Shan Herald Agency for News |
- Commentary on Ethnic Armed Group Leaders meet US Delegation
- UWSA reinforces presence in Mongla territory
- US will not pressure EAOs to sign NCA: report
- 2,000 villagers displaced from fighting between Burma Army and RCSS/SSA
- Exiled Burmese prince dies in small Alberta town
- Mong Ton Dam issue fast becoming a Shan's “Alamo”?
- Shan rebel President passes away
- Sixth Tone
- Burma army attacks RCSS/SSA in Mong Kung
- Trouble in the Other Golden Triangle
- Whitewash at Chiang Saen
- Build relationship, not dams
| Commentary on Ethnic Armed Group Leaders meet US Delegation Posted: 06 Oct 2016 04:33 AM PDT If the US Army is helping Burma army to become democracy adhering entity, respecting universal human rights and acceptance of the civilian government's rule, voluntarily going back to the barracks, well and good. At least, this is what is understood by the UNFC leadership, from the meeting with the US Ambassador to Burma Scot Marciel and Lt-Gen Anthony G. Crutchfield—Deputy Commander of the US Pacific Command. But if the hidden agenda is just to make use of the Burma army as a tool to encircle China, in its unspoken containment policy of the US, it would be just like the repetition of collaboration with the dictatorial governments around the world of the past US policy, in Cold-War era, when conducting its anti-communist policy. If this containment and encirclement policy would be the main intention and democratization is just a form of lip-service, Burma will be witnessing a new Cold-War, which would only bring down the country deeper into the pit of internal conflict or civil war. The ethnic and as well the Burma army should be neutral on such matters, or else all be doing a disservice to the people of Burma, rather than helping them achieve peace, reconciliation and development. By Khurtaikornkhaw | ||||||||
| UWSA reinforces presence in Mongla territory Posted: 06 Oct 2016 12:34 AM PDT The United Wa State Army (UWSA) has reportedly sent more troops into territory under the control of the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) as tensions mount between the two ethnic armed groups.  Speaking to Shan Herald on Wednesday, an NDAA official who asked to remain anonymous said, "Around 150 additional UWSA soldiers arrived in our area by army truck on the evening of October 4." Based in eastern Shan State's Mongla Township (officially known as Shan State Special Region 4), the NDAA has traditionally maintained close relations with the Wa army, which is considered the largest ethnic militia force in Burma with a troop strength estimated at 20,000. Commonly referred to as the Mongla Group, the NDAA has around 3,000 soldiers, according to data from the Myanmar Peace Monitor. On September 28, the UWSA sent in its Battalion 468 – some 600 troops pulled into NDAA territory in about 60 trucks. The Wa forces seized three NDAA bases: two mountain bases, Loi Kiusai and Loi Hsarm Hsoom, and a checkpoint at Parng Mark Fai. More than 150 NDAA guards were captured in the raids. "On September 30, they released 17 soldiers," said the same Mongla official. "On October 2, they released another 138 soldiers, so all the detained soldiers have now been released." He added that Parng Mark Fai checkpoint, which lies 100 kilometers from Kengtung Township, was handed back to the NDAA. However, he said that Pao Aik Pang, the commander of UWSA Battalion 468, had informed NDAA officials that the two mountain outposts would not be returned to them. "These two outposts are very high and are good for planning military strategy," said the Mongla official. "We can see Kengtung Township from these two mountains." UWSA commander Pao Aik Pang was charged with involvement in a massive heroin haul seized in eastern Shan State's Mong Peng Township in 2005. He was pardoned and released from prison during the tenure of President Thein Sein. Khuensai Jaiyen, the director of the Pyidaungsu Institute for Peace and Dialogue, suggested two possible reasons for the new conflict between these former allies; first, because the UWSA had requested the NDAA send a low-ranking delegation to attend the 21st Century Panglong Conference, the national peace talks led by Burma's State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi. However, the NDAA leader Sai Luen himself joined the conference. Secondly, the Mongla has demanded a self-administered zone for the Akha ethnic minority, while the UWSA had itself proposed setting up a self-administered Wa state at the Panglong Conference. By Shan Herald Agency for News | ||||||||
| US will not pressure EAOs to sign NCA: report Posted: 05 Oct 2016 08:45 PM PDT  The United States will not put pressure or any ethnic armed organization (EAO) that is yet sign to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), according to an EAO report that came out following that meeting with US ambassador Scott Marciel in Rangoon on Tuesday, 3 October. "The US embassy wants to inform stakeholders its action and intention to support the ongoing peace process," he was quoted as saying. "It will support the building of a federal union and most assistance will be done under USAID program. Furthermore, it will not put any pressure on any group that has not signed the NCA." The statement appears to be in response to media reports late last month that he, during a visit to Kachin State capital Myitkyina, had urged the Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/KIA) to sign the NCA with Naypyitaw, says the report. "The United States wants to keep an open and transparent relationship with all sides," he added. Mr Marciel is also scheduled to meet students, youth groups, professional groups and think tank groups. He expressed concern over ongoing fighting and difficulty in delivering humanitarian assistance to IDPs, and would raise these issues with the Burmese authorities, he said. The meeting's co-host was Lt-Gen Anthony Crutchfield, Deputy Commander of US Pacific Command, who reportedly explained that arms embargo would remain in place, and military to military relations would focus on promotion of rule of law and civilian rule. 9 EAO representatives, 4 representing non-signatories and 9 representing signatories, had attended the 2 hour long meeting. | ||||||||
| 2,000 villagers displaced from fighting between Burma Army and RCSS/SSA Posted: 05 Oct 2016 07:51 AM PDT Some 2,000 villagers have been displaced in Shan State's Mong Kung Township following clashes between Burmese government forces and the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA) on Saturday, according to an MP from the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD).
