Tuesday, September 13, 2016

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


RCSS/SSA, Ta’ang move from battleground to negotiating table

Posted: 13 Sep 2016 01:24 AM PDT

Following a series of skirmishes and clashes over the past year, representatives of the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA) and the Ta'ang National Party (TNP) held their first meeting on Monday in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai.


 On the RCSS/SSA side, the talks were attended by the group's chairman, Lt-Gen Yawd Serk, Vice-chairman Gen. Sai Yi, Brig-Gen Pong Khur, Sao Khuensai and Sao Puenkham. The Ta'ang were represented by TNP central committee members Tar Hla Pe and Tar Aye Maung, as well as Buddhist monks Panyathiri and Htikkha Nyanna.

Fighting between the two ethnic militias broke out on November 27 last year, just weeks after the RCSS/SSA had joined seven other ethnic armed groups in signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) with the Burmese government.

The main Ta'ang armed force in the area, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), was excluded by the government from joining the peace process or from signing the NCA in October 2015. Since then, both the TNLA and RCSS/SSA have frequently accused one another of trespassing or conducting incursions into each other's territory. Hostilities have continued ever since.

"We are not different. We are brothers and sisters," said Shan army leader Yawd Serk in his opening speech. "Throughout history, we never fought each other.

"I believe that the Palaung [Ta'ang] people and monks do not wish to create problems among us," he said. "We [the Shan] also do not want it to happen."

He said that if they do not engage in negotiations, any small problem could develop into a large one.

"If we meet with each other regularly, the problems that we are facing will be reduced," he added.

According to the TNP's Tar Hla Pe, his delegation had come to this meeting in Chiang Mai to act as mediators, and to help resolve problems between the RCSS/SSA and the TNLA, as well as to discuss matters of development in the region.

"Let us not focus on past problems," he said. "Rather, I think it would be better to concentrate on ways we can work together in the future."

Following Monday's talks, he said that the meeting had been successful, adding that he was confident both sides would talk again soon and cultivate a close relationship.

By Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)

ANOTHER HURDLE: Last obstacle before next nationwide peace negotiation begins

Posted: 13 Sep 2016 12:57 AM PDT

After the positively hailed opening of the Union Peace Conference (UPC), also dubbed  21st Century Panglong Conference (21CPC), from 31 August to 3 September, the continued onus to hold an all-inclusive nationwide peace process within six months is again faced with another hurdle, as the joint committee member for convening 21CPC Khin Zaw Oo, on the closing day of the conference told the journalists, that in order to participate in national level political dialogue, which is due to be started as soon as possible reportedly within a month, the non-signatory Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) would have to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) first.


Demand of NCA signing


The common understanding of 21CPC convening joint committee and as well the Union Political Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) – the highest organ giving direction to the political dialogue - is that while non-NCA signatory groups were permitted to attend the 21CPC, they will not be allowed to take part in the national-level peace talks, if they failed to sign the NCA.


Echoing Khin Zaw Oo, UPDJC member Salai Lian Hmung Sakhong of Chin National Front (CNF) and as well, Khun Okker of Pa-Oh National Liberation Organization (PNLO), both also said that signing of the NCA is essential for the continued participation of national-level political dialogue, which is to start soon and tasked with collection of data, gathering opinions and suggestions at grass-root level to be tabled in the second round of 21CPC within the next six months.


Practically and effectively, this means that members of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), as well as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) also known as Kokang, the Arakan Army (AA) and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), are not included in the coming steps of the peace process, including the United Wa State Army (UWSA), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) or Mongla and National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Kaplang (NSCN-K).


Government officials encouraged ethnic armed groups to find ways to sign the NCA in the interim period. If they cannot sign within this period, it is not yet clear if they will be invited to attend the upcoming second session of the 21CPC.


General Gun Maw from the Kachin Independence Organisation said no one wants to see any groups left behind, and so negotiations over signing the NCA must begin as a matter of urgency.


Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said that while the government prioritises making the process as inclusive as possible, it cannot wait indefinitely to start the political dialogue.


"They (the non-signatories) have to think about it in this coming period. But it is impossible to wait and hold up the process … without knowing when they will sign," Khin Zaw Oo said.


Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing also made it clear in his opening speech during 21CPC that NCA signing would be the necessary condition to participate in the peace process.


UNFC amendment proposal of NCA


The government side has always maintained that the NCA is the handiwork of all EAOs, including the UNFC. For the drafting of it involved the UNFC all along from the start and thus should not be a problem to sign it, is partly true but not all encompassing. As core outstanding issues were not allowed to be ironed out, prior to the 15 October NCA signing, to UNFC's satisfaction, this has led its members not to ink the document. The situation, in turn, has resulted in only eight EAOs signing the document from a total of twenty-one EAOs countrywide.


Nai Han Thar during the 21CPC told reporters that the UNFC inability to sign the NCA is due to the fact that the document has been unable to be amended because of the government blockage and rejection to do so.


Nai Hong Sar recently said that because the government at that time had rejected UNFC demands to amend some points in the draft agreement, only eight EAOs went on to sign the government's hijacked, finalised NCA version on 15 October 2015, with all the current members of the UNFC refusing to comply to it.


The seven EAOs that haven't signed the NCA are: the New Mon State Party (NMSP), the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA), the Arakan National Council (ANC), the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU), and the Wa National Organisation (WNO).


The main issue that has held back the UNFC then to sign the NCA was the lack of all-inclusiveness, which the government and military today is still implementing by excluding the MNDAA, TNLA and AA. But other than that proposal designed to overcome this hurdle and lead to more comprehensive tackling of the 21CPC is explained by the UNFC in its eight point guidelines.


UNFC eight point proposal guidelines


According to Htun Zaw, also known as Twan Zaw, secretary of the UNFC, an eight-point proposal, also identical with the agreement of Mai Ja Yang ethnic leadership summit meeting, in Kachin State, involving all signatory and non-signatory EAOs during the last week of July, can be divided into three categories of military, political, and transitional tasks to be fulfilled for the process to continue.


Militarily there are four points to ponder.


