles and so we will continue to work closely with the US and South Korea in response and maintain a close watch on North Korea," Nakatani said. South Korea's Yonhap News Agency said it appeared North Korea had attempted to launch an intermediate-range Musudan missile. North Korea attempted three test launches of the Musudan in April, all of which failed, US and South Korean officials have said. Yonhap quoted a South Korean government source as saying the missile was likely to have exploded at about the time it lifted off from a mobile launcher. The flurry of weapons technology tests this year came in the run-up to the first congress in 36 years of North Korea's ruling Workers' Party early this month, where young leader Kim Jong-un further consolidated his control. Tuesday's attempted launch appears to have been its first missile test since then, and experts have said it was unusual to test-fire a missile so soon after a previous failure. The South Korean military said Pyongyang's continuous missile launches could stem from Kim's order in March for further tests of nuclear warheads and ballistic missiles. "They must've been in a rush. Maybe Kim Jong-un was very upset about the failures," said Lee Choon-geun, senior research fellow at South Korea's state-run Science and Technology Policy Institute. Repeated Failures North Korea has never had a successful launch of the Musudan missile, which theoretically has the range to reach any part of Japan and the US territory of Guam. North Korea is believed to have roughly 20 to 30 Musudan missiles, according to South Korean media, which officials said were first deployed in around 2007. "It could have cracks and something wrong with the welding," Lee said of possible causes for the latest failure. "But deployment before test-firing these to complete development seems unusual." The attempted launch took place near the east coast city of Wonson, one of the South Korean officials said, the same area where previous Musudan tests had taken place. Separately, Japan's Kyodo news agency reported on Tuesday that career diplomat Ri Su-yong, one of North Korea's highest-profile officials, would visit China on Tuesday. There was no indication of any link between the latest failed missile launch and Ri's visit to China. China is reclusive North Korea's only major ally but has been angered by Pyongyang's nuclear and missile tests and signed up to tough UN sanctions against the reclusive country. Ri was North Korea's foreign minister until he was named a member of the politburo during the recent Workers' Party congress. The post South Korea: Attempted North Korea Missile Launch Fails appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Big Cats Removed From Thailand’s Infamous Tiger Temple Posted: 30 May 2016 10:10 PM PDT A tiger yawns before the officials start moving them from Thailand's controversial Tiger Temple in Kanchanaburi province, west of Bangkok, on May 30, 2016. (Photo: Reuters) KANCHANABURI, Thailand — Wildlife authorities in Thailand on Monday raided a Buddhist temple where tigers are kept, taking away three of the animals and vowing to confiscate scores more in response to global pressure over wildlife trafficking. The Buddhist temple in Kanchanaburi province west of Bangkok has more than 100 tigers and has become a tourist destination where visitors take selfies with tigers and bottle-feed their cubs. The temple promotes itself as a wildlife sanctuary, but in recent years it has been investigated for suspected links to wildlife trafficking and animal abuse. Wildlife activists have accused the temple's monks of illegally breeding tigers, while some visitors have said the animals can appear drugged. The temple denies the accusations. Monday's raid was the latest move by authorities in a tug-of-war since 2001 to bring the tigers under state control. Adisorn Nuchdamrong, deputy director-general of the Department of National Parks, said the team had been able to confiscate the tigers thanks to a warrant obtained a few hours before the operation. "We have a court warrant this time, unlike previous times, when we only asked for the temple's cooperation, which did not work," Adisorn told Reuters. "International pressure concerning illegal wildlife trafficking is also part of why we're acting now." Officials from the Department of National Parks, Wildlife and Plant Conservation said they planned to confiscate and remove more tigers from the temple on Tuesday and send them to a state-owned sanctuary. Previous attempts to inspect the tigers have largely been blocked by the temple's abbots but in January and February wildlife officials removed 10 of the tigers. Thailand has long been a hub for the illicit trafficking of wildlife and forest products, including ivory. Exotic birds, mammals and reptiles, some of them endangered species, can often be found on sale in markets. The government introduced new animal welfare laws in 2015 aimed at curbing animal abuse, but activists accuse authorities of not enforcing the legislation properly. The post Big Cats Removed From Thailand's Infamous Tiger Temple appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to Do in Rangoon This Week (May 30) Posted: 30 May 2016 06:00 PM PDT The Irrawaddy picks 10 interesting events happening in Rangoon this week. Sports AYA Bank Cup 2016 Organized by Ayeyarwady Bank, Burma will host three other countries for a football tournament early next month. Participating teams are from Burma, Hong Kong, Vietnam and Singapore.  