Sai Seng Mong, a Lower House MP from the SNLD representing Mong Kung Township, said that the clashes in his town caused great fear among the local population, compelling hundreds of families to flee their villages. "Villagers are now suffering because of fighting," he said. "As some 2,000 people have been displaced, it is very difficult to find places for them to stay." "These people are being sheltered at two monasteries in the Donglao town," added Sai Seng Mung, who is working with local volunteers to provide aid to the refugees. Following the clashes, some schools have reportedly been closed. Roads are also blocked and many residents dare not leave their houses. Clashes broke out on Saturday when Burmese army battalion 292 entered Wan Boi village, Donglao village-tract, in southern Shan State's Mong Kung Township, a RCSS/SSA stronghold, and also the site of a drug rehabilitation center that the Shan militia helps to operate. Further clashes occurred around the areas of Namlan and Mong Kung Townships.
According to Lt. Col. Sai Nguen, the RCSS/SSA's Peace Team secretary, the Burmese army issued no warning before the incursion. He said that according to the Ceasefire Joint Monitoring Committee (JMC), a bloc that was formed following the signing of a nationwide ceasefire (NCA) on October 15 last year, armed groups must inform ahead of time if wishing to encroach upon another group's territory. The RCSS/SSA is one of the signatories to the ceasefire accord. "It is the Burmese military's fault," Lt. Col. Sai Nguen said. "Because they did not follow the agreement." Reached for comment, Khuensai Jaiyen, the director of the Pyidaungsu Institute for Peace and Dialogue, or PI, the military manoeuvre was a breach of the NCA. "If they seek to solve issues by fighting, then what was the point of signing the NCA," he questioned. At the time of press, no official talks had taken place between the Burmese military and the RCSS/SSA. By Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN) | ||||||||
| Exiled Burmese prince dies in small Alberta town Posted: 04 Oct 2016 07:57 PM PDT
While he had heart problems in the past, his family told CTVNews.ca he died peacefully in his sleep at home in Innisfail, Alta. Hso Khan Pha, also known as Tiger Yawnghwe, was the son of Sao Shwe Thaike,the prince of Yawnghwe, a Shan State in what is now Burma.
In 1976, Yawnghwe married and had four children. "He spent the rest of his life in Canada and helped bring the family over," Kham Serk Yawnghwe, 34, Yawnghwe's youngest child, told CTVNews.ca on Tuesday. "He always tried to help the people of Shan State."
Since the military coup in 1962, there have been countless atrocities in Shan, Burma's largest state. Attacks on civilians and infrastructure and forced displacements have uprooted thousands of people in Shan State. Recent reports of military atrocities led the United States to call for an independent and credible investigation by Myanmar's government in December 2015. "Because of the political nature of our family, we were never able to travel to Shan State," his son said. "He was advocating for Shan State to become independent." Yawnghwe had lived in Innisfail since 2000. His body will be cremated and his family will hold a memorial in Edmonton. | ||||||||
| Mong Ton Dam issue fast becoming a Shan's “Alamo”? Posted: 04 Oct 2016 07:29 PM PDT  "Drowning a Thousand Island" documentary film produced by Action for Shan State Rivers launched on 21 September in Rangoon, Taunggyi, Kengtung and Chaing Mai portrays the forced exodus tragedy of the Kun Hing area, while revealing the unique natural beauty of the "Thousand Island" area along the Pang River tributary of the Salween, which is presently being threatened by plans to build the massive Mong Ton Dam in southern Shan State. Breathtaking drone footage provides bird's eye panoramas of hitherto unseen waterfalls, rapids and ancient temples nestled among the countless islands in the Pang river, out of bounds for decades due to the ongoing ethnic armed conflict, to astonished viewers. The 1996 to 1998 forced relocation of twelve townships in central Shan State included Kun Hing, Nam Zarng, Lai Kha, Ke See, Murng Kerng, Murng Nai, Lang Kher, Murmg Su, Murng Pan, Murng Paeng, Loi Lem and Ho Pong. Although this particular central Shan State township scenic and tragic narrative centers around Kun Hing, the actual affected areas included adjacent twelve townships involving some 300,000 people. In order to understand the bitterness of the Shan people and as to why this issue of Mong Ton Dam is fast becoming the Shan people's "Alamo"or last crucial political bastion, one would need to look at another two written documentation reports; namely, "Dispossessed" and "License to Rape". The former published by Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF) and the latter a joint publication by SHRF and Shan Women Action Network (SWAN), in 1998 and 2002 respectively. But first let us look at the proposed Mong Ton Dam project, which is gearing to start if the government could have its way. Salween Project and Mong Ton Dam The blueprints for a hydro-power project on the Salween include a series of dams in Shan State: the 7,100 megawatt Mong Ton Dam; the 1,400 MW Kunlong Dam; the 1,200 MW Nawng Pha Dam; and the 200 MW Mantone Dam. The project would also include plans for a 4,000 MW Ywathit Dam in Karenni State, and the 1,360 MW Hat Gyi Dam in Karen State. Investors in the projects include the China Three Gorges Corporation, a Chinese state-owned firm which operates the world's largest dam on the Yangtze River. The other foreign firms involved in the Salween project are: Sinohydro; China Southern Grid; and a subsidiary of the state-run Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand. According to Salween Watch Coalition's report of March 2016, the "Current Status of Dam Projects on the Salween River," Mong Ton Dam Project (Tasang Dam/Mai Tong Dam) is located about 40 kilometers from Ban Arunothai, Chiang Dao District, Chiang Mai, Thailand. Originally, the dam was to be located at Tasang, but as the former project developers was unable to construct the dam in this location, a new project was proposed. The dam site for the 'Mai Tong Dam', as it is known in Burmese, is 10 kilometers along the river from the initial location, closer to Mong Ton Township. The Australian company, Snowy Mountains Engineering Corporation (SMEC) has been commissioned to carry out an Environmental Impact Assessment in Shan State. However the legitimacy and quality of the report has been questioned by a number of civil