Monday, July 3, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Lawmaker Urges Govt Crackdown of Insurgents on Myanmar-India Border

Posted: 03 Jul 2017 06:24 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — Insurgents of the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), a separatist group based in India and seeking to establish a sovereign territory, is threatening the security of Tamu Township in Sagaing Division, according to an Upper House lawmaker.

Parliamentarian U Maung Maung Latt, from Sagaing Division, asked the Union government at the Upper House on Monday to crack down on insurgents of Meitei descent—a majority ethnic group of the northeastern Indian state of Manipur—who are active in Tamu.

He blamed the Myanmar Army and security forces for "failing to protect" locals of Tamu, which shares a 78-mile land border with Manipur.

"The Tatmadaw knows their existence and the deputy minister said that it would take action only when people report it. I assume this is the failure of Tatmadaw and police to protect the lives and property of people," U Maung Maung Latt told the reporters after the parliamentary session.

The lawmaker said he was aware the local authorities had surveyed the population of Meitei, known as Kathe in Myanmar, in Tamu. He cited a recent confrontation between locals and insurgents who allegedly extorted money at Tamu's Nan Pha Lon Market, adding that he filed complaints with the district administrator, police, and military officials, but the authorities had not taken action.

Deputy defense minister Maj-Gen Myint Nwe acknowledged the army is responsible for security and police are responsible for the rule of law but said public cooperation is necessary to protect civilians along the whole 1,016 mile-long border with India. He urged the public to inform authorities about news of insurgent acts.

The deputy minister said it is difficult to differentiate civilians from rebels at the border, adding that people on both sides of the border cross daily for business and have a similar culture.

"In such an area, we can do nothing except cooperate on the ground and exchange information," the deputy minister told The Irrawaddy.

He told the Parliament it was the "long-held policy" of the Tatmadaw to reject any rebel organization rising against neighboring countries or any group helping rebels harbor in Myanmar.

Based on collected intelligence, the Tatmadaw takes action against groups battling the Indian government that exploit the mountainous terrain, sparse population, and poor transportation in the area, said the deputy minister.

U Maung Maung Latt told Parliament he had received information on Monday morning that about 70 male and female rebels were staying at 12 houses in a village just one mile from Tamu.

Maj-Gen Myint Nwe responded that the home affairs ministry would take action "wherever possible" and the Tatmadaw would "always help if necessary."

The lawmaker said he would collect signatures from locals and submit the petition to the president, the State Counselor and concerned ministries. He was concerned the region would become "the second Rakhine State" if the number of rebels increased.

He said there were frequent killings of civilians in Tamu because of the rebels, as well as arson attacks and the seizures of arms.

The armies of India and Myanmar hold border committee meetings every six months. The 10th national level border committee was held in Sagaing Division's Kale and Monywa in May, with the commanders of the Myanmar Army's North-West Command and the Indian Army's No. 57 Mountain Division in attendance.

The meeting discussed matters related to cross-border crimes, counter-insurgency, border security and development.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Lawmaker Urges Govt Crackdown of Insurgents on Myanmar-India Border appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Detained Journalists’ Families Allowed First Prison Visit

Posted: 03 Jul 2017 06:20 AM PDT

YANGON — Family members of journalists detained in northern Shan State said their loved ones are "in good health" after they were allowed prison visits for the first time on Monday.

Lawi Weng, also known as U Thein Zaw, from The Irrawaddy, and U Aye Nai and Pyae Bone Aung from the Democratic Voice of Burma were arrested by the Myanmar Army on Monday, June 26, and and handed over to the police last Thursday. They have been charged under the Unlawful Associations Act and are being detained at Hsipaw Prison in northern Shan State.

On Monday, family members of Lawi Weng and U Aye Nai were allowed a 45-minute visit and were able to deliver food. The family members of another DVB reporter, Pyae Bone Aung, are on their way to Hsipaw, according to U Khin Maung Soe, the multimedia editor at DVB.

"Ko Aye Nai's family members said he is okay," he told The Irrawaddy.

U Khin Maung Win, Lawi Weng's elder brother, met him on Monday afternoon at the prison with a lawyer. He told The Irrawaddy said his younger brother was "in good health," and has been "treated well."