All four matches will be aired live on MRTV-4 and MRTV. Ticket prices are 1,000 kyats (US$0.84) and 3,000 kyats. On June 3, Hong Kong will play against Vietnam at 3 pm and Burma takes on Singapore at 6 pm. The third place match will be at 3 pm and the final at 6 pm on June 6. Tickets are available at Thuwunna Stadium, Aung San Stadium, Padonma Stadium and AYA Bank branches during office hours. Tickets can also be reserved online here. Where: Thuwanna Stadium, Wai Za Yan Tar Rd, Thingangyun Tsp When:  Friday, June 3 and Monday, June 6 Boxing A boxing competition, "Challenges of the Lethwei Warriors," will be held at Thein Phyu Stadium. Where: Thein Phyu Stadium, Rangoon When: Sunday, June 5 (starts at 2 pm) Commerce Shopping Spree in Thaketa The online marketplace shop.com.mm will organize pre-monsoon sales at Capital Hyper Market in Dawbon, Taketa Township. Laptops and computer accessories, handsets, cosmetics, clothes and fashion products will be sold at discounts and there will be a prize drawing. Where: Capital Hyper Market, Dawbon, Thaketa Tsp. When: Saturday and Sunday, June 4-5 (9 am to 7 pm) Myanmar Latte Championship 2016 At the Food & Hotel Myanmar 2016 Exhibition, Golden Brown Coffee Company will celebrate the Myanmar Latte Art Championship. Coffee baristas from around Burma can attend and will have a chance to enter the worldwide Barista Championship. Where: Myanmar Event Park (MEP), Shin Saw Pu Street, Sanchaung Tsp. Hotline:  09260694673, 01570017 When: Wednesday, June 1 to Friday, June 3 (9 am to 6 pm) Dance 'Dance for Yourself' "Dance for Yourself" is being organized by No Lights No Lycra, a dance community that was started in Melbourne in 2009. According to the group: "There is no light, no lycra, no teacher, no steps to learn, no technique, just free movement. NLNL is a space where you can completely let go, shake out the stresses of the week, and lose yourself in the music and the physicality of your body."  Open to all with a suggested 5,000 kyats donation. Where: Goethe Villa Yangon, No.8, Koh Min Koh Chin Road, Bahan Tsp. When:  Wednesday, June 1 (7:00 pm to 8:00 pm) Art 'Blending Colors in Urban' Zwe Yan Naing will have his fifth solo exhibition, "Blending Colors in Urban," at Gallery 65. There will be a total of 25 works, whose prices range between $800 and $1,200. Where: Gallery 65, Yaw Min Gyi Street, Dagon Tsp. When: Saturday, June 4 to Tuesday, June 7 (10:00 am to 6:00 pm) 'Dark Side' Ko Ko Naing and Letje Preel will hold an arts exhibition entitled "Dark Side." A total of 18 works will be showcased at the show and the prices range between $500 and $1,100. Where: Nawaday Tharlar Art Gallery at Room No. 304, 20/B, Yaw Min Gyi Road, Dagon Tsp. Tel: 09-43097918 When: Friday, May 27 to Thursday, June 2 'Hunting' Ohn Khine Zine (OKZ) will have his second solo exhibit at Ahla Thit Gallery. The exhibition, "Hunting," will showcase 50 paintings whose prices range between $150 and $1,000. Where: Ahla Thit Gallery, No. 17, University Avenue Road, Bahan Tsp. Tel: 09-5161173 When: Saturday, June 4 to Sunday, June 12 'Tharmaw Wai Si Ngwe Taung Pyi' An art exhibition titled "Tharmaw Wai Si Ngwe Taung Pyi" (literally, "the pleasant development of Karenni State) will be held at Hninzi Myaing Art Gallery. A total of 88 works from nine artists will be showcased, and prices range between $100 and $3,000. Where: Hninzi Myaing Art Gallery, Hninzigone Home for the Aged, Bahan Tsp. When: Sunday, May 29 to Thursday, June 2 (9:00 am to 5:00 pm) 'Kin Maung Yin's Kin Maung Yin' To commemorate the two year anniversary of the death of artist Khin Maung Yin, a memorial art exhibition titled "Kin Maung Yin's Kin Maung Yin" will be held at Peace Gallery. More than 20 works of one of three second-line leaders of modern arts in Burma will be exhibited at the show and some works will be on sale. Where: Peace Gallery, No. 352/366, Room 10, 2nd Floor, Mahabandoola Park Street, Upper Block, Kyauktada Tsp. Tel: 09-5050641  When: Saturday June 4 to Friday June 10   The post Ten Things to Do in Rangoon This Week (May 30) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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National News