society organizations in Shan State. The study team has met with opposition from local villagers in many areas. The study is also far from complete, as part of the study area along the Salween River is under the control of the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and they have refused to give permission to the study team to enter the area. A major concern is the size of the project: The dam site and reservoir will stretch 870 kilometers along the Salween and Pang Rivers, its main tributary in central Shan State. Local people in the area were forcibly relocated by Burmese government troops in the 90's, and at least 300,000 people were displaced during this time. The projected reservoir size is said to be 640 sq kilometers. The Protest Following the 12 August announcement of the National League for Democracy (NLD) government that the hydro power projects on the Salween River will be continued as the country is in need of energy, the 26 Shan Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) sent an open letter on 17 August, demanding to stop the project. The Committee for Shan State Unity (CSSU) followed suit, on 29 August, issuing a statement, demanding that the project be shelved. The eight point protest and rejection statement of CSSU mainly underlined the fact that energy won from the hydro-power dams of 15,000 megawatts would be just for export; the NLD government has committed itself to dam the Salween river; the China part of Salween (called Nu river) was suspended due to the fear of earth quake, but pushed for the building of it on Burma, Shan State, side being unreasonable; Burma is a natural disaster prone region, including earth quake, partly due to the exploitation of the natural resources; no transparency according to the international standard in conducting the feasibility studies; pushing big dam projects before constitutional amendments addressing the power and resources sharing could be worked out; and urged the government to review the project which threatened people's lives, property and homes, and also destroy the ecological system. The final eight paragraph explicitly warned: "Large dam projects threaten people's lives, property and homes, and also destroy the ecological system. Just as the government has decided to review and suspend the Myitsone dam, we strongly urge the government to review the dam projects on the Salween river. If the Salween dams go ahead against the wishes of local ethnic communities, we will join with all the ethnic people, civil society groups and environmental groups in opposing the dams." The CSSU is comprised of Shan political parties and armed groups, including the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS). Speaking at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand (FCCT) in the Thai capital recently, Sai Khur Hseng of the Shan Sapawa Environmental Organization and spokesperson for the joint-statement, said that the new Burmese government has tried to implement the hydro-power projects without caring about the suffering of ordinary people. "While all eyes were on the Irrawaddy- Myitsone dam, Burma has quietly sold off the Salween to China," said Sai Khur Hseng. "We fear there has been a trade-off." Regarding the Mong Ton Dam, Sai Leik, SNLD's spokesperson and joint-secretary, said that the proposed hydro-power plant is only seen as an export commodity and not in anyway aimed at regional development. As such, the party rejected the dam-building and as well, the Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs) and Social Impact Assessments (SIAs) outcomes, which were in-comprehensive with no transparency. He elaborated: "When we are still unable to promulgate a constitution that exactly defines the economical distribution, sharing of natural resources and taxation, implementing this kind of project could lead to repetition of more conflict". "This would slow down the State Counselor's peace process. If this project would be pushed through by all means using political pressure, (the government) would have to meet the disapproval and ire of the people. The implementation party would become historical villain and the party that allows it an accomplice," stressed Sai Leik. His chairman, Hkun Htun Oo added: "Dam-building on Salween needs to be approved by the concerned state's people. But if it is done without their consent, national reconciliation would have to wait more longer." He also made it plain that failure to stop the project would have a tremendous effect on the well-being of the peace process. Dispossessed The relocation of central Shan State by the then military regime was to deny support base for the Shan United Revolutionary Army (SURA), which later changed its name into RCSS that had regrouped to continue the resistance after the surrender of Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army (MTA) in 1996. In process, the Shan population in central Shan State were forcefully relocated near to big towns, where the military could control them for its own security reason and aimed at crushing the Shan resistance. Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF) reported that since 1996, some 300,000 people of over 1,400 villages throughout 7,000 square miles were ordered to move at gunpoint into strategic relocation sites. But reportedly, the 80 percent majority opted to flee to Thailand, while some 20 percent gave in to be relocated and a small amount chose to hide in the jungles. In 1997, in addition to expanding the area of forced relocation, the regime's troops also began systematically killing villagers caught outside the relocation sites in a program to deter others from going back to their original villages. Villagers have also been massacred in large groups. This has included those who were given official permission to return to their villages. On March 30, 1997, Burma Army troops raped and shot dead a girl of 12 while she was taking hay to cattle in a field near her old village of Ho Pung, Lai Kha township. When her relatives requested permission to bury the body, the Burma Army troops said: "She must be kept like this as an example for you people of Shan State to see, if you bury her you must die with her." (SHRF June 1997 monthly report) On July 11, 1997, Burma Army troops laid out the beheaded bodies of 26 villagers beside the main Keng Lom-Kun Hing road in an apparent warning to other villagers straying from the relocation sites. On July 12, a further 12 headless corpses of villagers were placed by the Keng Lom-Keng Tawng road in Kun Hing township. Throughout 1997, Burma Army