Thursday, June 29, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Journalists: NLD Spokesman’s Comments on Detained Reporters Highlight Legal ‘Double Standard’

Posted: 29 Jun 2017 07:32 AM PDT

YANGON — Legal experts and members of the press have denounced comments made by a senior member of ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party regarding the arrest of three journalists under the colonial-era Unlawful Association Act.

The Myanmar Army arrested seven people, including three journalists, on the road between Namhsan and Lashio townships in northern Shan State on Monday after they had reported in areas controlled by ethnic armed group the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). The reporters included The Irrawaddy's Lawi Weng, also known as U Thein Zaw, and U Aye Nai and Ko Pyae Bone Naing (also known as Pyae Phone Aung) from Democratic Voice of Burma.

After more than 48 hours of no information regarding whereabouts of the three journalists, Tatmadaw Adjutant Thet Naing Oo from Light Infantry Battalion No. 503 filed a lawsuit against them under Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act on Wednesday and local police remanded the trio to Hsipaw Prison.

NLD senior member U Win Htein spoke to the media on Wednesday and said that the three journalists had visited the area illegally.

"[Ethnic armed groups] should inform the Peace Commission that they would like to invite reporters and that permission be granted. It will be legal if the Peace Commission allows it," U Win Htein commented.

He added that those involved in the peace process that meet with ethnic armed groups do not violate any laws, but those who are not related to peace process and do so violate Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act.

U Kyee Myint, a senior lawyer, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that the comments were made recklessly, and that U Win Htein should think thoroughly before talking to the media as he holds a senior position in the ruling party.

For political purposes, many members of government and military institutions, including army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, have met with ethnic armed groups that have not signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement, U Kyee Myint pointed out. Because of this, meetings between other institutions, including members of the press, and the armed groups should not be considered illegal if they take place for professional purposes.

"Practicing such a double standard is not acceptable," U Kyee Myint said.

The Legal Aid Network, a Kachin community-based organization, issued a statement on Thursday describing U Win Htein's comments as "totally false."

The statement also pointed out that during peace dialogue conducted around 1963, the then ruling military regime, led by Gen Ne Win, suspended the Unlawful Associations Act to meet with the leaders of rebel groups, and that the NLD government has not done this thus far.

U Myint Kyaw, a member of Myanmar Press Council, said that U Win Htein made such a comment only after this incident had occurred, adding that there was no prior information about a mandate given to the Peace Commission regarding permission for press coverage in ethnic armed group-controlled areas.

"Media should be at least informed in advance if the government will take action against such an incident," U Myint Kyaw told The Irrawaddy.

U Ye Naing Moe, founder of the Yangon Journalism School, said journalists would not be able to carry out investigative reporting if they had to seek permission from certain organizations in order to meet with news sources.

"This is a fundamental right of journalists given by the society," U Ye Naing Moe said. "I am extremely surprised, and pity [U Win Htein] for not understanding this fundamental right as a spokesperson [of the ruling party]," he added.

The Legal Aid Network stated that the three journalists did not violate the law, as they were conducting their duties: attempting to get information about TNLA's drug eradication event to the public, noting that the reporters did not assist in the operations of the armed organization.

If meetings by any ordinary citizen with an "unlawful" association—unilaterally declared as such by the ruling administration—are criminalized, then the standard should apply to any government official or others sent by the government, the organization said.

"Equality before the law is one of the major undisputed principles of the rule of law," read the Legal Aid Network's statement. "There is no exception for the government officials. It applies to every person, including those assigned by the government."

U Win Htein also faced severe criticism from media stakeholders for saying that the arrest of the three journalists would not impact press freedom.

The Myanmar Press Council's U Myint Kyaw said the comment was made "irresponsibly."

U Ye Naing Moe, of the Yangon Journalism School, said that the arrest "undoubtedly threatened" press freedom and the rights of those who work in the media industry, including news editors and reporters. He also emphasized the criminalization of journalists through Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act as a "disturbing" and "dangerous" trend.

Conflict is ongoing in Myanmar and journalists and editors will continue reporting on it, as it is very impactful news for the public, U Ye Naing Moe said.

"If communicating with ethnic armed groups is considered illegal, how are media supposed to report on civil war?" he asked.

He also added that the government, particularly the Ministry of Information, should mediate between respective parties in the case.

U Shwe Mann, chair of the Union Parliament's Legal Affairs and Special Cases Assessment Commission, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday in Naypyidaw that he would do an assessment on the arrest of the three journalists if media organizations submitted the case to his commission. The commission also has plans to review Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act, he said.

The Irrawaddy's Pe Thet Htet Khin contributed to this report from Naypyidaw.

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‘Just Doing Their Jobs:’ Families Decry Case Against Reporters

Posted: 29 Jun 2017 06:41 AM PDT

Family and colleagues of three Myanmar journalists who face up to three years in prison on charges of contacting ethnic rebels appealed for their release on Thursday.

The men have been accused of breaching the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act after covering an event on Monday where the rebel Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) burned piles of narcotics to mark the International Day Against Drug Abuse.

"We don't really think our journalists have working relations with the TNLA group, which [the government] calls terrorists," said Than Win Htut, planning editor at the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), the employer of two of the journalists. "They are just doing a journalist's job."

Broadcaster DVB's Aye Nai and Pyae Phone Naing, and Lawi Weng of The Irrawaddy magazine, were remanded along with three others in Hsipaw prison, in northern Shan State, on Wednesday.

They will be brought before a court on July 11, said Thein Zaw, head of the police station handling the case in the town of Hsipaw.

But Phil Robertson, deputy director for New York-based Human Rights Watch's Asia division, said Daw Aung Suu Kyi should use her majority in Parliament to rein in the military.

"It's hard to tell what Daw Aung San Suu Kyi thinks, but if she believes she can convince the army to somehow reform or moderate their behavior, this is more evidence to show that she's profoundly mistaken," he said.

The case has sparked outrage among the boisterous media that emerged in the commercial hub Yangon after the government lifted pre-publication censorship in 2012.

Journalists will gather signatures on Friday calling for the release of the three men—and of an editor charged in a separate case with defamation over a satirical article mocking the army.

Both DVB and The Irrawaddy were set up in exile in Thailand, receiving funding from Western governments and NGOs, and have opened bureaus in Yangon since 2012.

Aye Nai, 53, and Lawi Weng, 38, returned to Myanmar to cover the conflicts between the army and ethnic rebels.

Lawi Weng, a member of southern Myanmar's Mon ethnic minority, is a practicing Buddhist who meditates each morning and night. He had planned to marry this year.

Loa Htaw, his fiancée, said Lawi Weng knew the risks his repeated trips to conflict areas entailed.

"Both he and I [were] aware that he might face prison if he keeps writing about our ethnic armed groups and criticizes the military and government," she wrote in a message to Reuters.

However, "he needs to report for the voiceless and the powerless," Loa Htaw said.