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• As USDP preps for comeback, expelled members threaten action
• Toxic waste debated in Ayeyarwady Hluttaw
• Collapsed drainage canal wall to be rebuilt
• Vendors support rebuilding market
• UEC starts voter list corrections in Kyauktada
• Hsipaw IDPs protest fighting
• New record drug bust in Mandalay
• Mandalay to build emergency road sites
• Agriculture ministry pledges to bring 24-hour water supply to villages

As USDP preps for comeback, expelled members threaten action Posted: 31 May 2016 12:30 AM PDT Ousted senior officials from the Union Solidarity and Development Party are threatening to take their feud to the election commission if their request for a party conference is not heeded.

Toxic waste debated in Ayeyarwady Hluttaw Posted: 30 May 2016 02:30 PM PDT River pollution was discussed in the Ayeyarwady Region parliament yesterday, with one MP alleging that industrial waste from nearby factories is contaminating the water.

Collapsed drainage canal wall to be rebuilt Posted: 30 May 2016 02:30 PM PDT Yangon City Development Committee is repairing a retaining wall in Sanchaung township that collapsed due to heavy rainfall on May 22 and put nearby residential buildings at risk.

Vendors support rebuilding market Posted: 30 May 2016 02:30 PM PDT In a narrow victory, vendors thrown out of work by the blaze that destroyed Mandalay's Mingalar Market have voted to replace the damaged building rather than try to repair it. The vote between the two options took place following a sometimes fractious debate over the best way to proceed after last March's disastrous fire.

UEC starts voter list corrections in Kyauktada Posted: 30 May 2016 02:30 PM PDT Kyauktada township in Yangon will be used as a testing ground for correcting the 2015 voter list, the Union Election Commission said.

Hsipaw IDPs protest fighting Posted: 30 May 2016 02:30 PM PDT Over 100 refugees displaced by ongoing fighting gathered in Thibaw/Hsipaw township yesterday to protest the clashes that have kept them from returning to their homes.

New record drug bust in Mandalay Posted: 30 May 2016 02:30 PM PDT Two drug kingpins suspected of masterminding major smuggling operations via Muse border gate are still on the run, police said yesterday. On May 28, Muse and Kutkai police seized US$42 million-worth of methamphetamine (yaba) on the Kutkai-Kaung Khar road in Muse, according to state-owned media.

Mandalay to build emergency road sites Posted: 30 May 2016 02:30 PM PDT Emergency treatment centres are urgently needed on car-accident-prone roadways, a charity group told Mandalay Region Chief Minister U Zaw Myint Maung.

Agriculture ministry pledges to bring 24-hour water supply to villages Posted: 30 May 2016 02:30 PM PDT The government has launched a project to bring water to every village in the country through a 24-hour supply system. Rural development department director general U Khant Zaw told the media on May 26 that the agriculture ministry was already spending K25-30 billion every year on water purification for drought-stricken villages.