He said his younger brother had told him that he had not been subjected to abuse in the army's interrogation sessions during his initial detention by the military.

"But [Lawi] said they had to sleep on the floor during the interrogation and it was cold. They were surrounded by dozens of soldiers with guns outside," said U Khin Maung Win.

The three journalists were arrested near Namhsan on their way back from covering a drug-burning ceremony held by the ethnic armed group the Ta'ang National Liberation Army on Monday to mark the United Nations' International Day Against Drug Abuse.

The post Detained Journalists' Families Allowed First Prison Visit appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

EU Urges Myanmar to Protect Free Speech After Arrests of Journalists

Posted: 03 Jul 2017 06:15 AM PDT

YANGON — The European Union on Monday urged Myanmar to protect journalists from "intimidation, arrest or prosecution" after several cases of reporters running into trouble with the law, including three detained by the army last week.

The three reporters were accused of breaching the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act after covering the burning of drugs by the rebel Ta'ang National Liberation Army to mark International Day Against Drug Abuse.

Journalists and rights groups say that over a year since democracy champion Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy came to power, the gains made in press freedom since the end of decades of strict military rule risk being reversed.

The European Union said the right to freedom of opinion and expression is a human right guaranteed to all.

"It constitutes one of the essential foundations of a democratic society," it said in a statement.

"We therefore call on the government of Myanmar to provide the necessary legal protection for journalists to work in a free and enabling environment without fear of intimidation, arrest or prosecution."

The three reporters arrested last week—Democratic Voice of Burma reporters Aye Nai and Pyae Phone Naing, and Lawi Weng of the Irrawaddy magazine—are in prison in the northeastern town of Hsipaw. The first hearing in their case is on July 11.

Suu Kyi's spokesman, Zaw Htay, has said that everyone "should be treated according to the law."

Suu Kyi herself has not commented on the three or on other cases of reporters running afoul of the law.

Suu Kyi's defenders say the Nobel Peace Prize winner—who spent years under house arrest for opposing army rule—is hamstrung by a military-drafted constitution that keeps the generals in politics and free from civilian oversight.

The military said the three reporters had communicated with a group
"currently opposing the country's rule of law using arms."

The European Union said that in recent months the arrest and prosecution of journalists had reached "a worrying number."

Most of the cases against journalists are for suspected violations of a broadly worded telecommunications law decried by human rights monitors as a violation of free speech.

In one such case, Kyaw Min Swe, an editor at the Voice daily, was arrested last month over an article mocking the military. His trial is underway.

Reporters protesting against what they see as the threat to press freedom say that military intelligence agents have taken their pictures, a reminder of the days of harsh military rule when no opposition was tolerated.

The post EU Urges Myanmar to Protect Free Speech After Arrests of Journalists appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Paintings for Peace

Posted: 03 Jul 2017 05:23 AM PDT

Myanmar and Korea are different in many ways but they both share a longing for peace. In the 70 years since it gained independence from Britain in 1948, peace among ethnic groups has eluded Myanmar. Since the 1950s, when an uneasy truce was reached between north and south Koreas, peaceful reunification of the peninsula has as yet proved impossible.

Myanmar and Korea's shared desire for peace is on display in an exhibition showcasing works of pacifism from the two countries at New Treasure Art Gallery on Thalwin Street, Golden Hill Avenue in Yangon's Bahan Township.

The exhibition titled "Platform of Peace" is the second edition of the Korea-Myanmar art exhibition and features works by ten Myanmar and ten Korean artists and sculptors.

Over 40 works by Korean and Myanmar artists are on display at the exhibition, which continues until Thursday.

The first edition was held in 2015 to mark the 40th anniversary of diplomatic ties between Myanmar and South Korea.

2017 is a year of cultural exchange between Asean countries and South Korea. Park Taehong, director of co-organizer Artistic Asia, said: "Korea has north and south Koreas. They are divided and have not achieved peace. And Myanmar is also working for peace. When we look at the similarities between the two countries, we found peace. So, we gave the title 'Platform of the Peace.'"