The first is achieving nationwide ceasefire, whether through unilateral ceasefire declaration of the government first, followed by the EAOs' declaration, or declaration of ceasefire simultaneously together by the military and EAOs.


The second is to agree upon political agenda and ceasefire arrangement, including prior understanding of Ceasefire Joint Monitoring Committee (JMC) undertakings, like military Code of Conduct (CoC) and Terms of Reference (ToR) among others.


The third is the inclusion of international organizations in JMC related issues and undertakings.


The fourth one is an establishment of independent, neutral enforcement tribunal with international judiciary experts to oversee the ceasefire, with the mandate to take action if either party wouldn't follow or breach the ceasefire agreement.


Politically, there are three points, which includes agreeing to the Federal Union Army (FUA) formation; tripartite dialogue which would involve the government-parliament-military, EAOs and political parties, as decades-long endorsed by the United Nations; and the "Union Accord" that would be achieved through UPC be implemented in the amendment of 2008, military-drawn constitution or rewriting it altogether.


The last one is the transitional period arrangement, which emphasizes the point that the government should discuss and negotiate with the EAOs concerning developmental projects in the ethnic areas.

Buttressing its position, on 11 September, the UNFC issued a five point statement after its members met from 10 to 11 September, for emergency meeting. The statement thanked President Htin Kyaw and the government for the successful, historical 21CPC and transparency shown to the public. But pointed out that all-inclusiveness and termination of all military offensives still need to be implemented, adding that the culture of resolving political problems through political means should be practised to achieve solution.

Tin Myo Win's official response


Regarding the UNFC proposal, especially the genuinely enforcible nationwide ceasefire agreement on the ground, Dr Tin Myo Win, Aung San Suu Kyi's top peace negotiator's official reply has not been positive, according to Htun Zaw. He said: "There is an official reply from Dr Tin Myo Win, which said that regarding nationwide ceasefire declaration, there has been no such declaration made during the previous NCA signing (with the eight EAOs), implying that they also have no intention to do otherwise with the non-signatory EAOs (proposal)."


He added: "We still need to negotiate on this. The Tatmadaw (military) needs to declare nationwide ceasefire. If they do, the concerned EAOs will do likewise. Alternatively, fixing a date to declare (ceasefire) altogether at once is also acceptable."


He also stressed: "To be able to conduct political dialogue smoothly, there must be no military offensive."


Analysis


And so it seems, we are all back to the square one. The first NCA signing was not all-inclusive and thus the first UPC held in January this year was also not inclusive. But the new regime headed by Suu Kyi again comes up with the commitment, vowing to make it all-inclusive, inviting all non-signatory EAOs to attend the opening of 21CPC, which nearly almost all heeding the call, except for the three EAOs that the military opted to sideline for various reasons. Again, it was not all-inclusive, but Suu Kyi initiated UPC or 21CPC was far more better then just eight EAOs attending the first conference, as some seventeen EAOs participated at the second UPC.


People were really in the upbeat mood and looking forward for a comprehensive, all-inclusive gathering for the next round of conference, due to be held within six months, when the government peace negotiators began pressing for immediate NCA signing from the non-signatories or risk being sidelined. One could hardly understand why this has to happen immediately on the heels of the 21CPC, which Suu Kyi has put a lot of energy and efforts to woo the non-signatory EAOs to participate. The non-signatory were even invited and allowed to participate in the amendment and fine-tuning of the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD) prior to the 21CPC, so that a sense of ownership of the peace process could be instilled, according to the government.


Now it is not clear, whether the non-signatory EAOs could participate in the soon to be started  national  level political dialogue, if they refused to sign the NCA immediately first. This position of exclusion threat is, at least, what Khin Zaw Oo has being driving at, with CNF and PNLP leaders endorsing it.


The sequence normally should be deliberation of the UNFC eight points proposal between stakeholders; followed by FPD amendments that would in turn correct some flaws or disagreement in the NCA text; the signing of NCA by all the non-signatory EAOs; conducting  national level political dialogue; and finally tabling the findings to the next 21CPC  for further negotiations.


Given the convoluted nature of the peace process, mainly due to the present scenario of "cart before the horse", a workable solution should be to at least let the non-signatory EAOs participate in the different levels of FPD, NCA amendments and national-level political dialogue, while parallel adjusting of different outlooks and finding ways to be able to sign the NCA. Because prohibiting the non-signatory EAOs to participate in national level political dialogue for failing to sign the NCA, as it is formulated, immediately would do away with the dream of all-inclusiveness peace process and only heighten the ongoing ethnic armed conflict. Thus pushing further back the so far achieved peace talks progress  and national reconciliation deliberations down the drain.


Meanwhile, unconfirmed reports said that the Delegation for Political Dialogue (DPN), an UNFC peace negotiation team, has been asked whether it would attend the 15-17 September FPD meeting. The first day is said to be scheduled for the meeting between the government and DPN alone to negotiate the eight point joint statement proposal, and the next two days to discuss the Terms of Reference (TOR) for national level political dialogues. The DPN was said to reply that it wasn't ready to attend it yet for unknown reason. But one inside source reported that the three preconditions needed to be met first by the government side were all-inclusiveness, joint statement on the eight point proposal, and tripartite dialogue. However, it is not at all clear if this is a demand or just a proposal to actually conduct discussions on the said topics.


In a nut shell, it is advisable that the government and also the military should be reminded that the whole peace process should be a jointly owned one of all stakeholders and excluding one or the other from participation doesn't really look like a co-ownership at all, but only exclusively dominated by the government.


Besides, pushing the parties to sign the document which they are not totally in agreement is not a wise approach. The government, especially the military faction, should not be rigid but open and ready to alter the document that all could agree and live with. There is even a saying in peace negotiation that "nothing is agreed until everything is agreed."

Another argument of  CNF Vice Chairman Salai Lian Hmung Sakhong in a SHAN report on 9 September is also noteworthy. On 7 September, he reportedly said the 21CPC that has just finished was an undertaking outside the jurisdiction of parliament and the 2008 military-drawn constitution.