Part of the new generation of Myanmar journalists to emerge since the reforms, 24-year-old Pyae Phone Naing worked for several media organizations before joining DVB about four months ago, his father, Kyaw Soe Oo, told Reuters.

On Monday evening, Pyae Phone Naing called his mother. He informed her that he was in a military camp, but not to worry, his father said.

The parents did not realize the gravity of the situation until later, when relatives started calling having seen news reports of their son's detention.

"It gives me pain in my heart. I always worry about him, even when he comes home late on usual days," Kyaw Soe Oo told Reuters. "I want my son to be released."

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Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s Lackluster Visit to Canada

Posted: 29 Jun 2017 04:23 AM PDT

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar's State Counselor and de facto leader of the government, made a five-day visit to Canada earlier this month—long overdue after already visiting the United Kingdom, the United States, and Australia.

The question is: What has been achieved, other than a photo-op with Prime Minister Justin Trudeau? Some might say that the announcement of US$8.8 million of aid will boost humanitarian assistance and peace building efforts in Myanmar. This financial assistance, however, doesn’t appear to be anything new, and may actually be part of a $44 million aid package announced when the previous Foreign Minister Stephane Dion met Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Myanmar in early April 2016.

Others might add that she brought with her a team (independent from her entourage) to learn from "Canadian Federalism." Is there any point, however, of drawing comparisons between the two countries when it comes to federalism? The Canadian Confederation is straightforward, whereas Myanmar's federalism is complicated by a number of ethnic armed organizations at war with the central government—there is nothing to be adopted from Canada.

Interestingly, major Canadian media had no clue about her visit. Canadian media requests—including from Canada Broadcasting Company, CTV, the Globe and Mail and the Toronto—for interviews and official requests for public meetings went unanswered. Global Affairs Canada and the Myanmar Embassy threw the ball into each other's court when inquiries were made. The Canadian public barely noticed her visit and if they did, they talked about the lack of media coverage in Canada.

Why did such a high-profile figure visit in such a low-profile way? And why only in Canada? The State Counselor held a press conference with the Swedish Prime Minister when she visited Sweden directly after her Canada visit.

She also wasn't able to meet with key Myanmar supporters, including former politicians and ministers who played important roles in Myanmar affairs, as well as representatives of Canadian civil society organizations that pioneered campaigns for her freedom. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi once said: "I look forward very much to the day that conditions in Myanmar will allow me to be free to visit Canada myself and thank the Canadian people in person." She apparently failed to realize her stated goal.

She was, however, able to meet with members of the Myanmar community in Toronto and Ottawa. The Myanmar Embassy planned a community meeting in Toronto with only 250 people, when there are thousands of Bamar, Karen, Chin, and Kachin living in the city.

Originally, there was no community meeting planned for Ottawa. It was only when she was challenged in person that she immediately instructed her staff to arrange a meeting. She admitted in the Ottawa meeting attended by more than 100 community members that she wasn’t aware how many people from Myanmar lived in Ottawa, and also apologized for not being able to meet with Canadian supporters.

It is quite clear that she wasn’t fully aware of or well informed on the conditions of the country she visited. The State Counselor received a special invitation from the previous Conservative government to visit. However, she revealed in the community meeting in Ottawa that she was visiting Canada under the arrangements and invitation of the Forum of Federations, a group I have not come across in the last 25 years of campaigning for Myanmar in Canada. It appears the Canadian government hastily tried to arrange some appropriate meetings with her including a photo-op with Prime Minister Trudeau and a brief meeting with Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland.

The failure on the part of Canada is that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi wasn't invited to address the joint-chambers of the Parliament, although she is a recipient of Honorary Canadian Citizenship and an inspirational leader of the democracy movement. All major western democracies that supported Myanmar invited her to address their Chambers of Parliament—Britain even opened its historic Westminster Hall so she could address both houses of Parliament, a rare occasion for a non-head of state. The Swedish Parliament also welcomed her immediately after she left Canada.

It was only the respective speakers of the two houses that met Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. When an inquiry was made, a key adviser on international relations to the Canadian Parliament responded it was the job of the government of Canada, in this case the Prime Minister's Office, to take the initiative.

Obviously, the Liberal government's welcoming gesture has been less than enthusiastic—in some cases it even appeared casual. The previous Conservative government went to an enormous effort to bring her to Canada but to no avail. In fact, the previous government was more proactive and receptive to calls and approaches from the Myanmar activist community when it was in power.

Currently, the pressing issue among Myanmar communities across Canada is a deportation order issued to Ye Yint  (also known as Than Soe), who braved his life to draw the world's attention to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's arrest in the late 1980s by redirecting a Myanmar airplane to Thailand. He served a jail sentence for his action, and was hailed a hero. When released, he decided to pursue education in the US. However, the political weather changed after World Trade Center attacks of Sept. 11, 2001 and he sought political asylum in Canada in 2006. It was, however, denied due to his previous conviction.

In light of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's visit, the Canadian Border Services Agency (CBSA) assumed it was safe to send the asylum seeker Ye Yint back to Myanmar and a deportation order was issued on June 19—coincidentally Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's birthday.

It would have been interesting to see if Canada's immigration minister could have used his "ministerial power" to overrule CBSA's deportation order—the previous immigration minister Jason Kenny used this power to save two people from Myanmar from the same fate. The community are currently circulating a petition asking the Liberal government to intervene.

This, of course, makes the timing unfortunate—there is no happy ending to her visit. The smiling photos are taken in a moment, and only exist for a moment. There will be everlasting damage if we take the missed opportunities of her visit lightly, with Ye Yint's case just the latest episode.

Tin Maung Htoo is on the board of directors of the Canadian Friends of Burma and served as executive director from 2005-2013.

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Culture Ministry to Nominate Bagan, Mrauk U, Shwedagon for UNESCO Recognition

Posted: 29 Jun 2017 04:18 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Union minister of religious affairs and culture U Aung Ko said his ministry plans to nominate Arakan State's Mrauk U and Shwedagon Pagoda for UNESCO's list of culturally significant sites after Bagan.

Since 2016, countries have been limited to one UNESCO nomination per year so the ministry chose Bagan first, said the minister.

The draft report and draft management plan needed for Bagan's nomination will be submitted in September and UNESCO officials will visit the site in 2018.

Bagan's nomination will then be brought up for deliberation at UNESCO's 2019 World Heritage Site convention, according to the minister.

"We have invited international experts. We plan to nominate Rakhine State's Mrauk U in 2018 and Shwedagon Pagoda in 2019. We'll later nominate Khakaborazi [in Kachin State], Inle Lake [in Shan State], Indawgyi Lake [in Kachin State], Inwa [Ava], Mandalay and Sagaing," the minister told reporters in Naypyitaw on Wednesday.

The ministry will no longer allow climbing on all of Bagan's pagodas and is currently building platforms from which visitors will be able to watch sunrise and sunset.