Myanmar artist Moe Nyo sugested there should be more similar exhibitions. "For many people living here it will be very beneficial," he said.

"Marble Stone" by Chan Aye. (Photo: Myo Min Soe/The Irrawaddy)

A sculpture made of stone and silicone sits at the entrance of the exhibition hall. Sculptor Chan Aye explained, "I try to combine two opposite things—soft silicone and hard stone—hoping that this would create some beauty."

"Stainless Steel" by Pyo Insook (2009). (Photo: Myo Min Soe/The Irrawaddy)

Near Chan Aye's work is a simple, but attractive display titled "Stainless Steel" by modern Korean sculptor Pyo Insook. He said of his duck-shaped structure: "People kill and eat such a beautiful creature. So I felt pity and created this duck-shaped steel sculpture."

"Kachin Dance" by Pe Nyut Way (2017). (Photo: Myo Min Soe/The Irrawaddy)

Myanmar artist Pe Nyint Wai showcases two paintings exploring unity and friendship—one shows a traditional Manaw dance of the ethnic Kachin People and another depicts people playing with Myanmar's traditional cane ball.

"Old Jar" by Choi Sukun (2008). (Photo: Myo Min Soe/The Irrawaddy)

Another highlight is Korean artist Choi Sukun's painting titled "Old Jar" featuring a dog and a pig.

He told The Irrawaddy that traditional circular jars remind him of the moon and the moon's cold light gives a sense of peace.

Works on display at the exhibition are priced between US$100 and $3,000 with 50 percent of the proceeds being used to repair schools and roads in Myanmar through Artistic Asia, according to exhibition organizer of Min Wai Aung.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Paintings for Peace appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Four Ethnic Armed Groups Leave UNFC

Posted: 03 Jul 2017 01:30 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Four ethnic armed groups resigned from the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) at the council's conference in Thailand's Chiang Mai.

The UNFC accepted the resignation of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Wa National Organization (WNO), according to Khu Oo Reh, general secretary of the UNFC.

Khu Oo Reh told reporters on June 29—the final day of UNFC's second conference—that the four groups would ally with the UNFC again if the circumstances called for it, and join the council's future conferences as observers.

The KIO, TNLA, and MNDAA formed the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), also referred to as the northern alliance, led by the United Wa State Army (UWSA) in April. The WNO merged with the UWSA in June before the UNFC conference.

KIO vice-chairman General N'Ban La said at the opening of the conference on June 20 the four groups withdrew because of the political situation.

"Local conditions and the military's pressure and divisive rule are pushing armed groups in the northern area [of Myanmar] to stick together. That's why we need to resign from the UNFC," he told the conference.

There are five groups left in the UNFC—the New Mon State Party (NMSP); the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP); the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU); the Arakan National Council (ANC); and the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), which is also a member of the Wa-led FPNCC.

Nai Hong Sar of the NMSP, who was elected as the UNFC chairman during the conference, said the council is dedicated to continuing its negotiations with the government based on the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).

"It depends heavily on the government. If it gives us the room to maneuver on the NCA path, there will be a greater likelihood [of us signing it]. It is up to the government whether it would force us because the UNFC is weaker now," Nai Hong Sar told The Irrawaddy.

The conference, which has been postponed in the past because of difficult military and political conditions, elected 24 council members including nine central executive members. Dr Khin Maung of the ANC was elected as the vice chair and Khu Oo Reh of the KNPP as the general secretary.

The post Four Ethnic Armed Groups Leave UNFC appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NLD to Move Against Corrupt, Underperforming Govt Officials

Posted: 03 Jul 2017 01:01 AM PDT

MANDALAY — The ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party will take action against underperforming, corrupt, or misbehaving government officials, party spokesperson U Win Htein said on Sunday.

"Officials failing to do their public service will initially receive a warning, informing them that the party will observe their work for one year," he said, adding that if requirements were not met within a year they would be removed from their position.

"We have received complaints from almost every state and region in Myanmar," U Win Htein said at a meeting of government officials, parliamentarians, and NLD members in Mandalay on Sunday. "We are doing this for the sake of the country and its people," he added.