troops killed villagers who were simply foraging for food near the relocation sites. Examples include a woman blown up by a grenade when collecting bamboo shoots in a field (May 30, 1997, Kun Hing); 3 men shot dead when fishing in a stream (March 30, 1997, Nam Zarng); and 6 men shot dead when collecting wild honey in the forest (June 6, 1997, Nam Zarng). Villagers have also been massacred in large groups. This has included those who were given official permission to return to their villages. For example, on June 16, 1997, two groups of villagers who had been relocated to the town of Kun Hing were given permission to return to their old villages to collect rice. They left in two convoys of ox-carts. Both groups were stopped on the way by Burma Army troops; one near Sai Khao, one near Tard Pa Ho waterfall. In one group, 29 of the villagers were massacred, in the other 27. One of the survivors, a woman with a small child, who was spared, related the horror of the massacre: "We were made to stay in a house. . They (the Burma Army troops) came to the door and called out the people one by one. They called away 16 people first, 12 men and 4 women. Then they came and called another group of 10. . . Then to the west I heard bursts of machine gunfire. They were killing the 16 people. Then after just a bit I heard gunfire nearby. . . In the group of 10 my husband died. In the group of 16 my younger sister and her husband died... I was sure I would be killed too.. I was shaking, shaking! I was sitting and shaking all the time. My blood was hot all over my body. I could not think properly. I would have run away but they were standing there guarding me... I think I would be dead if I hadn't had my son with me. One of the women who was killed had left her baby at home. She squeezed out milk from her breast to show she had a baby, but the SLORC commander said that her baby must have died (and killed her anyway)." (KHRG interview with villager from Keng Kham, August 30, 1997) The extrajudicial killings also include people who were killed while inside relocation sites. For example, on February 21, 1997, at about 9.00 pm, 2 Shan families, including three young children, were blown up while sheltering in a ditch near their homes by SLORC troops at Kho Lam relocation site in Nam Zarng township. The troops had fired shells into the site in retaliation for a Shan Army raid in the area. During this two to three years period of relocation, SHRF documented a total conservative estimate of of 664 killed, of which 319 deaths were from Kun Hing, suffering the most out of the nine townships that had faced extra-judicial killings. License to Rape The executive summary of the "License to Rape" details 173 incidents of rape and other forms of sexual violence, involving 625 girls and women, committed by Burmese army troops in Shan State, mostly between 1996 and 2001. The report reveals that the Burmese military regime is allowing its troops systematically and on a widespread scale to commit rape with impunity in order to terrorize and subjugate the ethnic peoples of Shan State. The report illustrates there is a strong case that war crimes and crimes against humanity, in the form of sexual violence, have occurred and continue to occur in Shan State. The report gives clear evidence that rape is officially condoned as a 'weapon of war' against the civilian populations in Shan State. There appears to be a concerted strategy by the Burmese army troops to rape Shan women as part of their anti-insurgency activities. The incidents detailed were committed by soldiers from 52 different battalions. 83% of the rapes were committed by officers, usually in front of their own troops. The rapes involved extreme brutality and often torture such as beating, mutilation and suffocation. 25% of the rapes resulted in death, in some incidences with bodies being deliberately displayed to local communities. 61% were gang-rapes; women were raped within military bases, and in some cases women were detained and raped repeatedly for periods of up to 4 months. Out of the total 173 documented incidents, in only one case was a perpetrator punished by his commanding officer. More commonly, the complainants were fined, detained, tortured or even killed by the military. The majority of rape incidents were committed in the areas of Central Shan State where over 300,000 villagers have been forcibly relocated from their homes since 1996. Many rapes took place when girls or women were caught, usually searching for food, outside the relocation sites. Rapes also occurred when women were being forced to porter or do other unpaid work for the military, and when stopped at military checkpoints. Perspective Having linked the three documentation reports, it could now be concluded that the bone of contention is that while the NLD regime is bent on implementing the Salween dam project solely aimed at exporting the energy won from it, the Shan are determined to resist it, as they consider that they are being unfairly exploited, first by clearing their inhabited areas in the name of anti-insurgency campaign - with the pretext of protecting sovereignty and upholding national unity - and currently, denying their rights of decision-making and administering their own natural resources. For the directive of hasty implementation decision made by the government while the peace process, to work out power and resources sharing through constitutional rewriting or amendments is still underway, it is in no way an appropriate undertaking just to export the Shan people's owned resources, won from the devastation of the environment. Furthermore, the argument is that if the Chinese are not ready to build dams on their side of Nu river, which is the upper part of Salween river, due to the fear of earth quake, the question to be asked here is, why could it be reasonable that the dams be built in Shan State should be allowed, that is also prone to the earth quake, as evident by what have happened just a few years back, in eastern Shan State. To sum up the situation, this dam issue is fast becoming a Shan's "Alamo", with patience running thin on both sides of the conflict spectrum, as could be seen by the fervent protests of CSSU, the Shan CSOs and the affected public. The Shan sees that this area of central Shan State, which is again about to be devastated for the second time in two decades, considers this to be their "last political bastion and as well, the Shan people's national value" that have to be protected by all means. The adversaries should also take heed that this protest might not be limited