Myanmar's initial application for UNESCO recognition of Bagan came in 1996, but it was rejected due to poor management plans and legal frameworks.

After UNESCO inscribed the ancient Pyu cities as the first Burmese World Heritage Site in June 2014, the culture ministry decided to continue campaigning for the addition of Bagan.

UNESCO has accepted Bagan as a mixed cultural heritage zone following negotiations with the culture ministry and Mandalay divisional government which means that there is no need to relocate villages, hotels or guesthouses, said the minister.

The minister said the government would design plans for towns, industrial zones and hotel zones outside of Bagan in order to accommodate the increasing population.

U Oo Hla Saw, a Lower House lawmaker representing Mrauk U Township, said he welcomed the nomination of Mrauk U, but that there were no clear guidelines at this time for how to handle the government offices and residential wards located within the designated Mrauk U archaeological zone.

"While Rakhine people are happy about the nomination, they are also concerned that the whole town will be relocated," he told The Irrawaddy.

In February, UNESCO officials and the culture ministry discussed technical matters related to the management of Shwedagon Pagoda for its future nomination.

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Namhsan Locals Flee Myanmar Army Arrests

Posted: 29 Jun 2017 03:33 AM PDT

YANGON — Some 200 people from Manlan village in northern Shan State's Namhsan Township have fled to Lashio Township amid claims the Myanmar Army are interrogating and arresting locals for alleged connections with the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA).

A local man died during questioning by the Myanmar Army, according to one resident who asked for anonymity, adding that at least seven people had been arrested.

Fierce clashes between the Myanmar Army and the TNLA in Namhsan have taken place over the past week. Many Manlan residents have sought shelter in Buddhist monasteries and their relatives' houses in Lashio.

Two locals in Peinhwe village, Kutkai Township, were killed by artillery fire on June 26 – for which the two sides have blamed each other.

The office of the Myanmar Army chief released a statement on June 27 saying it suffered casualties in five clashes from June 23-26, although it did not give a number. Four bodies reportedly from the TNLA and ammunition were recovered, it added.

The Myanmar Army took control of a TNLA training base about 2,000 kilometers northeast of Manlan on June 21, seizing medicine, TNLA uniforms, and homemade bombs, according to its statement.

The TNLA has claimed that the base was a school specializing in basic health and the empowerment of women. The ethnic armed group confirmed frequent clashes recently between the two forces, citing two battles on June 27 alone.

Three journalists including The Irrawaddy's Lawi Weng, also known as U Thein Zaw, were arrested on the road between Namhsan and Lashio townships by the Myanmar Army on June 26 after covering a drug-burning event organized by the TNLA.

They were charged under Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act on Wednesday and were remanded to Hsipaw Prison.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Four Letpadaung Protesters Charged Under Peaceful Assembly Law

Posted: 29 Jun 2017 01:11 AM PDT

YANGON — Police have opened a case under Article 19 of the Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law against four local farmers who staged a protest against the China-backed Letpadaung Copper Mine on the Pathein-Monywa Road, confirmed the Salingyi Township police station.

Dozens of local farmers protested on Monday in front of China's Wanbao Co, stating that the company's mine was causing air pollution and environmental degradation. Then, police intervened.

"We've opened a case against four villagers under Article 19. We did not inform them that we've filed a complaint. We will just bring the case to court in line with the law," police officer Htay Win of the Salingyi Township police station told The Irrawaddy.

Police have charged locals Daw Yi Win, U Khin Nyein, Daw Sandar and Daw Mar Cho.

"We read in the newspapers that we had been charged. Police never informed us," Daw Yi Win told The Irrawaddy.

Demonstrators said Wanbao Co had failed to implement the recommendations made in a report by an investigation commission led by then-lawmaker Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in 2013.

Among the recommendations made by the commission were increasing land compensation, creating job opportunities for small- and medium-scale businesses in the region, and implementing environmental and social management systems for the mine.

Protesters claimed the Chinese company also failed to carry out a recommendation to reclaim 1,900 acres of land to replace their confiscated farmlands. As a result, they lost their livelihoods and face hardship. Protesters explained that this was the reason behind the demonstration.

"If actions are to be taken against local farmers for breaching the law, justice should also be served for Daw Khin Win, who was fatally shot by police," said Daw San Nwe.

Daw Khin Win, 56, was killed in a clash between police and locals demonstrating against the mine in Dec. 2014.

If we are to be charged under the Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law, I would ask where is the justice for monks who were injured in a police crackdown during previous demonstrations or for the killing of Daw Khin Win, said Daw San Nwe.

"We deliberately did not seek permission for the protest in order to highlight the company's own breach of the investigation report," she added.

Wanbao Co has operated the controversial mine in partnership with the military-owned Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Company (UMEHL) since 2010.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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UWSA Politician: Wa to ‘Continue Asking for Autonomous State’

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 07:31 PM PDT

For the first time since the United Wa State Army (UWSA) began its anti-drug campaign in 1996, journalists were invited to witness the ethnic armed group destroying seized drugs on June 26.

The event took place in UWSA's Military Region 171 in the southern area of the Wa Self-Administered Division bordering Thailand to mark the UN's International Day Against Drug Abuse.

On the day, UWSA commander Yang Guozhong said opium poppy fields have now been completely eradicated from the southern part of the Wa Self-Administered Division after almost 30 years of UWSA's efforts to distance itself from the reputation of being a drug producer.

Nyi Kep, deputy head of UWSA Military Region 171's political department, recently talked with Irrawaddy reporter Nan Lwin Hnin Pwint about UWSA's demand for autonomy and efforts for the eradication of drugs and arms smuggling in the area.

The UWSA is trying to negotiate with the government to achieve the standing of an autonomous state instead of a self-administered division. What compromises does the UWSA have to make to achieve this?

We are not prepared to make compromises. But we want an autonomous state. We need it. We'll continue asking for it. We can do nothing if [the government] doesn't give it, but we are not prepared to give and take.

We don't have such an attitude that we would fight if we were not given an autonomous state. Whether we ask for an autonomous state or not, it will be fulfilled one day if there is peace and development. But we wish the government treated ethnicities with magnanimity. We don't want it to shoot this or that ethnicity.

The UWSA has presented detailed policies about the type of state it wants to get. How confident is the UWSA of entering political dialogue with the government?

We have trust in the government. That's why we have lived [with the government] here for ages. We have trust in them.

Unlike other areas controlled by ethnic armed groups, Military Region 171 is near military outposts of the Tatmadaw. How are the relations between the two sides?

There are many difficulties because of the proximity. But we can do nothing, at least for the time being. When this area was controlled by [drug warlord] Khun Sa, we assisted [the military] in attacking him. As we defeated Khun Sa, the government gave us this place. And now government troops are stationed here, with our troops stationed alongside. We can do nothing. We Wa attacked Khun Sa and [Shan ethnic and political leader] Yawd Serk when they were powerful.