In recent years, the NLD has expelled many of its own members for disloyalty to the party or over complaints of bad behavior.

Political analyst Dr. Yan Myo Thein said a balance of cooperation between the government, parliament, and the party was required and the NLD should be careful of interfering in government matters.

He welcomed NLD's bid to combat corruption and said action should be taken immediately but warned that "if a party attempts to control the government directly, there will be controversy."

The post NLD to Move Against Corrupt, Underperforming Govt Officials appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Decolonize Myanmar? Start With the State

Posted: 03 Jul 2017 12:07 AM PDT

The arrest of Lawi Weng, a friend and former colleague, has emotionally and psychologically affected me deeply. It disturbs a long hidden fear inside me, and probably many others from Myanmar who have lived and struggled within regimes of oppression with fear of being unjustly persecuted for who we are and what we believe. This arrest has pushed me to think about one of the key root causes that are too often taken for granted: colonialism.

Lawi Weng, Aye Nai and Pyae Bone Naing were arrested under the 1908 Unlawful Association Act enacted by the British colonial regime. This act was designed by the British colonial regime to oppress and rule the people of Burma and other colonies. The success of British colonialism depended on the use of law, courts, police, prisons, government, schools, hospitals and the economy to control subjects, to make them behave in a certain way and to submit to the new state apparatus.

Sixty years after 'independence,' the state continues to rely on colonial laws and practices, and we continue to internalise and reproduce colonialist ideas. This is all the more ironic since some people continue to talk about Karen as having a "slave mentality" for collaborating with the British while assuming that others are free. As long as colonial laws and practices persist, we all have a "slave mentality."

State actors celebrate Myanmar's liberation from British colonialism, while maintaining legacies of the colonial state for the control and suppression of the people of Myanmar. Can we say that we are independent?

There has been a long history of resistance to colonialism, in organised action, boycotts, gossip, religious movements, rituals, song, writing, violent resistance and banditry. Liberation for anticolonial activists meant many things. It could involve social and political freedom and cultural revitalization. The colonial state used various methods to suppress resistance. Just as the postcolonial state is using some of the same methods to suppress Lawi Weng, Aye Nai, Pyae Bone Naing and others who are involved in creating a better society.

Instead of creating our path towards a free society that recognises diverse views of the nation, the state is replicating acts of repression. State communication is often nationalistic, but for me, the arrest of these three journalists is not a nationalistic act.

My intention is not to dehumanise and villainize the state. We have all internalised colonial practices in our own way. Agents of the state are also in need of decolonization. In our hearts, we all want to move forward and hope for a better society, however that might look.

Decolonization needs to involve a deep analysis of how our politics and society should look like, the core values, the role of law and government, and address the violence of colonisation in imposing foreign and oppressive structures and ideologies. What we do today should not contradict core values of liberation and decolonization. Myanmar needs to be untangled from the apparatus of colonial control.

These arrests brought me back to my memory of being arrested by Thai police while I was working as a journalist along the Thailand-Myanmar border. The level of uncertainty of my safety and security because of that arrest penetrated my mental state deeply.

I am still somehow traumatised by this incident, a decade later. The context of the capture I experienced is, of course, different from the arrest of Lawi and other journalists. However, it is undeniable that they will experience deep fear and that the state is doing physical and mental harm to them. The consequences of these arrests are also doing much broader harm. It affects their families, their comrades in the media and the wider society.

The application of the Unlawful Association Act and other colonial laws and practices for the control and repression of the people of Myanmar shows that we are still caught within the legacy of the colonial system. We must critique this situation to look at what we need to do to live in a liberated and decolonised Myanmar. Right now, those directly involved in the persecution of Lawi Weng, Aye Nai, and Pyae Bone Naing need to decolonise most of all.

Violet Cho is a former reporter at The Irrawaddy and a PhD Candidate in Anthropology at the Australian National University.

The post Decolonize Myanmar? Start With the State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Policeman Injured in Grenade Attack on Hsipaw Police Station

Posted: 02 Jul 2017 10:19 PM PDT

A policeman was wounded when Hsipaw Township police station in northern Shan State was attacked with an improvised grenade early on Sunday morning.