He said: "When the 2008 constitution was drawn and also when it was promulgated, the EAOs were not involved. That is why due to the country's need for essential peace, political dialogue is being conducted outside of the 2008 constitutional law."


And finally, even a child knows that conducting peace negotiation while waging war is a recipe for failure and disaster. There is no such thing as a just war. The military faction within the government would be well advised to accommodate this earnest request of nationwide ceasefire, by all the EAOs and hundreds of civil society organizations, and bringing in the three excluded EAOs, so that different levels of peace process could be pulled through, paving way for the absence of war, development and reconciliation for the benefit of the people.



Monday, September 12, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Leaders Meet to Resolve Shan State Conflict

Posted: 12 Sep 2016 08:32 AM PDT

RCSS's chairman Lt-Gen Yawd Serk (front row, second from left) is pictured with members of Ta'ang and Shan delegations who attended a meeting to resolve conflict in northern Shan State. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy)

RCSS's chairman Lt-Gen Yawd Serk (front row, second from left) is pictured with members of Ta'ang and Shan delegations who attended a meeting to resolve conflict in northern Shan State. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy)

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — A half-day meeting in Chiang Mai attended by the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and the Ta'ang National Party (TNP) in a bid to resolve an almost year-long conflict over territory in northern Shan State has yielded positive results, the organizations' spokespeople said on Monday.

Tar Hla Pe, a central committee member of the TNP and a Shan State parliamentarian, said the meeting was the "first step in finding solutions to help the local people" who he likened to "victims trapped between two buffalos," a phrase used to describe being forced into a situation of conflict and suffering.

Tar Hla Pe told The Irrawaddy that he hopes his party will be able to act as a mediator "by bridging the gap between the two groups," referring to the RCSS and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). He is a close friend of RCSS's vice chief of staff Brig-Gen Pao Khay and said that both men want a ceasefire agreement and stability in the state.

Attendees also included: Chairman Lt-Gen Yawd Serk and vice chair Gen Sai Yi—both of the RCSS—and Tar Aye Maung of the TNP's central Committee, as well as ethnic Ta'ang (Palaung) monks from the Ta'ang Sangha Central Committee.

Fighting continued on Monday between the TNLA and RCSS in Shan State's Maimaw Township, according to Tar Hla Pe. Firefights between the two groups, along with TNLA clashes with Burma Army, have displaced thousands of local Ta'ang in the area.

RCSS Lt-Col and spokesperson Sai Ngin said the group had experienced casualties during the conflict but did not reveal the exact number.

Sai Ngin said the two groups had reached an understanding not to consider the conflict as a struggle between two ethnic groups, addressing how it was referred to on social media earlier this year.

Ta'ang monks participated in the Monday meeting out of concern for local residents' education. Sixty-two schools have been closed in northern Shan State due to the conflict, as well as a number in towns in the southern part of the state including Mong Kai, Kholam, Mong Ton and Kesi.

Pyinna Thiri, a monk who joined the meeting, said they would work together to ensure access to education, medical treatment and water.

Participants said that building mutual understanding through negotiations would provide the best outcomes for the people of Shan State. RCSS chairman Yawd Serk added, "such negotiations need to be held often to bring an end to the conflict."

The post Leaders Meet to Resolve Shan State Conflict appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Photojournalist Files Lawsuit After Abuse at Nationalist Rally

Posted: 12 Sep 2016 07:44 AM PDT

Photojournalist Myat Thu Kyaw (center, standing) at press conference in Myanmar Journalist Network office on Monday. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy)

Photojournalist Myat Thu Kyaw (center, standing) at press conference in Myanmar Journalist Network office on Monday. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A Burmese photojournalist has filed a lawsuit case against nationalist protesters after he said demonstrators attacked him at a rally on Sunday.

Hundreds of Buddhist nationalists gathered at the Bo Sein Mhan sports grounds in Rangoon's Bahan Township to protest against the inclusion of international members on the Arakan State Advisory Commission. Demonstrators said that foreigners—like chairperson and former UN chief Kofi Annan—do not belong on a commission looking into an internal issue: ethnoreligious violence and tension in Arakan State.

The protesters also clashed with local Bahan residents who were playing football nearby. Journalists and photographers reported being harassed by the protesters as they attempted to cover the aggression they witnessed in the western corner of the grounds.

Myat Thu Kyaw, a 19-year-old photojournalist from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, said he was assaulted as he was taking pictures of the fight between the protesters and the locals. He said that the protestors punched him in the cheek, neck and chest amidst the chaos and also threatened him and cursed at him at the event.

"We were also threatened at a previous nationalist event. After discussing it with other photojournalists, we decided to file a case. Because if we don't do it this time, we are afraid they will harm our lives next time," Myat Thu Kyaw told reporters at the press conference held on Monday.

It is not the first report of journalists being abused at nationalist rallies. At a demonstration against the death sentence handed to two Burmese migrant workers by a Thai judge in December 2015, Ma Ba Tha—an ultranationalist Buddhist group—supporters encouraged attendees to "beat the reporters" and "skin those guys" when they began covering a quarrel at the rally.

Myat Thu Kyaw said he filed his case at the Bahan Township police station on Sunday night and at the township court on Monday. The court returned the case to the police, with a recommendation to investigate the charges further. The next court hearing regarding the incident will be on Sept. 26.

"Many people were pushing me from behind and also trying to take away my camera, so I didn't know who punched me. Now I have filed a complaint with the police, so the police have a duty to investigate the attackers. If not, the organizers of the rally need to take responsibility for this," he said at the press conference.

Aung Naing Soe, a local correspondent from Coconuts Yangon, said that he was also threatened and abused at nationalist rallies, an experience he attributed to the fact that he is a Muslim.

"I don't want this kind of thing to be repeated," he said.

The photojournalists at the press conference said that they had video files of the rally as proof of what they experienced, and they want action to be taken in accordance with the law.