Much of the international community, including Thailand, which borders the Wa Self-Administered Division, claim drugs are smuggled into Thailand from the UWSA. What do you say to this?

We are dedicated to fighting against drugs in our special region. We go to villages and inspect every house to fight drugs. But whenever drugs are seized, Thailand keeps saying those drugs come from Wa State. They are giving us a bad name. They lay the blame at our door and only care for their interests. The Thai government always asks us to back off our outposts at the Thai border, but it is not our government. We will never back off the posts, which were given to us by our government.

The Thai government also links arms smuggling in its territory to the UWSA.

Yes, we know there are such allegations. But we are not the only ethnic armed group in the region. There is the Lahu [group] as well as other ethnic armed groups. I just don't want to name their names. We know which groups are involved. Yes, Thai authorities have reported seizures of smuggled arms, and we know who they are. But it is not us. We don't smuggle arms to Thailand and we don't receive arms smuggled from Thailand.

We also arrest those who are responsible, and could arrest some armed men involved in arms deals.

Does the UWSA plan to establish ties with Thai authorities?

No. Previously, we did have a plan, but the Thai authorities drove us away. They didn't let us stay. They are scheming and just take advantage of our name.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko

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Traditional Treats of a Karenni State Market

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 07:00 PM PDT

DEMOSO TOWNSHIP, Karenni State — Karenni pork sausage and khawn—local rice wine—are among the popular foods to enjoy on market day in Demoso Township.

About a 30-minute drive south of Loikaw, the capital of Karenni State, the Demoso Myoma market runs on Monday, Wednesday and Saturday mornings, with shops opening from 4:30 a.m. to noon.

Shoppers can feast on noodles, smoked meat, frog and fish, pork sausage, and a variety of vegetables for breakfast. Dozens of women vendors—young and old—sit next to their bottles of yellow, homemade khawn. The drink is made in clay jars, but the jars are rarely seen in town or even at the local markets.

"The earthen jars often break while we carry khawn to the market, so we move it to bottles, which makes it easier for us," said Daw Sha Myar, a khawn vendor from Dawt Tama Nge village of Demoso.

A Kayan woman selling woven scarves and honey bottles stood out among the crowd for her traditional dress, which included brass neck rings—a gradually fading fashion in the state.

In Loikaw and other nearby places, the locals rely on trade at the weekly market despite having daily street markets in the downtown areas.

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National News

National News

Minister admits bribery exists in government departments

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 02:49 PM PDT

The government is aware that bribes are being demanded by certain officials from members of the public who come to offices seeking forms and letters of recommendations when applying for jobs, said U Thein Swe, Union Minister for the Ministry of Labour, Immigration and Population.

Magwe road-widening sparks protest

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 02:47 PM PDT

Magwe residents are criticising a plan to cut down trees along Magwe-Taungdwingyi Road in front of Magwe University.

Campaign to tackle plight of the disabled

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 02:43 PM PDT

The public awareness campaign on discrimination against the disabled that was held at the 6th Mile Resort in Pyin Oo Lwin township will continue in other parts of the town.

Mandalay to ‘revise’ water rates

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 02:35 PM PDT

Metered water rates in Mandalay will be revised as the City Development Committee (MCDC) is losing more than K3700 million in revenue a year, according to officials.

Salai Tin MaungOo’s 41st death anniversary commemorated

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 02:32 PM PDT

Remembrance and commemoration ceremonies were held in several cities for pro-democracy student Salai Tin MaungOo, who was hanged on on June 26, 1976 by the military for participating in demonstrations against the ruling junta.

Higher court to decide on child rape case

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 02:27 PM PDT

The South Dagon township court has deferred delivering a verdict in a child rape case and has referred the matter to a higher court, the East District court.

New DIY contraceptive now available in Myanmar

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 02:25 PM PDT

A Do-It-Yourself contraceptive injection was launched for the first time in Myanmar by the Ministry of Health and Sports and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) at Nay Pyi Taw.

Embassy warns illegal workers in Thailand to return home

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 02:20 PM PDT

All illegal Myanmar workers in Thailand have been told to return home immediately as the new Thai labour laws impose harsh penalties, the Myanmar Embassy said.

‘Not ministry’s job’ to control smoking

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 02:15 PM PDT

The Amyotha Hluttaw was told that the Ministry of Health and Sports is not responsible for the supervision of the consumption of cigarette and tobacco products.

30pc of Myanmar children suffer from malnutrition

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 01:53 PM PDT

For every 100 children in Myanmar, 30 suffer from malnutrition, said Dr Nang Mo Kham, an official from the health sector of the World Bank Group Office Myanmar.
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Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News

PESSIMISM RULES: Two dissatisfied NCA signatories, problematic Panghsang alliance meeting and stagnated peace talks

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 10:42 PM PDT

Surprisingly enough, vice president of Karen National Union (KNU) Kwe Htoo Win, who has signed the first Pyidaungsu (Union) Accord agreement at the closing of Second  Session 21st Century Panglong Conference, now officially named Union Peace Conference - 21stCentury Panglong (UPC-21CP), on behalf of the 8 signatory Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) on May 29,  complained when explaining its statement on June 26, in the aftermath of its evaluation workshop at KNU headquarters on the whole peace process from June 12 to 23.

Kwe Htoo said: "What we want to say is that Joint Implementation Committee Meeting (JICM) is most responsible for the implementation of Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA); in political discussion the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC); UPDJC's Secretariat; UPDJC's Working Committees; and national-level political discussions. When we analyzed, we saw that at every stage there were weak points and that is why we are submitting our views (on how we should go about with the peace process)."

The statement explicitly urged that the place where political negotiation and political settlement should be conducted and iron out should be as originally accepted the UPDJC Working Committees and UPC-21CP, with enough time for political discussions, vested with equality and technical help.

In the same vein, the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), which earlier has had a row with the Tatmadaw for not allowing it to conduct Shan National Conference on its choice of either in Taunggyi or Panglong, made it clear that it wouldn't hold the conference where the Tatmadaw would like it to do, as it was not an appropriate location, located in the remote places, to hold such a massive gathering, also issued a statement on it's position regarding the first Union Accord agreement.

Its 6-point analysis statement of June 19 includes:

1.     The inability to conduct nationwide political dialogue and unable to collect opinions of the people;
2.     The Working Committees unable to hold comprehensive discussions;
3.     The UPDJC Secretariat unable to comprehensively discuss all five topics due to time constraint and prevailing conditions;
4.     The UPDJC not having enough time and unable to form decisive opinion on political, security, economy, land and natural resources, and social issues;
5.     The Second Session UPC – 21CP unable to solicit enough affirmative consent and opinion of the people and parties that have signed the NCA; and
6.     As the Second Session UPC – 21CP Union Accord that is taken as part of the agreement didn't fully represent the people, political parties and all the EAOs, it is considered that it cannot be fully official.