A motorcyclist threw the explosive device into the station compound in the northeast of downtown Hsipaw at 4:30 a.m. before escaping, according to a statement released by the Commander-in-Chief's Office.

The policeman on guard suffered minor injuries and the blast also damaged a Toyota Land Cruiser seized last week in the arrest of seven people, including three journalists, on suspicion of association with ethnic armed group the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), which is active in the area.

Township Police Chief Myint Win reportedly told media on Sunday authorities have launched an investigation into the attack and suggested the armed group may be behind the attack as three of those arrested were ethnic Ta'ang, also known as Palaung.

"We are still looking for the culprit," he said. "It may be related to the unlawful association cases [of the three Ta'ang]. It's possible that [the culprit] launched the attack as they are not pleased with case," he said.

The post Policeman Injured in Grenade Attack on Hsipaw Police Station appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Migrants Continue to Flee Thailand in Wake of New Labor Rules

Posted: 02 Jul 2017 10:10 PM PDT

Tens of thousands of workers have fled Thailand, most of them for homes in neighboring Myanmar, immigration officials said on Monday, after new labor regulations adopted by the military government sparked fear and panic among the migrant community.

Millions of workers from poor neighbors, such as Cambodia and Myanmar, form the backbone of Thailand's manual labor force, with industries such as the multi-billion-dollar seafood business heavily reliant on foreign workers.

Since taking power in a 2014 coup, Thailand's ruling junta has attained varying degrees of success in campaigns to regulate the foreign workforce, spurred partly by media reports that unregulated workers faced exploitation by employers.

About 60,000 workers left between June 23 and 28, and the number has risen since, an Immigration Bureau official said.

"They were of all nationalities, but the biggest group was from Myanmar," Deputy Commissioner Pornchai Kuntee told Reuters. "They are probably very scared."

Following news of the exodus, Thailand on Friday promised a 120-day delay in enforcing parts of the decree, including fines that can range up to 800,000 baht (US$23,557) for employers who hire unregistered foreign workers without permits.
Geta Devi, 28, a Myanmar worker based in Bangkok, the Thai capital, said some of her friends panicked after hearing about the decree.

"They went back to Myanmar," she added.

The mass movement leaves undocumented workers vulnerable, said Andy Hall, a British specialist in migrant workers' rights who has monitored such migration in Thailand for more than a decade.

"It's clear to me tens of thousands of migrants only move like this after instigation," Hall, who has worked extensively with Myanmar workers, told Reuters.

Despite the threat of punishment, "corrupt officials" would try to take bribes from fleeing migrants, he said.
"Mass profit is to be made in a short time from the panic and commotion," Hall added.

Police officers who try to extort money from employers or migrant workers will be punished, Thai police chief Chaktip Chaijinda said on Friday, in a bid to discourage exploitation of undocumented workers.

Last month, the United States kept Thailand on a trafficking watch list, saying it did not meet the minimum standards to end human trafficking.

Thailand defended its efforts to stop trafficking and urged US officials to visit and gauge its campaign.

More than 3 million migrants work in Thailand, the International Organization for Migration has said, but rights groups put the figure higher

The post Migrants Continue to Flee Thailand in Wake of New Labor Rules appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Kayah’s Disappearing Traditional Bamboo Guitars

Posted: 02 Jul 2017 09:22 PM PDT

The art of crafting a "kaloe"—a traditional bamboo guitar made by ethnic Kayah—is disappearing and the instrument is now mainly sold as a souvenir item at makers' homes in Kayah villages in Loikaw and Demoso townships.

Khu Mee Reh, a 70-year-old ethnic Kayah, also known as Karenni, is one of the last kaloe makers.

He has been crafting bamboo guitars and flutes since he was a teenager, and frequently plays them at home.

Khu Mee Reh and his wife Mou Soe Myar live in Tanelale village in Demoso Township, about a 15-minute drive from Loikaw.

In his village, both domestic and international tourists experience traditional food and culture still practiced by the older members of the community.