The post Photojournalist Files Lawsuit After Abuse at Nationalist Rally appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

YCDC Performs Final Check on 55 High-Rise Buildings

Posted: 12 Sep 2016 05:37 AM PDT

A Rangoon construction site as seen on August 5, 2016. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy)

A Rangoon construction site as seen on August 5, 2016. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Rangoon's high-rise review committee has performed the final check on 55 new buildings and is preparing to inspect a remaining 130 structures, U Than Htay, head of Yangon City Development Committee's (YCDC) building department, told the Irrawaddy.

Of the 55 buildings inspected from Sept. 8-9, 43 were approved and the developers of 12 buildings were urged to re-submit their design plans with recommended changes.

"We've told 12 developers to check drainage systems and car parking, and to carefully place the generators and transformers where they cannot harm others. These are our suggestions for them before giving them the green light," U Than Htay said.

Since May, the Rangoon Division government has suspended more than 200 high rise construction projects in the city because they were not in line with urban planning standards.

"These buildings have yet to get final approval, because we will check their construction step by step," U Than Htay added.

U Thant Sin Hein, managing director of Nay Kabar Myanmar construction, has now re-submitted his construction design for a project in Hlaing Township. He was among those told by the review committee that changes were needed to his proposed parking area, among other things.

"Especially the car parking design—they asked me to extend the space. It will cost me, but I have to set it up to get approval," he said.

The review committees have checked a total of more than 200 buildings since July. Earlier in August, the divisional government ordered that the intended heights of 12 buildings under construction be reduced, that planned parking facilities be upgraded, and that safety standards be improved then approved.

U Ye Min Oo, spokesperson for the high-rise review committee, said that construction had not been ordered to be halted on any of the buildings inspected from Sept 8-9.

Both U Than Htay and U Ye Min Oo said that 130 building plans are awaiting inspection and approval.

"The rest of the 130 buildings have yet to start construction, so it's easy to check now," U Ye Min Oo said.

The YCDC's high-rise review committee will check 65 buildings which are between nine and 12.5 stories. The regional Committee for Quality Control of High Rise Buildings Projects (CQHP) will check another 65 proposed buildings which are 13 stories or above, before the review committee will also examine the plans.

According to the YCDC, the previous Rangoon divisional government and municipal council had given "initial approval" for proposals to more than 200 high rise buildings from 2013 until March 31 of this year.

The post YCDC Performs Final Check on 55 High-Rise Buildings appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Pro-Military Cooperation Names Dominate US-Burma Discussion Panel

Posted: 12 Sep 2016 05:32 AM PDT

State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi (center) meets with Senators (left to right) John Kerry, Mitch McConnell, Harry Reid, Jim Webb, and Saxby Chambliss at the US Capitol in Washington in 2012. On her visit to the US this week sanctions sure to be high on the agenda once again. (Photo: Gary Cameron / Reuters)

State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi (center) meets with Senators (left to right) John Kerry, Mitch McConnell, Harry Reid, Jim Webb, and Saxby Chambliss at the US Capitol in Washington in 2012. On her visit to the US this week sanctions sure to be high on the agenda once again. (Photo: Gary Cameron / Reuters)

RANGOON — The majority of participants in a conference on the future of US-Burma relations being held in Washington on the eve of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's arrival in the United States are supporters of Burma's previous quasi-civilian government and military cooperation with the States. They are lobbying for the lifting of US sanctions on Burma.

The discussion, taking place on Tuesday organized by Washington-based Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS), is titled "The United States and Myanmar: Next Steps" and will focus on Burma's economic growth. Of the ten participants, only one, U Bo Bo Nge, represents the current National League for Democracy (NLD) government; he is a member of the NLD's economic committee.

Topics tabled to be discussed include: The impact of remaining US sanctions, the future of US-Burma economic cooperation, Burma's political and military transition, civilian and military relations, the country's peace process, and Buddhist-Muslim relations in Arakan State.

The keynote speech will be delivered by Ben Rhodes, Deputy National Security Adviser for Strategic Communications within President Obama's administration. Amy Searight, a Senior Adviser and Director at CSIS, will deliver the introductory speech.

Neither speaker is a stranger to Burma. Ben Rhodes was working in the country in Aug. 2013 when the United States announced plans to work with the Burma Army to transform it into a professional national security force overseen by a civilian government.

Amy Searight met with senior Burmese military officials when she accompanied Deputy Commander of US Pacific Command Lt-Gen Anthony G. Crutchfield and Assistant Secretary of State Thomas Malinowski as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense on a trip to Naypyidaw in 2014.

A session on economic growth and development will be attended by both U Bo Bo Nge and Serge Pun (aka U Thein Wai), the chairman of Serge Pun & Associates and a well-known business tycoon who found success under Burma's military rule, as well as during President Thein Sein's military-backed administration. They will be joined by Erin Murphy, founder of the Inle Advisory Group—a Washington consultancy firm that advises on doing business in Burma, and a lobbyist for the lifting of US sanctions on the country.

U Kyaw Yin Hlaing, a Burmese participant in a panel on "Myanmar's Political Transition: Looking Ahead," is the Director of Myanmar Egress, a pro-Thein Sein NGO. He used to be a senior member of the now-defunct Myanmar Peace Center, a peace negotiation team formed with Thein Sein's blessing.

For the discussion, he will be joining US Ambassador to Burma under Thein Sein's government Derek Mitchell and chief editor of Nikkei Asian Review Gwen Robinson. She covered Burma as a Financial Times correspondent when Thein Sein was in power and was one of the few for­eign correspondents to reportedly have unlimited access to Thein Sein, traveling with him on trips.

Also joining the session is Murray Hiebert, a Senior Adviser and Deputy Director of CSIS's Southeast Asia Program, who has been known to encourage the US government to work alongside Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to find practical ways to unwind remaining US economic sanctions against Burma and military reengagement.

Bertil Lintner, a Swedish journalist and longtime expert on Burma, told The Irrawaddy that a look at the names on the panel was enough to convince him of how one-sided the discussion is likely to be.

"Not a single independent voice. Only old, pro-Thein Sein people which, by extension, means people who are more likely to be critical of the NLD than of the military," he said.