to just mass protests or civil disobedience, given that the CSSU has two major Shan armies as its members, one non-signatory (SSPP) and the other signatory (RCSS) of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) on 15 October 2015. Meanwhile, on 1 October, RCSS and Burma Army were engaged in heavy armed clashes in southern Shan State as the latter raided the former's position, said to be a drug rehabilitation center. It was said to be the third major armed engagement within a year, according to the RCSS sources. At this writing the armed clashes are said to be still in progress. The non-signatory SSPP and Burma Army has been on war-footing having an on and off armed engagement, even during the peace negotiation phases all throughout these years. Another similar dissatisfaction over Salween dam project is also brewing in Karen State, as the Burma Army in collaboration with the Karen Border Guard Force were accused – under the pretext of going after the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) splinter group - of trying to encroach into the Karen National Union (KNU) controlled territory of Hat Gyi, where a dam is scheduled to be built. The KNU commanders were said to be against the project and have made it clear that any territorial violation would be met with decisive military retaliation. Given such a backdrop, the choice that the powers that be could make is to either repeat and heightened the anti-insurgency campaign by going for an all-out war on the Shan, or suspend the project until an all agreeable constitution that oversees the power and resources sharing that all could live with is worked out. It is entirely up to the regime either to torpedo the nascent peace process or save it, to give peace a chance. | ||||||||
| Shan rebel President passes away Posted: 03 Oct 2016 11:02 PM PDT  Sao Hso Khan Pha aka Tiger Yawnghwe, "President" of the Interim Shan Government (ISG) set up in 2005, passed away at his home in Alberta, Canada, on Sunday, 2 October, according to his friends and siblings. Born on 15 April 1938, he was the eldest son of the late Sao Shwe Thaike, Prince of Yawnghwe and the first President of independent Burma (1948-52), and the late Mahadevi Sao Nang Hearn Hkam, founder and President of the Shan State War Council/ Shan State Army (SSWC/SSA). His younger siblings include
· Sao Hso Lern Fa aka Chao Tzang Yawnghwe (1939-2004) · Sao Ying Sita · Sao Hso Hom Fa aka Sao Mee (who was killed during the "bloodless" 1962 coup) · Sao Hso Harn Fa aka Sao Harn Yawnghwe, Executive Director, Euro-Burma Office · Sao Hseng Leun Hkam Sao Sanda Simms, author of The Moon Princess, and Sao Haymar Thaike, who lives in Taunggyi, are his half sisters.
Most of his life were spent in exile. In 2005, he was elected as President by a conference held in southern Shan State, organized by a splinter group from the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA). His efforts collapsed within a few years, after failing to receive support from major Shan movements. Wikipedia has cited him as saying: "I support all ethnic groups' rights to have their own federal states, probably in US or Canadian style. I understand that Quebec Province in Canada is an autonomous federal state. Shan State can be like that." He passed away peacefully during his sleep, according to Sao Harn. He reportedly had been suffering from high blood pressure and cholesterol and had stents planted in his heart. He is survived by 4 children who live in Calgary and Edmonton. For more information | ||||||||
| Posted: 03 Oct 2016 07:55 PM PDT
This is the first commentary in a three-part series on China's borders and the people who inhabit them. The border of the Dehong Dai and Jingpo Autonomous Prefecture snakes across the lush, mountainous terrain of China's Yunnan province and its southwesterly neighbor, Myanmar. Historically, the area's inhabitants have always migrated frequently across the border. Families were often scattered across both sides, and their close interactions helped establish the friendly rapport that exists between the two nations. During my third visit to the China-Myanmar border on July 30 of this year, I visited the home of Aikan-Aikan and Ma'ai in Mangai Village, Nongdao Township, in Ruili City. Situated in the southwestern part of Ruili, Nongdao is the closest point to Myanmar on a map. Its northern point just brushes the Ruili urban area, while the rest of it forms the national border with Myanmar. Mangai sits in a river basin rich in natural resources, where many villagers have built Western-style homes of brick and concrete. Clad in blue steel sheeting, they represent a departure from the one-story wooden houses traditionally built by the Dai ethnic group. One floor serves as a living room, with a kitchen on one side and a stairway to the second-floor bedrooms on the other, giving the house a minimalistic look. The walls of Aikan-Aikan and Ma'ai's home are covered with photographs; some are of the couple at their wedding, and some are group shots taken while participating in ganbai, a form of religious costume performance common to the Dai and other Theravada Buddhist ethnic groups in the area. Meanwhile, the house is filled with the laughter of nieces and nephews over from Myanmar for their summer vacation, playing together with their cousins. On the coffee table sits a pot of freshly cooked corn on the cob that Aikan-Aikan brought back from over the border. Aikan-Aikan, 35, was born in this village. He served as a novice monk at the local Buddhist temple when he was younger, but at 20 years old he left the monastic order to live a secular life. During one of his trips to the ganbai celebrations in Myanmar, he met a young Burmese woman, Ma'ai. The two fell in love, married, had children, and settled down in Nongdao. Their cross-border experiences are very similar to those of other couples around here. Despite their different nationalities, both were still ethnic Dai people. They spoke Dai at home with the family, practiced Theravada Buddhism, and shared a common culture. During the week, Aikan-Aikan and Ma'ai worked in the fields, planting rice and corn. In recent years, the couple has rented land from the village to plant honey pomelo trees. The large, sweet pomelos produced in Nongdao can be sold at the market for 6 yuan (just under $1) per kilo. They are an important cash crop for farmers in the area. Two years ago, the Ruili Women's Association introduced a project aimed at improving the livelihood of Burmese women who married in China. By offering special-purpose loans to families with Burmese