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Shan Herald Agency for News

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Govt peace mission coming to Chiangmai Posted: 30 May 2016 11:18 PM PDT A 4 men team to hold peace talks with ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) yet to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) will be arriving in Chiangmai on a 3-day mission, 2-4 June, according to government and rebel sources. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Dr Tin Myo Win (Source: globalnewlightofmyanmar.com) The team will be headed by Dr Tin Myo Win, the new chief negotiator appointed by State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi. Members will include U Hla Maung Shwe, Secretary of the newly formed 21st Century Panglong Conference Preparatory Committee and former special advisor to the now defunct Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), Lt-Gen (ret) Khin Zaw Oo, and an unnamed member of the Preparatory Committee. The 12 person Delegation for Political Negotiations (DPN) formed by the 11-member EAO alliance, United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) will be holding an ad hoc meeting on 1-2 June in preparation for the negotiations, said a UNFC member. "Some of us are suspicious of the latest move and are demanding official credentials from the mission," he added. U Hla Maung Shwe, interviewed by SHAN, confirmed the matter, saying, "For the sake of peace, we are accommodating their wishes, although we had never done this during the previous government's tenure," he said. Hkun Okker, Patron of the PaO National Liberation Organization (PNLO), a signatory to the NCA, yesterday urged the DPN not to spurn this latest offer from the government headed by Aung San Suu Kyi. "The question is not about who are coming," he said. "It's about who's sending them." To which the UNFC source retorted, "We are only trying to make sure about that." Hkun Okker told SHAN the rejection by three EAOs (AA, MNDAA and TNLA) of the overtures made by a government delegation to hold informal talks earlier this month, was an ill-advised one. "This should not be repeated," he said. The purpose of the visit, according to sources, is to invite the non-EAOs to participate in the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD) revision meeting to be held sometime in June. "Following their agreement with the revised FPD, they will be invited to sign the NCA, prior to participation in the upcoming 21st Century Panglong," said Hla Maung Shwe." As most of them had taken part in the NCA negotiations, we hope the NCA would not prove a serious obstacle." The UNFC meeting in March reportedly discussed amendment proposal to the NCA, which was ratified by the Parliament on 8 December 2015. It remains a question whether the government would agree to new changes in the text. "The amendments proposed by them, however, may become part of the meeting decisions, which collectively constitute an integral part of the NCA," explained Hla Maung Shwe. Article 30 of the NCA reads: We agree that, in consultation with each other, decisions contained in the agreed meeting minutes during negotiations for the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement shall be referred to (and part and parcel of, according to the text in Burmese) in the implementation of the Agreement.

To Hopeland and Back: The 20th trip Posted: 30 May 2016 09:32 PM PDT Day Two. Tuesday, 24 May 2016 When no credit is taken Accomplishment endures. Tao Te Ching (Book of The Way and its Derivative), Chapter Two I don't have much to say about today. We have 3 meetings, all about pure academic and technical matters Even so, information on current political situation keeps turning up, and here are some of them: Already, there are signs of fallout between those who want to follow the NCA "to the latter" and those who are more for its "spirit" than the letter among the peacemakers on both sides. Some of the former are said to be even against the "21st Century Panglong Conference," not because they are against the Panglong Spirit (the term adopted by the NCA), but because the NCA mentions only "Union Peace Conference," nothing about the 21st Panglong Conference. (I thought later that maybe we're just being human beings to have different and opposing interpretations of a dogma all have agreed upon. Just take a look at Communism's "dogmatists" and "revisionists," Islam's "Sunni" and "Shia," Buddhism's "Theravada" and "Mahayana," Christianity's "Roman Catholic" and "Protestant," and so on. Examples seem to be endless.) One of the results is the increasing distrust among the three main stakeholders: the military suspects the EAOs might join hands together with the NLD against it, while the EAOs suspect the military, being Burmans, may ally itself with the NLD against them Still there are others who say the object of forming a 21st Century Panglong Conference Preparatory Committee is only to invite the non-signatories of the NCA to attend its meetings and have a say in revising the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD). After they have agreed on the FPD, then they will be invited to sign the NCA before they are allowed to participate in 21st Century Panglong. As for the 3 other non-signatories, the military's demand is two told: Issue a statement that they have abandoned the armed struggle Have their arms locked stock and barrel on the border under supervision of border authorities concerned Well, I hope both sides come to a mutually acceptable agreement when they meet next month.

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