The post Pro-Military Cooperation Names Dominate US-Burma Discussion Panel appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

More Than 3,000 Villagers Flee Escalating Conflict in Karen State

Posted: 12 Sep 2016 04:03 AM PDT

KESAN

Border Guard Force soldiers deployed on the Asian Highway in Karen State on Sunday.(Photo: KESAN)

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — More than 3,000 villagers in Karen State have fled escalating conflict between a splinter group of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) and a joint force of the Burma Army and its allied Border Guard Force (BGF).

The residents of villages around the Mae Tha Waw and Myaing Gyi Ngu areas of Hlaingbwe Township fled after Burma Army and BGF reinforcements were sent to the conflict-torn Mae Tha Waw area, where the DKBA splinter group—named after its late commander Na Ma Kyar—keeps mobile bases.

An official at a liaison office of the Karen National Union (KNU)—the largest ethnic Karen armed organization—in the Thai-Burma border town of Myawaddy told The Irrawaddy that "four to five" trucks carrying Burma Army and BGF soldiers have been traveling to the area "everyday" since the beginning of the month, after the DKBA splinter group announced it would mount new offensives.

The KNU and DKBA both the signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement with the previous government last year, and have since had better relations with the Burma Army.

The liaison officer said the Burma Army and the BGF were "waiting for the Myaing Gyi Ngu Sayadaw to finish building a pagoda on the Mae Tha Waw road. After that, we expect more fighting."

The Myaing Gyi Ngu Sayadaw is a Buddhist monk, known as U Thuzana, who helped found the DKBA in 1994 out of a Buddhist faction splitting from the Christian-dominated KNU. He still wields considerable influence in the DKBA, and in the BGF. He has inflamed religious tensions in Karen State this year by ordering his followers to build Buddhist pagodas in the compounds of Muslim and Christian places of worship.

Sources close to the KNU on the Thai-Burma border, who asked for anonymity, said that current Burma Army and BGF reinforcements are intended not only to hunt down Maj. Saw Saw Aung, a leader of the DKBA splinter faction who is on a Burma Army wanted list, but also to mount a more comprehensive operation against the splinter faction.

"They have already calculated the risks and the benefits of launching an offensive," said the KNU official.

On Sunday, the Burma Army and the BGF reportedly shelled the vicinity of Waboe Taung, also known as Wa Klu Lu, a base belong to the DKBA splinter group. There are believed to have been casualties but no figures have been confirmed.

Sources close to the DKBA said that the Burma Army—with troops from Light Infantry divisions 22 and 44—and the BGF were spread across several frontlines, in the areas of Myaing Gyi Ngu, Yinbaing, Mae Seik, Wa Boe Taung and Mae Tha Waw in Hlaingbwe Township.

Maj. Saw San Aung told The Irrawaddy, "Light Infantry Division 44 and Artillery Battalion 207 from Kyaik Kaw joined them [the BGF]. Some are coming from Ka Ma Maung and Ohn Daung across the [KNU] Brigade 5 border."

"They [the Burma Army and the BGF] have fired artillery almost everyday. Because we are outnumbered, we only respond at the right time and from the right position," he added.

In a video that went viral on Facebook over the weekend, some 2,000 villagers—abandoning their homes out of fear of further fighting—are seen being carried away on trucks, with the aid of the monk U Thuzana, to be sheltered in Myaing Gyi Ngu village. Many of them were women and children and were unable to take sufficient food and belongings with them.

Fighting in the areas of Mae Tha Waw and Myaing Gyi Ngu was also reported by Thai news agencies and television broadcasters. Several dozen villagers living in the border village of Mae Tha Waw crossed the Moei River into Thailand's Tha Song Yan District for sanctuary.

Witnesses told The Irrawaddy that well-armed BGF troops have been deployed over the weekend along the Asian Highway connecting the border town of Myawaddy with the Karen State capital of Hpa-an. The highway remains open.

Sources on the border have speculated that the Burma Army and the BGF are seeking to gain better control of the Mae Tha Waw area, which is close to the former KNU headquarters of Marnerplaw and still features KNU troops along the Moei River.

Sources have also claimed that the Burma Army and the BGF is aiming to secure the site of the stalled Hatgyi Dam project on the Salween River in Hlaingbwe Township, close to the border with Papun Township. KNU Brigade 5 has opposed the dam, and has troops based nearby in the area of Mae Tha Waw along the Moei and Salween rivers.

When asked, a high-ranking KNU military official said that KNU troops based along the border had not gotten involved in the fighting, with no instructions to do so coming from the leadership.

KNU leaders have also yet to take any initiative in seeking to resolve the current conflict involving the DKBA splinter faction in negotiation with the Burma Army.

The post More Than 3,000 Villagers Flee Escalating Conflict in Karen State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Nationalists Clash with Locals, Reporters at Rally in Rangoon

Posted: 12 Sep 2016 12:58 AM PDT

Nationalist groups protest against the Kofi Annan-led Arakan State Advisory Commission at Bosein Mhan sports ground in Rangoon's Bahan Township on Sunday (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Nationalist groups protest against the Kofi Annan-led Arakan State Advisory Commission at Bosein Mhan sports ground in Rangoon's Bahan Township on Sunday (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A protest in Rangoon's Bahan Township against the Arakan State Advisory Commission saw confrontations between firebrand nationalists and frustrated locals on Sunday. Two journalists covering the protests were also assaulted by nationalist protestors.

A few hundred nationalists assembled at the Bosein Mhan sports ground including leading monks from groups such as the Ma Ba Tha-affiliated Myanmar Nationalist Network. A Buddhist nationalist named Zaw Win applied for the peaceful assembly permit from local police, the head of Bahan Township police U Win Swe verified.

Speeches from a makeshift stage and banners denounced—in sometimes racist language—former UN-chief Kofi Annan, who is heading the commission, as well as Rangoon Division Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein and Mandalay Division Chief Minister U Zaw Myint Maung, who have publicly criticized Ma Ba Tha and the Buddhist nationalist movement in Burma.

People began heckling and cursing demonstrators after police refused locals access to play football. A quarrel broke out at the western corner of the park, away from the rally stage. Police struggled to mediate the situation and maintain peace.