wives, they have helped to raise their income. Aikan-Aikan's family was thus able to expand the amount of land allotted for pomelos. The increased cash from this has already helped to repay the loans. Ma'ai's family, who lived across the border, had their own land that could be tilled and cultivated. Worried that their daughter's new family might not have enough land to get by, her parents set aside two mu (about 0.3 acres) of land for them to plant more crops. The family, therefore, owns land in both China and Myanmar. Planting season takes them across the border into Myanmar, and similarly, at harvest time their Burmese relatives take the short trip over to China to help out. Biting into their fresh, warm sweet corn was proof of how the relatively loose border control policies between China and Myanmar add to the convenience and happiness of the border inhabitants' lives. I couldn't help but think of the U.S. Republican Party's presidential nominee Donald Trump, whose concerns about the efficacy of the U.S.-Mexico border have led him to call for building a wall to keep illegal immigrants from entering the country. Yet in these globalized times, frequent cross-border movement has become the norm, and we should endeavor not to obstruct it. Border control and management of cross-border movement presents a tough challenge for every sovereign country. In Nongdao, not far from Aikan-Aikan and Ma'ai's home, there is a tourist attraction known as "One Village, Two Countries." A national border splits this Dai village in two: The Chinese side is called Yinjing, while the Burmese side is known as Mangxiu. The unique boundary and the lives of these inhabitants have drawn Chinese tourists to the area, where the fences, wells, sewage systems, and other structures that make up a national border have been adjusted for an integrated ethnic community. The village abounds with colorful local stories about the border, like the fruit vines that grew from China into Myanmar, or the hen that ran from Myanmar into China to lay its eggs. Yinjing's bridge spans both countries, the well serves both countries, and the Buddhist pagoda blesses both countries. Both natural and artificial landforms, such as rivers, mountains, and irrigation canals, make up the 2,000-kilometer China-Myanmar border. Only in the more densely populated areas around the trading ports, like Jiegao Port in Ruili and Laying Port over in Longchuan County to the north, is border patrol more stringent. However, the large number of informal natural channels across the border make strict patrolling difficult, resulting in a generally more relaxed border policy. Admittedly, looser controls can lead to problems like smuggling, human trafficking, and illegal border crossing. But if we take a macro view of things, the issues along the China-Myanmar border are all controllable. This balance of flexibility and control can serve as an example for other countries. In this case, loose border controls are essential for the economic and social well-being of the Dai community, and unnecessary tightening would only disrupt a thriving and diverse ethnic community. (Header image: Two women walk along a mountain road in Dehong Dai and Jingpo Autonomous Prefecture, Yunnan province, May 24, 2016. Hao Yaxin/VCG) | ||||||||
| Burma army attacks RCSS/SSA in Mong Kung Posted: 03 Oct 2016 06:41 AM PDT Burma's government forces have launched an offensive against the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA) in Mong Kung Township, according to an RCSS/SSA spokesperson.  Col. Sai Hla said that Burmese army battalion 292 on Saturday attacked a relief center in Wan Boi village, Donglao village-tract, in southern Shan State's Mong Kung Township. "This relief center was initiated by local people and our armed group," he said. "We set up the facility to treat drug addicts – we have about 50 addicts in the program." The assault on Wan Boi has continued through Monday, the Shan army spokesman said, compelling some 2,000 local villagers to flee their homes. "We don't want to create problems for these civilians," Sai Hla told Shan Herald today. "When there is fighting, people suffer. We do not want this to happen, and we try to avoid it. However, the Tatmadaw [government forces] attacked us, and we have to protect ourselves." The RCSS/SSA was among eight ethnic armed groups that signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) with the government on October 15 last year. As per the conditions of the accord, Sai Hla said, the RCSS/SSA informed the government and the regional military command of the assault by its troops after the attack. "They [the Burmese military] said they will help solve problems," he said. "But, on the other hand, they are attacking us." He added: "This is quite the opposite of our agreement to solve issues by peaceful means. And then they told us not to make a big issue out of it." Several clashes have broken out between Burmese government units and the RCSS/SSA since the signing of the NCA nearly a year ago. The first clash occurredon December 31 in Mong Peng Township in eastern Shan State's Kengtung District. | ||||||||
| Trouble in the Other Golden Triangle Posted: 03 Oct 2016 02:14 AM PDT  Slowly as the years go on, You lose friends you never thought you would. Xzavier Zulu, Kushandwizdom I was told in early September following the conclusion of the "historic" Union Peace Conference (21st Century Panglong), United Wa State Army (UWSA) leaders had expressed their displeasure with its  I knew that Mongla, due to its aspiration of becoming a Self Administered Zone (SAZ), was developing closer relationship with Naypyitaw. But I had mistakenly taken for granted that the Wa, that already has been awarded a Self Administered Division (SAD), wouldn't be hard to convince. Most likely I didn't have all the facts and the crack between two allies are deeper and wider than what we outsiders knew. On 28 September, 63 Dongfeng military trucks led by 3 (some say 5) armored vehicles rolled into the NDAA domain, that occupies Burma's part of the "Other Golden Triangle", the remaining two being Laos and China's Yunnan. The 600 troops quickly surprised the defenders and seized the two strategic mountain outposts (Loi Kiuhsai and Loi Hsarm Hsoom) and the border checkpoint (Pang Markfai), apparently without facing resistance (some said the NDAA leaders thought the misunderstandings could be sorted out without resorting to bloodshed). "We tried to contact Panghsang to inquire what this is all about," said an official source from Mongla. "But there was no response."