The statement further recommended that:

1.     In order to be taken as nationwide representative body, the government undertakes inclusion of all organizations that are still not included in NCA process;
2.     With the aim to achieve peace, effective negotiation and equal justification, all concerned stakeholders should take up the duty to amend the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD); and 
3.     To make decision in all UPC – 21CP only after thorough discussions and comprehensive agreement.

The political parties meeting of June 15 also echoed the same sentiment as the 2 EAO signatories. Many party leaders were unhappy about both the process and outcome of the UPC - 21CP held in Nay Pyi Taw from May 24 to 29. The principles of Union Accord were supposed to be put to a vote, but at the last minute it was announced they would instead be passed by consensus, which was then actually followed.

If one looks at the following guidelines from  FPD on how the Union Accord should be promulgated, it could be seen that it was not taken in accordance with the procedure.

Part of the FPD guideline writes:

"To negotiate and decide in good faith any issues  that may arise between and among the dialogue partners in order to achieve lasting and sustainable peace, the following will be undertaken in accordance with paragraph 1 subparagraph (h) of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement.

6.1. All matters shall be resolutely discussed at the Working Committee level.
6.2. Important matters submitted to the Union Peace Conference by the Working Committees including those related to the establishment of a Union based on federal principles, national security, and security reintegration must be approved by at least 75 percent of the attendees from each group, and by at least 75 percent of all the attendees.

6.3. Except for the matters of subparagraph 6.2, all other matters submitted to the Union Peace Conference by the Working Committees must be approved by at least 50 percent of the attendees from each group, and by at least 65 percent of all the attendees."

However, the commonly accepted norm is an all-inclusive participation of all the EAOs.

Mutu Say Poe leader of the KNU and also N'Ban La the Kacin Independence Organization (KIO) vice president were of the same opinion that all-inclusiveness is the key to resolve the conflict; so do the state counselor Aung San Suu Kyi. The only odd man out is the Military or Tatmadaw, which has been demanding the exclusion of the 3 EAOs from Northern Alliance – Burma (NA-B) or imposing a surrender-like demand on them.

Meanwhile, sensing that the government needs to engage the Panghsang alliance or Federal Political Negotiation Consultative Committee (FPNCC) either out of its own initiative or pressure, to end the ethnic armed conflict along the common border and beyond, from the big regional power that it could ill afford to ignore, contacted the alliance.

The Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) spokesman and Brigadier General, Ta Bone Kyaw said in an interview on June 25 with the  RFA that the government-Tatmadaw side is stuck in its self-imposed condition and make the meeting with FPNCC implausible.

He stressed: "It looks like the Tatmadaw's opinion seems to be that it doesn't want to recognize the seven-member committee (FPNCC). Even when it is asking for the meeting through the Chinese, it is saying that it wanted to meet separately and would like to meet in separate groups. Its opinion is refusing to meet the committee as a group."

Ta Bone Kyaw said in the aftermath of the UPC - 21CP, the offensive escalated  in Kachin ans Shan States, which indicated that the Tatmadaw didn't really want peace.

Outlook

The dissatisfaction of the two die-hard EAOs (KNU and RCSS) of the 8 NCA signatories on how the UPC - 21CP promulgated the first Union Accord doesn't bode well for the National League for Democracy (NLD) government and also put a reasonable amount of pressure to correct its way of doing things, in the forthcoming next round of UPC within six months.

Apart from that, the political parties were also of the same opinion that the hastily conducted UPC would only bring more confusion than positive results. Their main argument was also that the first Union Accord agreement was pulled through without voting process as is prescribed by the FPD and has it sailed through with only consensus from the UPDJC Working Committees, rather than the UPC participants' 50% vote, according to the procedure.

Regarding the fulfillment of all-inclusiveness, the government needs a more proactive attitude and flexibility with broad-mindedness. It won't do to stick to its separately talking to the Panghsang alliance members. The government-Tatmadaw would need to go the extra mile if it is really keen to achieve results.

Meanwhile, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) is trying hard to stay in existence and at the same time resisting the government political onslaught in order not to fall prey of giving in its principle bargaining position spelled out in its 9-point proposal to amend the NCA.

Taking into account of what have recently happened, all the stakeholders under the FPNCC banner and the government-Tatmadaw couldn't still agree on the method or mode of meeting each other, needless to say of the differing political aspirations and postures.

In sum, the NCA signatory EAOs and political parties dissatisfaction over the government-Military's performance regarding the peace process; the UNFC distrust of the government's intention to take advantage of its weakening position in relation to the signing of the NCA; and the government's insistence not to recognize and meet the Panghsang alliance as a group are not conducive to the ongoing peace process. And on top of all these, the Tatmadaw is making things more difficult by heightening its offensives in Kachin and Shan States.


Given such unfavorable development, pessimism naturally is in the air rather than the preferred optimistic outlook that everyone has been hoping for.  
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Wednesday, June 28, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Defending Lawi Weng

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 07:49 AM PDT

At The Irrawaddy's office, it is not uncommon for Lawi Weng to bring local snacks or homemade liquor to generously share among colleagues after returning from reporting trips to Myanmar's remote regions.

More importantly, he brings updates from the ground to our news desk in Yangon, along with an easy smile, upbeat attitude, and sense of humor.

This week, he and two other reporters from Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) were arrested by the military in northern Shan State after reporting on a drugs-burning ceremony in an area controlled by the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). For nearly three full days, we did not know where they were being held—as of Wednesday afternoon, it was revealed that they are in Hsipaw prison, charged under Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act.

We had approved the trip to northern Shan State, which was intended to explore local drug eradication efforts. Lawi Weng also wanted to find out more about reports alleging abuse against Palaung (Ta'ang) villagers who had accused army and local militia troops of human rights violations in the area; one incident he had been looking to investigate—a beating—took place in June 2015 in Kutkai Township, but the video footage only recently went viral on social media.

In the area of Man Lan, several miles away from where Lawi and other reporters were stationed, fighting resumed over the last week between the TNLA and the Tatmadaw.

During this time, BBC's Burmese service reported that hundreds of villagers were kept in a local monastery for days under army supervision as clashes continued. There have been allegations of abuse, with some of the villagers having since taking refuge in the northern Shan State city of Lashio.

Lawi Weng did not go to the scene of these events, but had heard the news of the outbreak of conflict and was advised it was unsafe to travel to the area.

After attending the drug-burning ceremony, Lawi Weng and the other reporters left. This time he was heading to Kutkai, but he did not reach his destination. He and two other reporters were taken to an unknown location and detained.

We are now being told "they were treated well," but will be charged with violating colonial-era laws for "unlawful association" with the TNLA.

It has been frustrating to witness authorities' lack of communication or assurance of the safety of our reporters, and it is absurd that security forces are using outdated laws to silence and punish journalists who have committed no crime.

This must be categorized as an unlawful arrest and detention; under media laws in Myanmar, reporters are allowed to gather news in conflict zones.