As reporters and photographers approached to cover the aggression, seasoned photojournalist Ko Myat Thu Kyaw was accosted by three unidentified men. Irrawaddy reporter Ko Moe Myint, witnessed the men punch the photographer twice in the face.

"Many people punched my face. I don't know who they are; I did not recognize them," said Ko Myat Thu Kyaw. Ko Thura from media outlet Mizzima was among others attacked at different locations around the sports ground, according to reporters.

Nationalists are unhappy about the inclusion of foreigners on the commission, which was created at the behest of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Last week a proposal to debate the removal of international members of the commission was voted down in parliament.

Thu Nanda, a leading monk with the National Saving Youths Society, called Kofi Annan Ngafi  Annan, "ngafi" being an insulting slang term in Burmese. He also used a racial slur, Ghana Kalar Mae—"Ghana" referring to Kofi Annan's Ghanaian nationality, "kalar" being a derogatory word used for Muslims or those of Indian descent, and "mae" meaning black.

Hundreds of Arakanese migrant workers in garment factory participated in the rally. "We are dissatisfied with Kofi Annan's inclusion. That's why we are here today," said one female worker, who declined to give her name, or that of their organizer.

This is not the first time journalists have been threatened and abused at nationalist rallies. At a demonstration against the death sentence handed to two Burmese migrant workers by a Thai judge in December 2015, Ma Ba Tha supporters encouraged attendees to "beat the reporters, skin those guys" when they began covering a quarrel at the rally.

The post Nationalists Clash with Locals, Reporters at Rally in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘There is a New Cold War in Asia’: Bertil Lintner 

Posted: 12 Sep 2016 12:52 AM PDT

Swedish journalist Bertil Lintner is the author of several books on Burma, including

Swedish journalist Bertil Lintner is the author of several books on Burma, including "Outrage: Burma's Struggle for Democracy" and "Burma in Revolt: Opium and Insurgency Since 1948." (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

The Irrawaddy asks Swedish journalist, author and Burma expert Bertil Lintner about the changing US-Burma relationship, as Burma's State Counselor and Foreign Minister Daw Aung San Suu Kyi visits the US this week.

During Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's trip to the US, do you see the US easing sanctions further, or removing them entirely? Would that be wise?

There are certain sanctions that I believe will not and cannot be lifted, for instance the arms embargo, as long as there is a civil war, and sanctions against certain individuals, some of the so-called cronies, who have been and still are involved in the arms trade and outright criminal activities such as drug trafficking.

The Obama administration is interested in engaging the Burmese military—providing non-lethal assistance and education. Members of some ethnic groups have expressed concern and opposition to this. Under the Ne Win government (1962-88), Burma received arms from the US and some intelligence officers were even trained in the US. Do you see military-to-military engagement being expanded if Daw Aung San Suu Kyi gives the go ahead? After all, she is part of the armed forces family, because her father was the founder of the military. She always insists on having a professional army that is loved by the people. What role do you think she will play?

Under the 2008 Constitution, Burma's armed forces are autonomous, in the sense that it takes orders only from the commander-in-chief, not the elected government—so Suu Kyi’s role in this regard is very limited. It is only in personal conversations with military officers that she may be able to influence the military. Will they listen to her? That remains to be seen. As for now, it seems to be the other way round. By asserting that they are behind the elected government, the military can capitalize on the legitimacy of that government, especially when it comes to stripping ethnic armed organizations of their claims to legitimacy.

The media has reported that Burmese generals prefer US training and weapons to Chinese variants and are tired of being dependent on China. But we are also seeing more military engagement between China and Burma.

Burma is strategically too important to China to let it go and become a US ally. It's China's outlet to the Indian Ocean, and oil- and gas-lines have been built from [Arakan] State to China's Yunnan province. It is also clear that China has not given up hope that the Myitsone [dam] project will be resumed. There are also other China-sponsored hydroelectric power projects in Burma, for instance on the Salween River. Therefore, China has unleashed a charm offensive with promises to build hospitals and to improve Burma's infrastructure. And, let's face it, Burma can't ignore China, a powerful neighbor. The US is, after all, far away.

Do you think the US's engagement in Burma has more to do with countering rising Chinese influence than anything else? 

We have to bear in mind that human rights and democracy are not the two most important issues that determine US foreign policy.

There is a new Cold War in Asia with an increasingly assertive China on one side and a loose alliance of the US, India and Japan on the other. In May this year, the US announced that it would lift its arms embargo against Vietnam, hardly a democratic nation that respects human rights, but a very useful ally against China.

In 2011, Burma began to drift away from the close alliance it had had with China since crushing the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, [a move that] was welcomed by the US. In fact, Burma is the only example of the US managing to expand its influence at the expense of China's. But it is a rollback situation that the US has to handle carefully because democracy and human rights are still important issues to many congressmen, senators and civil lobby groups in Washington.

What do you think of the conference organized by the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington DC on Tuesday. Some Burma watchers consider it controversial because some participants were supporters of the former U Thein Sein government?

I took a look at the names on the panel and was surprised to see how one-sided it was. Not a single independent voice, only old, pro-Thein Sein people which, by extension, means people who would be more critical of the NLD than of the military.

The post 'There is a New Cold War in Asia': Bertil Lintner  appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

US Should Mandate Change in Exchange for Sanctions Relief

Posted: 11 Sep 2016 06:24 PM PDT

US President Barack Obama and State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi after their meeting at her residence in Rangoon on Nov. 14, 2014. (Photo: Kevin Lamarque / Reuters)

US President Barack Obama and State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi after their meeting at her residence in Rangoon on Nov. 14, 2014. (Photo: Kevin Lamarque / Reuters)

It is time for the United States to stop agonizing about economic sanctions against Burma.  However, the answer is not simply to remove all sanctions, but to keep targeted sanctions in place while providing a constructive pathway forward to later eliminate those remaining as Burma continues its process of democratic reform.

While there has been significant progress toward such reform—particularly since the November 2015 elections that brought the National League for Democracy into power—it is not complete, and significant challenges must be overcome before a genuine, federal, democratic Union—as well as true peace—can be established.