Mou Soe Myar, a grandmother, always wears traditional dress: A short longyi weaved from cotton, a black top that just covers one shoulder, a long shawl, large silver earrings, bracelets, and necklaces and lacquered cotton rings on her legs.

"I have been wearing these since I was young and I don’t want to change," she told The Irrawaddy.

But traditional dress has been disappearing among the younger generations, except for during festivals.

Younger Kayah villagers said they don't want to wear traditional dress as it involves too many accessories and is not beautiful when it's worn incomplete.

Khu Mee Reh said he and his wife sold the bamboo guitars for use in peoples' homes in the past, but he has started to sell them to tourists who visit Kayah areas to experience a traditional way of life.

He said he would be happy to pass on kaloe-making skills to anyone who wanted to learn, but that there was a lack of interest among the community.

Tourists can purchase a kaloe from Khu Mee Reh's home for just 5,000 kyats, and enjoy a traditional music performance by him and his wife.

The post Kayah's Disappearing Traditional Bamboo Guitars appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


61 rights groups urge govt to repeal Section 66(d)

Posted: 02 Jul 2017 01:13 PM PDT

A joint statement issued by 61 national and international human right organisations urge the Myanmar government and parliament to repeal Section 66(d) of the 2013 Telecommunications Law and to decriminalise defamation.

MPF sets up retail shops

Posted: 02 Jul 2017 01:03 PM PDT

In a move to combat the sales of counterfeit medicines and drugs, the Myanmar Pharmaceutical Factory (MPF), under the Ministry of Industry, has cancelled its distribution network involving sales representatives.

Three challenges loom for next Panglong conference: ICG report

Posted: 02 Jul 2017 01:01 PM PDT

Inclusion issues, content of the next conference and implementation of interim programs are three key challenging issues in peace process that the government has to cope with before the next conference, said the International Crisis Group (ICG).

Yangon launches clean up, beautification campaign as tourist numbers rise

Posted: 02 Jul 2017 12:55 PM PDT

A multi-sectoral campaign to clean up and beautify Yangon kicked off Sunday in a downtown alley between 31st and 32nd streets, as the country registered a spike in tourist arrivals.

Journalists call for media freedom

Posted: 02 Jul 2017 12:50 PM PDT

Civil societies and The Protection Committee for Myanmar Journalists staged a protest calling for media freedom in the country and the release of detained journalists.

Sunday, July 2, 2017

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


UNFC'S FUTURE: Waning political clout or revamping the organization's image?

Posted: 01 Jul 2017 10:46 AM PDT

Concerned Burma watchers and people involved in the country's peace process eyes are trained on the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) two-phase meeting, one explicitly for the UNFC members and the other, that was programmed to host other Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) that are operating within the country, ethnic political parties and civil society groups.

It is not that the UNFC is seen as a crucial prime mover that it used to be, but whether it would be able to survive the wave of resignation that has inevitably weaken its bargaining stance as an umbrella ethnic group. And besides, of course, on how the organization would fair politically in the aftermath of its remoulding and reshuffling the setup.

Background

This formidable ethnic umbrella organization was officially formed from the 12 remnants EAOs of the Committee for the Emergence of a Federal Union (CEFU) on 16 February  2011, in Chiang Mai, Thailand, which is also its first conference. They included: Kachin Independent Organization/Kachin Independent Army (KIO/KIA), Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), New Mon State Party (NMSP), Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA), Arakan National Council/Arakan Army (ANC/AA), Lahu Democratic Union (LDU), Wa National Organisation (WNO), Palaung State Liberation Front/Ta'ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Chin National Front (CNF), Karen National Union (KNU), and Pa-O National Organization (PNO).

The organization's objectives were and still are to build a genuine ethnic unity, lasting peace in the country, establishment of a genuine multi-party system, and to build a peaceful federal union that all could live together.

However, in 2014, the KNU even before the signing of Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in October 2015, suspended itself from the UNFC, due to the disagreement over the management of the organization and rivalry on leadership position with the KIO. A year later, in October 2015, two other members - PNLO and the CNF - were suspended from the council after signing the government's NCA, which other members had rejected because it was argued not to be all-inclusive of all the armed groups. The MNDAA and the TNLA resignations from the bloc followed in 2016, as the UNFC wasn't able to give a helping hand in their resistance of the government's forces military onslaught. The KIO and the WNO followed suit with the resignation in 2017; the former out of necessity to join the EAOs for its survival in the face of the Burma Army or Tatmadaw's  heavy offensives and the latter to join the United Wa State Army (UWSA).