As the two strategic outposts and the border checkpoint are facing the Burma Army-guarded Taping checkpoint on the Lwe, a tributary of the Mekong, its Triangle Region Command based in Kengtung at once made inquiries. The responses from the Wa side were not clear, according to Burma Army sources. "One Wa official said it was just a military exercise, nothing to worry about," said one. "The other said it was just a dispute between subordinate units of the two sides and leaders believe they will be able to fix it in no time." SHAN said it was able to reach U Aung Myint aka Li Julie, the UWSA's spokesman (at least until recently), but he had politely declined to answer. The latest report is that Zhao Zhongdang, the UWSA's deputy commander-in-chief, is coming to Mongla to parley.
The Wa presence in Mongla goes as far back as 2011, when the NDAA's outposts along the Mekong: Wankho, Pong Hiet and Mongfan, were attacked by the Burma Army, citing security along the international river. The outnumbered NDAA had called for help and the Wa reciprocated by dispatching 3 battalions from the Mongpawk-based 468th Brigade (now commanded by Bao Ai Ban, nephew of the Wa supreme leader Bao Youxiang). And, like most invited armies, the UWSA hasn't bothered about returning to their home base since.
Of course, we don't know what exactly Zhao is going to tell the Mongla leaders. But two things are certain: · It will be easier for the Wa to give up its southern bases along the Thai border than to give up Mongla, the obvious result of which will be getting itself completely encircled by hostile forces · The Wa now enjoy a distinct upper hand over Sai Leun. It stands to reason that he will have to accept most, if not all, of the conditions imposed by the Wa As for Naypyitaw, and the other ethnic armed groups, both signatories and non-signatories, the time will soon come to decide whether to choose the victor or the vanquished. And their decision will definitely affect the ongoing peace process. | ||||||||
| Posted: 03 Oct 2016 01:48 AM PDT
Last week, word reached the upper echelons of power that a movie was being released in Hong Kong and the cold sweat was obvious. Usually, film fans and critics rag producers and directors when a movie "based on real events" bastardises the story. But the extreme agitation at the top of the junta last week was that Operation Mekong would follow the facts. Spoiler: It doesn't. But you could feel the panicky fear. What really happened from early October 2011, through to March 2013, has been thoroughly scrubbed and washed in both Thai and Chinese records so often that a weird thing happened. The version of the story in the wildly silly and inaccurate Operation Mekong film is now official history in both countries. That version goes like this. Early on Oct 5, 2011, heavily armed men employed by amphetamine king and warlord Naw Kham boarded two Chinese tramp boats carrying cargo up and down the Mekong, from northern Thailand to China. All 13 Chinese crewmen were bound, gagged, shot dead and dumped in the Mekong. Over the next 18 months, Thai and Lao police led by Chinese detectives ran an international manhunt that ended in the arrest and extradition of Naw Kham from Laos to Kunming, where he was tried and executed. That's the movie version, punctuated with action, largely blue-screen and CGI. Time out. This is fine for a movie. The reality is the official slash movie version of the massacre just off Chiang Rai's Chiang Saen district is a disservice to the dead men and to their families, who have been shushed by Chinese authorities. Dante Lam Chiu-Yin is arguably the best hope for a new John Woo in violent action films and has no responsibility to stick to the truth as he blows up hundreds in his films. On the other hand, the Chinese government should not be ordering up reviews of Operation Mekong at its many internet propaganda sites such as China.org that spit on the facts. The truth is that the actual killers of the sailors have never been brought to justice. The only group known to have been at the scene was the "elite" anti-drug Pa Muang Task Force. Their own two-star commander even authorised a press release that appeared tucked under the fold of an inside page of the Bangkok Post on Oct 7, 2011. "Chinese helped nab drug smugglers," the headline read. Then, "Chinese authorities helped coordinate the Pa Muang Task Force's raid on two Chinese-flagged cargo vessels in the Mekong River in Chiang Rai... Task Force commander Maj Gen Prakarn Chonlayuth said a gunfight erupted as Thai authorities tried to stop the cargo vesselsYu Xing 8 Hao and Hua Ping, which had been seized by an armed group." There was no gunfight. There was no second group. There was no Chinese "help". There were no drug smugglers caught. Two days later, this was verified by theBangkok Post Sunday, which revealed the massacre and retrieval of 12 bodies (the 13th was found days later) from the Mekong. Members of the elite Pa Muang Task Force were under investigation as cold-blooded killers, bribed to switch loyalty to ya ba king Naw Kham from his Golden Triangle hideout inside Myanmar.