The Obama administration started to restructure sanctions against Burma in May 2012, when it relaxed a prohibition on new investment, relieved stringent visa bans and allowed exportation of most financial services. In general, three classes of sanctions remain:

  1. Export of financial services and provision of security services to individuals and organizations related to the Ministry of Defense, state and non-state armed groups, and businesses that are more than 50 percent owned by military organizations.
  1. Import of jadeite and rubies or their finished products.

Investment and business dealings with individuals and organizations identified as Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons, commonly referred to as the SDN list.

Armed conflict between Burma's defense services and the country's ethnic armed organizations continues.  Even during the recently convened 21st Century Panglong Conference, the government and the Burma Army refused to issue a temporary ceasefire, and battles raged on in Kachin and northern Shan states while stakeholders discussed peace in Naypyidaw.

Exploitation of natural resources continues, with both private individuals and elements of the armed forces profiting significantly from the unrestricted exportation of jade and other natural resources. The military-drafted 2008 Constitution gives the Burma Army significant political power, regardless of the 2015 election results and its clear message from voters that the armed forces should step aside from politics.

Perhaps most significantly, human rights violations by the armed forces and security services organizations continue unabated. Until these issues and challenges are resolved, the United States should keep targeted sanctions in place, as most recently reaffirmed by the US Congress in May 2016.

Just last month, a Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) parliamentarian proposed that Burma's government should attempt to pressure the United States to lift sanctions. The USDP was formed in 2010 by elements of the former military junta, and it ruled the country under former President U Thein Sein from March 2011 to March 2016.

While the proposal was defeated by a vote of 219 to 151, its discussion by lawmakers indicates the importance and value of lifting sanctions. The key here is not to offer blanket relief but to establish a clear pathway forward to eliminate sanctions tied to reform objectives:

  1. As long as the Burma Army continues its attacks on ethnic armies and human rights violations, the United States should continue restricting export of defense services, including sales of defense articles and military-to-military assistance.

The armed forces receive more than 20 percent of the country's annual budget, and control two enormous business conglomerates (the Myanmar Economic Corporation and the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings), which are not accountable to the government.  While these assets continue to support attacks against the people and perpetuate gross human rights abuses, the United States should not provide military equipment.

The United States has already initiated limited high-level military-to-military contacts focusing on the role of the nation's military forces under a democratic government, the terms of the Geneva Convention and the military's role in protecting its citizens.

This should continue, and the United States should relax funding restrictions that interfere with scheduling and executing these events. However, participation in International Military Education and Training, Joint Chiefs of Staff exercise programs, and other developmental programs must hinge on ending the country's armed conflict and developing a military force that is accountable to an elected civilian government.

  1. The Tom Lantos Block Burma JADE Act of 2008 must stay in place until the government cleans up its jadeite and ruby mining practices. An October 2015 report by the London-based NGO Global Witness titled "Jade: Myanmar's Big State Secret" described a US$31 billion jade industry controlled by a network of military elites, drug lords and crony companies.

Entire mountains in Kachin State housing some of the world's largest jade deposits have disappeared, with only minimal tax revenue and profits reaching Burma's citizens.  Only after the government reforms this massive theft of natural resources should the United States consider the recension of the JADE Act.

  1. The United States should review and update the SDN list, as there are individuals and organizations on this list that have demonstrated that they are committed to the reform process. This may prove challenging to the Office of Foreign Assets Control, as there is no definitive and prescriptive legal guidance for removing individuals and organizations from the SDN list.

However, there are individuals and organizations that continue to profit from their past relationships with the military junta, access to confiscated property, the questionable "ownership" of natural resources, or the narcotics trade, which significantly hampers economic reform and equitable distribution of profits from the country's natural resources.  It is up to the United States to clean up its own administrative system and determine who needs to remain on the SDN list.

Advanced reporting on State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's visit to the United States later this month already indicates that the United States is considering further easing or lifting of sanctions. Above all, the United States should ensure that it protects all of Burma's citizens in the ongoing reform process by mandating change in exchange for sanctions relief. The United States should avoid a mere emotional gain associated with rewarding Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for incomplete reform.

 Kristine Gould is the CEO of PACRIM Research Associates, which conducts research in Southeast Asia. Larry Dohrs is the Chairman of the Board of Directors for US Campaign for Burma.

The post US Should Mandate Change in Exchange for Sanctions Relief appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Nationalist protest gets heated as locals push back

Posted: 12 Sep 2016 12:05 AM PDT

Tired of an outpouring of nationalist sentiment in their backyard, Bahan township residents shot back at protesters demonstrating against the Rakhine State Advisory Commission yesterday.

Tatmadaw discharges 68 former child soldiers

Posted: 11 Sep 2016 11:34 PM PDT

A group of 68 former child soldiers was freed by the Tatmadaw late last week.

Women’s groups demand justice in 2015 abduction

Posted: 11 Sep 2016 11:33 PM PDT

Women's rights groups are demanding action in a year-old case involving the abduction and torture of a teenager from North Okkalapa township.

Nationalists commemorate U Ottama

Posted: 11 Sep 2016 11:29 PM PDT

Rakhine nationalists in Yangon and Sittwe last week commemorated the 77th anniversary since the death of U Ottama, a former monk repeatedly jailed under British colonial rule.

Interview with Minister of Health Dr Myint Htwe

Posted: 11 Sep 2016 11:23 PM PDT

The World Health Organization (WHO) held its annual Southeast Asia regional conference in Colombo, Sri Lanka, from September 5 to 9. On the sidelines of the conference, The Myanmar Times' Aung Shin spoke with Dr Myint Htwe, Union Minister for Health and Sport.

Kachin parties object to ethnic minorities’ calls for separate state

Posted: 11 Sep 2016 11:18 PM PDT

Kachin ethnic politicians have cracked down hard on an attempt by Lisu and Red Shan activists to call for their own state within Myanmar. In a statement issued on September 7, the Kachin Political Cooperation Committee announced its objections to the demand, which was voiced at the 21st-century Panglong Conference.