The arrest of Lawi Weng and the DVB reporters, as well as the recent imprisonment of editors under the infamous Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law, and the death of activist-turned-reporter Ko Par Gyi, have demonstrated that Myanmar remains an unsafe place for journalists to work.

Some colleagues have described the current events as reminiscent of the era in which the country was controlled by the State Law and Order Restoration Council, in which the notorious intelligence apparatus liberally jailed members of the public for perceived threats against the military regime.

The return of a climate of fear is very disturbing, particularly after the National League for Democracy won a landslide victory in the 2015 election. I can't help but recall Lawi's optimism on Election Day in Yangon. No, he was not thinking that he would eventually be locked up under this government.

Once a reporter in exile like many of us, Lawi Weng took a considerable risk in going back to his homeland to report on stories inside the country and particularly in the ethnic regions.

Donors and diplomats were eager to embrace the "changes" that unfolded under the former quasi-civilian U Thein Sein-led administration, and encouraged The Irrawaddy and other exiled media to return to Yangon and to set up offices. Our presence in Myanmar, they said, was proof that the country was making progress. We were happy to go back home, but we never ceased being cautious.

Yet now our senior reporter is in detention, and we feel the need to confront these individuals, organizations and governments with this reality. Calls to free Lawi Weng are growing in momentum, and we hope that the same entities that were pleased by our return to Myanmar will now also tirelessly advocate for Lawi's immediate release, so that he can be allowed to return to his work.

We hope that this detention, however unjust, will strengthen both his spirit and his hunger for reporting. Many untold stories are waiting.

Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy.

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Ministry Requests Monthly Reports on Coal-powered Cement Plant in Mon State

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 05:08 AM PDT

YANGON — The Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation has instructed the Mon State government to submit monthly environmental impact assessment reports regarding a 500-ton cement factory in Mon State's Kyaikmayaw Township that is powered by a coal-fired power plant.

Union minister of natural resources and environmental conservation U Ohn Win left the instruction for the divisional ministry after he inspected the factory on Saturday.

The US$400 million cement factory is run by Mawlamyine Cement Limited (MCL) – a joint venture between Thai firm Siam Cement Group (SCG) and Pacific Link Cement Industries.

The factory started commercial operations in April despite local opposition. On Feb. 18, about 7,000 locals from seven villages near the factory staged a protest against the coal-fired power plant. In April last year, locals sent a petition with 3,780 signatures to the President's Office, demanding the termination of the project.

"We are not demanding that the factory is shut down, but we don't want coal. Unless and until they switch from coal to a different fuel, we will continue to protest," said U Shwe Win, a member of a local community group named after Mt. Pyataung from which raw materials for the cement factory come.

Under the agreement with the Myanmar Investment Commission, the factory will operate for 50 years from the start of commercial operations.

Locals said they accepted the cement factory project because they hoped that it would create jobs and spur regional development, but they did not know that it would be powered by coal.

Locals told The Irrawaddy that they only found out when the factory began trial operations in 2015 and staged demonstrations consequently.

Minister U Min Kyi Win said the Mon State government would purchase equipment worth 75 million kyats to measure air, water and noise pollution.

Kyaikmayaw Township lawmaker Min Aung Mun in Mon State Parliament said that MCL had distributed 3,500 tons of cement to Yangon and it also distributed to Mawlamyine in Mon State.

The Irrawaddy was unable to reach MCL executive officer U Zaw Lin Oo for comment.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Land Compensation Funds for Kyaukphyu Township are Seemingly Misplaced

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 04:15 AM PDT

YANGON – Lawmaker U Phoe San of the Arakan National Party asked the Rakhine State government whether authorities would provide the remaining compensation to farmers from Pyine Sae Kay village in Kyaukphyu Township who released their land in 2014 for a water reservoir at a parliamentary session on Monday. But those funds have seemingly been misplaced.

The Rakhine State government's 2016-17 fiscal year statistics show that 65 million kyats (US$48,000) were allocated for land compensation for the reservoir project.

The former quasi-civilian government oversaw the project, which will provide water for the forthcoming Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone.

Before implementing the project, the government initially agreed to compensate farmers 1.8 million kyats per acre of land. The farmers said the compensation was significantly lower than market price for land in the region. The Myanmar Kyaukphyu Special Economic Holding Public Company Ltd. (MKSH) negotiated between the government and the farmers.

The farmers agreed to accept 3.8 million kyats per acre, but the rate varied slightly among landowners. The government and MKSH paid about 29.4 million kyats to nine farmers in 2014, according to government statistics. The government would not elaborate on the amount contributed by MKSH.

Lawmaker U Phoe San pointed out that as the state fund for compensation for the reservoir was set at 65 million kyats, but nearly 35.5 million kyats were unaccounted for. He asked the state government to take action.

U Kyaw Lwin, the divisional minister of mining, agriculture and livestock, said in Parliament on Monday that MKSH had withdrawn 28 million kyats of this fund from the government and deposited it at a local bank, a claim that MKSH member U Kyaw Soe denied on Wednesday.

U Kyaw Soe said MKSH never withdrew money from the government. Instead, the company fronted 28 million kyats for seized land, 18.5 million kyats of which were later repaid by the state government.

"Something is very wrong with this case. We don't know where the remaining money is and we must address this. MKSH has not received any cash transfer from the government," said U Kyaw Soe, adding that MKSH planned to meet with cabinet ministers in state capital Sittwe this week and invited lawmakers to join.

Lawmaker U Phoe San argued that compensation should have gone directly to the farmers and not have been dispensed to MKSH regardless.

The Irrawaddy called several Rakhine State cabinet members but all declined to comment on the controversial state budget.

It is also unclear how the government calculated land used for the project. Landowner U Than Tun from Pyine Sae Kay village said he was not compensated for pastures or arable hillsides that the authorities had labeled as vacant land.

"We were only compensated for five acres of paddy fields," he said, referring to land owned by nine different farmers.

MKSH vice chairman U Kyauk Taung said villagers had willingly accepted "reasonable compensation" before the project was implemented.

MKSH member U Kyaw Soe said the company spent some 220 million kyats on the reservoir and that the 65 million kyats was a separate issue that the company was not involved with.

"We will sue whoever is behind this as it harms our dignity," said U Kyaw Soe.

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BREAKING: Three Myanmar Journalists Charged, Remanded to Hsipaw Prison

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 03:38 AM PDT

HSIPAW, Shan State — Three Myanmar journalists detained by Myanmar's military while reporting in northern Shan State were charged under Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Association Act on Wednesday and were remanded to Hsipaw Prison, according to local police.

Tatmadaw Adjutant Thet Naing Oo from Light Infantry Battalion No. 503 filed the lawsuit against the three journalists on Wednesday and the court date is set for July 11, Hsipaw Township police officer Myint Win told The Irrawaddy.

The three journalists were handed over to police at 12:30 p.m. on Wednesday, he said, after being held by the military since Monday afternoon.