China went along with this, reluctantly at first, but lately with enthusiasm. Chinese forces for the first time invaded Myanmar and Laos and, with the help of drones, located and abducted Naw Kham. The drug lord was removed to Kunming, where a March, 2013, kangaroo court of Stalinesque proportions condemned him. He was quickly executed.  China and Thailand continue to gloss over just where those killers came from. For months, Chinese families of the victims protested, but then they went quiet. On Oct 28, 23 days after the massacre,Thailand "arrested" the nine Pa Muang Task Force soldiers, who have since disappeared from the justice system. Task Force Pa Muang commander Prakarn Chonlayuth went on to ever greater rank and successes, and last year, as a three-star general, he became 4th Army Region commander, in charge of all troops in the deep South. When Dante Lam and Chinese backers began promoting Operation Mekong as "the true story" of the massacre -- that is when the tip-top of the military regime panicked and announced that if the film actually did that, it would be banned. Of course, the movie is far removed from truth. More importantly, Chinese action films are way, way out of fashion in the Bangkok cinema world. If Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha had said nothing, few would have even noticed this blue-screen CGI potboiler. It would never have played in Thailand cinemas and -- here's the rub -- no one would bother looking for bootleg copies of an undistinguished action flick. Bear in mind the marketing power of censorship when pirated copies of the Chinese-financed Operation Mekong hit the malls and street kiosks. | ||||||||
| Posted: 30 Sep 2016 02:22 AM PDT The best would be if this country adopted a more regional perspective, which would be more in line with federalism. So instead of thinking about the big national grid, maybe look at electricity on a regional basis, then support the people in the region where the dam is located. Dams with an output of 600 or 800 MW are medium dams, not small, but something that is realist here, and I think if it is done well, there will be more investors. Joern Kristensen, Director, Myanmar Institute for Integrated Development, DVB, 19 September 2016  It took me only half an hour to watch Drowning The Thousand Islands, a documentary produced by Action for Shan State Rivers, launched Wednesday, 21 September, on Thai PBS. But it took me the whole evening to look up old papers and reports to understand (or, rather, reeducate myself ) why the people in Kunhing (meaning Thousand Islands) township are so bitterly against the Mongton (formerly Tasang) dam project on the Salween. After going through them and talking to the exiles from Kunhing, I realized that the reason for their stiff resistance was more than about fear of destruction of their homes by flooding, displacements of their 137 villages and the bulk of power going to neighboring countries instead of setting aside for domestic use. From 1996 to 1998, the then military government launched a 3 year long forced relocation campaign against the Shan State Army (SSA) South, the group that last year signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) with its successor led by U Thein Sein. The drawn out offensive relocated some 1,500 villages in 11 townships, which included Kunhing, resulting in over 300,000 people being displaced and at least 664 of them extrajudicially executed. According to Maj Aung Lin Tut, a military intelligence officer who later went into exile, it was Senior General Than Shwe himself who issued the order to relocate the villagers, using extreme measures. "Not even 0.25 viss (meaning a fetus) must remain," the major quoted him as saying. (Voice of America, Burmese Service, 25 May 2008).  Of the 11 townships, Kunhing appeared to have borne the major brunt of the Burma Army's rampage. Among those 319 recorded killed in Kunhing alone was a Shan abbot who was tied up in a bag and thrown into the river and drowned. (As if it wasn't enough, the Burma Army staged two more massacres 2 years later: 24 in Wanphai on 17 May 2000 59 in Hsaimong on 21 May 2000) Even ghastlier were the rapes, often accompanied by killings. License to Rape, the report by Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF) and Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN), that came out in 2002 to shock the world triggering panick-stricken denials from the authorities, detailed 29 cases of rapes in the township of 117 women, 21 of whom were killed. The following piece, considered a "mild" case, appears in the report: Name: Naang Mo (not her real name) Age: 13 Status: Single Ethnicity: Shan Religion: Buddhist Occupation: Farmer Location: Nam Kham village, Kunhing township Date of Incident: August, 2001 SPDC Troops: LIB 246, Kunhing-based SPDC troops were patrolling the area near Kunhing base, when they saw thirteen-year-old Naang Mo with her fourteen-year-old friend, Naang Jung collectiong vegetable in the forest, two hours outside Nam Kham village. They approached the girls, and Naang Jung managed to escape and run to safety. But a captain caught and raped Naang Mo and then released her near Nar Khue village early the next morning. Just outside Nar Khue village, Naang Mo put face in her sarong and cried. Eventually, she made it back to her village and told her relatives what had happened, They wanted to complain to the local base commander, but they were afraid that, if they were to report the incident, they would be punished with fines or imprisonment. Although they wanted justice, there was nothing they could do. Obviously, most of the rapes and killings were committed by two of the township based units: Infantry Battalion (IB) 246 and Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 524. Others on the list include IB 12 (Loilem), IB 64 (Laikha), IB 102 (Ngwedaung), LIB 424 (Hsihseng), LIB 519 (Mongton) and LIB 529 (Tachilek). It is therefore not surprising that the dam project has run up against such a stiff opposition from the populace, who have been reeling under countless abuses from the government for decades. Indeed, it wouldn't be difficult for The Study Times, a Chinese influential paper that, according to Reuters, 19 September, wrote the dam projects in Myanmar were "unreasonably attacked" by some "extreme" Myanmar media, non-governmental organizations and people heatedly opposed to the Myitsone Dam and other large-sale projects on the Salween River, to find out why the projects have become such an emotionally-charged issue. As for our present government, my counsel is that before it embarks on any mega development project that will make huge impact, in one way or the other on the people, the first thing to do is to heal the wounds, meaning the psychological ones and to give them the parental care that previous governments had deprived them of since the Burma Army invaded in force into the Shan State in 1952. It'll be more sensible to talk to them about dams later, but not now. |
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