Health officials: Zika plan to focus on public awareness

Posted: 11 Sep 2016 11:16 PM PDT

The Ministry of Health and Sports and the World Health Organization (WHO) will launch a Zika virus awareness program in the coming weeks, said WHO Myanmar adviser U Myo Lwin.

Upper house MPs object to removal of ban on protest inducements

Posted: 11 Sep 2016 11:13 PM PDT

An upper house lawmaker is challenging a decision by the lower chamber to remove a provision of the Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law making it illegal to incentivise individuals to join a demonstration.

Mandalay notes drop in dengue cases

Posted: 11 Sep 2016 11:12 PM PDT

Dengue fever cases have plummeted in Mandalay Region this year, with health officials attributing the dip to effective pesticide spraying and cyclical trends of the disease.

Large whale rescued on Manaung beach

Posted: 11 Sep 2016 11:09 PM PDT

A large black whale was rescued by locals after it washed up on the shore of an island in southern Rakhine State on September 9.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


To Hopeland and Back: The 21st trip for the 21st Century Panglong

Posted: 12 Sep 2016 05:36 AM PDT

Photo taken after the State Counselor-PPST 
meeting, 24 August 2016, in Naypyitaw.
(Photo: VOA)
Day Three. Wednesday, 24 August 2016
Get to know your opposite numbers at all levels socially.
Friends take longer to fall out.
The Global Negotiator

Today marks my first meeting with the State Counselor from the second row of seats. That is understandable. As I'm only an extra. And our leaders in the first row seem to be handling their job pretty well. She opens the meeting, which is being held at the ballroom of the hotel, saying she supports meeting with people face to face rather than writing to each other. "Talking to each other serves to build up trust. If we don't have trust, the agreement signed between us will just become a scrap. But we need to be frank with each other. Our words must be true, beneficial and bearable (I think she's paraphrasing the Buddha's Six Types of Speech). The most important question in the world, to me is 'Why?'"

Then comes the turn for our spokespersons: Gen Mutu Saypoe, Dr Lian Hmung Sakhong and Khun Myint Tun to present the signatories' case, which I won't be repeating here.

 And here is her response to them:
·         The NCA must be implemented together as equal partners. I have no intention to diverge from it, though I don't agree with some of the terms there, like holding the political dialogue 90 days after the signing. But I was told it would be flexible and easy to revise, so I had accepted it. (Many will argue here that what is "flexible and easy to revise" is not the NCA, which was ratified by the Union Assembly without objection, but the Framework for Political Dialogue, which needs approval only by the Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting formed with an equal number of representatives from each side, in this case, 8)
·         The JICM will be held today (as requested by the PPST)
·         The National level Political Dialogues (NPD) will follow the 21st Century Panglong
·         The PPST has requested that there be 3 chairs to preside over the Conference (one each from the government-parliament-military bloc, EAOs and the political parties). But I don't think the 5 proposed by us (one each from government, parliament, military, EAOs and political parties) has any design to dominate the process
·         Liaison offices issue. The NRPC (National Reconciliation and Peace Commission) shall be responsible to lay down the basic principles
·         Funding issue. Not for the government to get the upper hand, but to see that everyone gets equitable share
·         The signatories' contact persons to the government should be U Kyaw Tint Swe and Dr Tin Myo Win
·         As for the non-signatories, we should cooperate to produce a common interpretation of the NCA and then ask them to sign it

During the meeting she and Gen Mutu exchange quotes from Victor Hugo's novels.

When the latter said, "He who opens a schools door, closes a prison," she responds by saying something like, "The greatest revolution is the revolution of the minds," mentioning it comes from Les Miserables.

Well, as I have never read Hugo's works, except those that are retold in abridged forms, I don't have anything to add, even if they allow me to. But I don't think anyone in the room is in a mind to do that. Because this meeting, unlike previous ones I had attended, has now a center of gravity: the State Counselor. 

During lunch, government representatives whom I have known since the negotiations began have an advice for the EAOs.

"Next time, please inform the points you want to discuss in advance, so the SC can be better prepared."

To which one of the PPST members agrees, adding that one problem had been they didn't know who they could at all times contact. Now that the contact persons have been designated, there should be no more headaches about it.

The JICM, the 4thsince October, and the first time since the new government took over in March, is then held.
The decisions include:
·         Approval of the Union Peace Conference (21stCentury Panglong) Preparatory Committee members (non signatories included)
·         Approval of the new UPDJC/JMC
·         To draft the ToR for liaison offices

All in all, the meeting goes quite well except for the brief and violent interruption by 6.8 magnitude quake at 17:04, which kills 4 (not in Naypyitaw) and destroys more than 100 old pagodas in Pagan/Bagan.

We have a brief review of the meetings today in the evening. I don't remember much because I have not been taking notes. But one comment by a leader sticks in my mind as I walk back to my room afterward:
"The first Union Peace Conference (in January) was a farewell party for President Thein Sein. The upcoming one, in contrast, is a welcome party for the State Counselor."


Do you agree?

People’s militia leader shot dead in Laikha Township

Posted: 11 Sep 2016 09:29 PM PDT

Maj. Sai Toi, the leader of the Wanparng People's Militia, was shot to death on Thursday in Laikha Township, southern Shan State.


 According to local sources who wished to remain anonymous, Sai Toi was shot around 9pm while visiting residents in Wanparng village, the group's headquarters.

"An unknown individual opened fire on him," said one of the sources. "He died immediately at the scene."

A cremation service was held for Maj. Sai Toi the following day in Wanparng, attended by representatives of the Burmese military and other people's militias in the area, including the Mahasarng and Pang Leng Sai groups.

Wanparng People's Militia used to be Brigade 758, a unit under the control of the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA). It was led at the time by Col. Murngzuen who surrendered to the Burmese armed forces in 2005, after which it was transformed into a people's militia force.

In 2010, Col. Murngzuen was killed; Maj. Sai Toi then stepped up to take over as leader of the group.

Some sources have hinted that Sai Toi's killing may be linked to an affair or sexual liaison, while others speculated that it was business related.

By Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)