The military arrested seven people, including three reporters—The Irrawaddy's Lawi Weng, also known as U Thein Zaw, as well as U Aye Nai and U Pyae Bone Naing from Democratic Voice of Burma—on the road between Namhsan and Lashio townships in northern Shan State on Monday after reporting in areas controlled by ethnic armed group the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA).

The Tatmadaw filed the case to take action against the reporters for having contact with the TNLA, as the group was designated an unlawful association by the Shan State parliament, according to Myint Win.

"The reporter failed to seek permission, or report to local authorities," the case allegedly said.

Violators of Article 17(1) face two to three years in prison and a possible fine for being a member of an "unlawful association," making contributions to such an association or assisting in its operations.

Lawi Weng told The Irrawaddy in Hsipaw, through the police officer, that his health was good and he was taking routine medicine for existing heart problems. Lawi Weng was previously treated for kidney failure.

A DVB reporter in Hsipaw said his colleagues were in good health but could not confirm their treatment by authorities as he also only spoke to them via a police officer.

The identities and situation of the four other people arrested remains unknown. Until Wednesday afternoon—the third day of detention—the whereabouts of the three journalists were also unknown.

The reporters had traveled to a TNLA-controlled area to report on a drug eradication event marking the International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking.

The Shan State parliament voted to brand the TNLA, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), and the Arakan Army (AA), as "terrorist organizations" last December.

More than 100 civil society organizations objected to the branding, arguing the label would further complicate the path to reconciliation.

The military-appointed defence minister proposed the branding to the Union Parliament in December, but the parliament voted against it.

Reporting by Zaw Zaw, San Yamin Aung, and Tun Tun.

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Lawmaker Urges Tatmadaw Not to Block Shipments of Rice, Fuel to Tanai

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 02:24 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — A Tanai Township lawmaker asked the Tatmadaw to stop blocking commodities from being transported to Kachin State's Tanai Township at the Lower House on Tuesday.

"Since April of last year, the Tatmadaw has been inspecting rice shipments to Tanai Township. In November, a Tatmadaw battalion in Hpakant Township banned them. Since then, rice can only be transported with their approval," lawmaker U Lin Lin Oo told Parliament.

The lawmaker said he had sent a request to the army chief on June 12 asking him to stop the Tatmadaw troops based in the village of Dunbawng in Hpakant Township from blocking rice and fuel transport on Ledo Road.

Deputy Defense Minister Maj-Gen Myint Nwe told Parliament that the Myitkyina District General Administration Department had calculated and reported that more rice and fuel were being sent into Tanai than necessary. He claimed that the surpluses were being brought into areas controlled by the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and its armed wing the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) through various means.

The defense minister said he had informed the Kachin State government that rice and fuel should only serve local demand and not KIO/KIA interests.

"We allow the transportation of rice and fuel into Tanai based on calculations from the Tanai Township General Administration Department. We have only blocked surpluses for security concerns," he said.

The lawmaker said the military has blocked the transport of commodities for seven months and that commodities for the month of May had not even arrived in June – making food prices unstable.

"I'd like to know if [the ban] is the army chief's idea and if the Union government has approved it. If not, Parliament should consider this," said lawmaker U Lin Lin Oo.

The deputy minister stated that Kachin State Chief Minister Dr. Khet Aung and the commander of Northern Command Maj-Gen Nyi Nyi Swe were cooperating for regional security.

U Zaw Win, a lawmaker in the Kachin State Parliament, told The Irrawaddy that the state Parliament had approved his proposal on May 29 to allow the unfettered transportation of rice and fuel to Tanai Township, but that the Kachin State government could do nothing in reality.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Religion Minister Rejects Nationalists’ Criticism, Intends to ‘Purify’ Buddhism in Myanmar

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 12:58 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — Myanmar's religious affairs minister U Aung Ko rejected calls for his resignation from nationalists, including monks, accusing him of favoring Islam over Buddhism in the country and said he intended to "purify" Buddhism.

"My position is not appointed by [the protesters], but by the leader democratically elected by the people. I've no reason to resign at their demand," the Union Minister for Religious Affairs and Culture told reporters, adding that the accusations of protesters were "baseless" and he would file lawsuits in the future.

Hundreds of nationalists and monks along with thousands of their supporters staged a protest against the minister in Naypyitaw last month. On Sunday, they again gathered in Myanmar's two biggest cities Yangon and Mandalay, claiming the government had ignored the list of demands that they laid out at the Naypyitaw demonstration.

The minister said he would purify Buddhism, and his ministry was now drafting plans to take action against those claiming to act in the name of Buddhism but not following the religion's doctrine, with the approval of the government and the State Buddhist Sangha Authority known by its Burmese acronym Ma Ha Na.

"People and [Buddhist] monks have pointed out that it is high time Buddhism be purified," he said. "We'll take action with the authority of executive and Dhamma authorities for healthy perpetuation of the religion," he added.

His comments came after the National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government forbade ultranationalist Buddhist monk U Wirathu from giving sermons for a year in March and banned the name and signage of the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion—better known by its acronym Ma Ba Tha—in May.

U Tint Lwin, one of the organizers of recent protests, said nationalists were planning to stage a sit-in in front of Yangon City Hall.

"This is not a personal attack," he said. "We are demanding [U Aung Ko]'s resignation because he has done nothing for [the Buddhist] race and religion."

"He has not made any response [to our demands] and he is acting like an authoritarian. This is disrespectful to the people. We're not insulting the government, we are just pointing out the fault of the ministry," said nationalist U Tint Lwin.

Nationalists have accused the minister, and the NLD government, of preferential treatment of Muslim communities for allowing numerous ceremonies to mark the birth of Prophet Muhammad across Myanmar in January, when they were previously only held in Yangon and Mandalay.

The minister said permission for such celebrations was granted by concerned township administrators, not his ministry; but he had passed on the remarks that celebrations should be limited to the President's Office and the home affairs ministry.

Nationalist protesters shut down a number of the celebrations, he added.

The minister also accused groups of paying protestors and challenged organizers to rally 100,000 to take to the streets to call for amendment of the military-drafted 2008 Constitution.

He said he "would resign and donate my possessions to the state," if they succeeded.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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US Upgrades Myanmar From Human Trafficking Blacklist

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 12:49 AM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar was upgraded from a list of countries with the worst human trafficking records on Tuesday to a watch list of nations that are trying to meet US minimum standards.

The US State Department removed Myanmar from the blacklist of the US annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report to the Tier 2 watch list of countries making significant efforts to combat human trafficking and forced labor.

On the watch list, Myanmar joins Laos and Thailand, which urged US officials on Wednesday to visit the country and see first hand its efforts to stop human trafficking.

Cambodia and Vietnam remained in Tier 2, meaning the countries do not full comply with US minimum standards but were making "significant efforts" to do so. Malaysia was promoted to Tier 2.

China, however, was downgraded to Tier 3, a rating that can trigger sanctions limiting access to US and international aid, though US presidents frequently waive such action.

For the previous three years, China was on the Tier 2 watch list. China was last in the lowest ranking, or Tier 3, in 2013.

The report described Myanmar's "continued progress" to stop the recruitment and use of child soldiers, but it said the country does not do enough to penalize military officials who have engaged in such recruitment.

It recognized an increase in personnel dedicated to anti-trafficking law enforcement units, and the first trafficking prosecutions of government officials since the enactment of the 2005 Anti-Trafficking in Persons Law.

People from predominantly ethnic minority areas—including the estimated 103,000 persons displaced by conflict in Kachin and northern Shan states and the estimated 120,000 displaced persons in Rakhine State— are at increased risk of trafficking, according to the report.

"Rohingya individuals are particularly vulnerable to labor trafficking in Rakhine State, including forced labor perpetrated by government authorities," it read, noting that the estimated 70,000 Rohingya who fled an army crackdown in Rakhine to neighboring Bangladesh in 2016 and early 2017 are particularly vulnerable to trafficking.

The State Department also removed Iraq and Myanmar from a list of countries that recruit and use child soldiers.

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Prominent Peace Negotiator Dies at 83

Posted: 28 Jun 2017 12:43 AM PDT

Rev. Dr. Lahtaw Saboi Jum, a peace negotiator between Myanmar's military and ethnic armed group the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), passed away at the age of 83 on Monday.

"According to his daughter, he was bedridden for almost four years, and was not able to speak all those years because of age-related brain problems," KIO central executive committee member Dr. La Ja told The Irrawaddy, confirming that he passed away in Yangon.

Rev. Dr. Lahtaw Saboi Jum founded the Ethnic Nationalities Mediators Fellowship together with other ethnic and spiritual leaders to broker negotiations between the government and different ethnic armed groups.

He was engaged in peace negotiations between the KIO and the government since 1980, and was an important player in brokering a ceasefire agreement between the two in 1994.

He also intervened when the military regime pressured the KIO into becoming a government militia, known as a Border Guard Force, in 2009.

In 2000, he established the Nyein Foundation to engage in peace and development works across the country. Currently, his daughter leads the foundation.

"Peace is a goal we must all reach for and try to achieve, so we are very sorry that a person who tried for peace has died. I hope the foundation he laid will help fulfill his unfulfilled wishes," said Dr. La Ja.

He was among the first six ethnic Kachin persons to attend the Myanmar Institute of Theology in 1950. From 1993 to 2000, he served as general secretary of the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC).

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Aung La ‘Burmese Python’ Nsang Set for Myanmar Showdown

Posted: 27 Jun 2017 07:08 PM PDT

Mixed martial artist Aung La "The Burmese Python" Nsang has returned from the US to his home country, Myanmar, in order to prepare for arguably the biggest fight of his career.

The 32-year-old Kachin fighter will battle middleweight champion Vitaly Bigdash for his ONE Championship belt in Yangon's Thuwunna Indoor Stadium on June 30.

Born in Kachin State capital Myitkyina, Aung La moved south to attend Yangon International School before heading to Michigan, in the US, in his late teens, when a friend introduced him to mixed martial arts (MMA).

His impressive rise in the sport rolled into a four-fight win streak, which Bigdash stopped—along with Aung La's first shot at a ONE world title—in a cage fight in January 2016. Now the pair meet again, but with a home crowd behind him, the "Burmese Python" is more confident of a victory than ever.

As the father of a two-year-old son, how has newfound parenthood affected your fight game?

It makes you want to be more dedicated and more professional. It makes you more focused. You are not just doing it for your own wellbeing but you're also doing it for your son's livelihood and future. It puts more fire in you. It's made me a better fighter, for sure.

 Who are your idols in MMA?

I watch a lot of fights and competitors. I don't idolize them, but I just take notes and pointers from different fighters. I respect Lyoto Machida for his timing, and the older guys like Robbie Lawler because of their heart. I also met Robbie Lawler in one of my fights. He's a good person. Most of the MMA fighters and champions are good people. It takes a certain character to be able to stick with a sport like this, still love it, and continue to grow with it. Most of the guys that fight MMA are pretty decent people.

Do you have a dream opponent?

I would like to fight [Ultimate Fighting Championship middleweight] Uriah Hall. I fought him when I was a little younger, but I would like to fight him again. We will see.

What's your best attribute in the cage?

My toughness, my never-quit attitude. I have a good finishing rate when I fight because I have a good sense of when the finish is coming, and when I feel like the finish is coming, I go for it.

Do you have an age in mind when you will retire?

When my passion and fire for fighting has gone and my body starts slowing down. We don't know yet—maybe late 30s. But right now, I feel stronger and faster than I have ever been. My mind is sharper and my technique is getting better.

This is just the beginning for me. I know our age is a lot higher compared to lethwei fighters, but it takes a lot more time to develop the skills because MMA is all martial arts. I feel like I'm in my prime. I can't think that I'm going to stop right now. I just turned 32 a month ago—it's not young. I'm toward the end of my career, but I'm not going to say when I'm going to retire because there is a lot more fight left in me.

Have you considered joining the likes of boxers Manny Pacquiao and Vitali Klitschko by going into politics in your home country after fighting?

Probably not, because I'm not a politician: it's not my art or my craft. Why try to do something that you're not good at? Everybody has political duties but that's not my calling. It's better to follow what your calling is because that's where you won't feel burnt out.

As a politician, it's important to give everything you have. Just like an MMA fighter, you have to be able to put everything into it. Like, Manny Pacquiao, he has an interest in politics. If you have passion, it's okay to pursue it. On my side, politics gives me a headache sometimes.

 Your opponent Bigdash cost you an opportunity to win the title and broke your four-fight win streak.  How has that motivated you for this rematch?

It takes me to the next level. I spent a lot of resources for this fight, making sure I have a good dietician and sparring partners. I took time off teaching classes and the business side of the gym because I know the level of fighter Bigdash is.

This fight has elevated my game and me as a fighter. Because of the training I went through and the fight I had with him, I'll be able to fight better. I'm excited because the last fight I wasn't in shape for a five rounder. The fight was against myself but this fight it's all going to be against him.

What are his strengths and weaknesses?

Physically, he's very strong. He has very good kicks and takedowns. He's a well-rounded fighter. As far as the weakness goes, I think I can capitalize on my boxing.

Will you get the knock out?

That's what I plan to do. I'm looking to finish him—second, third round. I will look for the finish; I don't care if I die. I will look for the finish. It's going to be an exciting fight.

Do you have a message for your fans in Myanmar?

Thank you for all the support and love that you have shown me. It's very undeserving and more than I could have ever imagined. It's an honor for me to represent my people. I just want to encourage everybody to pursue your dreams and work hard toward your passion.

The post Aung La 'Burmese Python' Nsang Set for Myanmar Showdown appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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