Presently, the UNFC's member counts have dwindled from original 12 to only 5  members, which includes ANC, KNPP, LDU, NMSP and SSPP.

UNFC 2ndConference

The second UNFC conference kicked off during the last two weeks of June. According to the UNFC's eight-point statement of June 29, the first part of the conference held from June 20 to 26 was attended by 62 participants, which covered the second term period of August 2014 to June 2017. During the gathering, the reading out of various foreign, domestic reports, analysing and endorsing them; election of new leadership; resignation of some members and as well, acceptance of new membership issues were discussed and decided.

While the acceptance of the new membership would be decided in the course of time by the UNFC appointed committee for this sole purpose, the resignation of the members were duly approved, without problem. Of all the resigned EAOs, KIO's case was highly emotional, as it was the bulwark for the UNFC, in terms of military might and as well, a generous financial backers of the council.

General N'Ban La explained by saying: "Also due to regional situation, the government-Tatmadaw's pressure under selective administrative condition, we, the northern groups, were pushed to become united. That is why we have to resign from the UNFC."

Accordingly, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), the Chin National Front (CNF), Kachin National Organization (KNO), Kuki National Organization (KNO), and Zomi Revolutionary Organization (ZRO) have asked to join the UNFC's ranks.

The election of UNFC for the third term was undertaken, where 24 council members were elected, which includes 9 central committee members. The council line-up includes: Nai Han Thar from the NMSP, who was elected as the chairman of the council, Dr. Khin Maung from the ANC as vice-chairman, Khu Oo Reh from the KNPP as general secretary, Hsur Onn from the SSPP as joint-general secretary-1 and Solomon from the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) as joint-general secretary-2.

The second part of the conference took place from June 27 to 29, which included friendly EAOs, political parties and civilian-based organizations or civil societies, observers, including technical consultative teams of one hundred and three altogether.

The second part gathering undertook to analyse and discuss issues that were taken into account at Mai Ja Yang, ethnic leadership conference in July 2016. They were Panglong principle guidelines or Panglong Manual; basic federal principles; position on defence and security; Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD); National-level Political Dialogue (NPD) – actually it should be termed sub-national-level (remark by this writer); and the outcomes of Union Peace Conference - 21stCentury Panglong (UPC–21CP). However, it is not clear whether common agreement were reached among the attendees.

Most of the statement dwell on the shortcomings of the UPC–21CP, on which different levels of implementation were not appropriately followed and in some cases even breached the NCA's FPD guidelines.

The statement paragraph four pointed out that the NCA implementation highest body, the Joint Implementation Committee Meeting (JICM) and the two directly under it, the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) and Ceasefire Joint Monitoring Committee-Union (JMC-U), the former responsible for UPC-21CP and the latter for monitoring nationwide ceasefire arrangement, were all very weak at every stage in implementing the NCA and not doing their duties as prescribed.

JICM is made up of two groups with 8 members each. One is the government, parliament and military combined and the other the signatory EAOs.

The JMC-U is made up of three groups. The two groups with 10 members each are the government, parliament and military combined and the other, the signatory EAOs. In addition, 3 civilian representatives each chosen by the military and the signatory EAOs, making 6 altogether also are included.

The UPDJC is made up of three groups, each with 16 members. The three groups are the government, parliament and military combined, the signatory EAOs, and political parties. It is the highest organ in directing the country's political dialogue, including the convening of UPC-21CP.

The UNFC statement paragraph five stated the government's inability to conduct sub-national-level political dialogues; not given enough time to hold sectoral - political, security, economy, land and natural resources, and social issues – discussions; unclear job description of the UPDJC; inadequate arrangement in holding the UPC–21CP; the outcome of conference results (Pyidaungsu or Union Accord) didn't cover the opinion of all the conference participants; no equality in all levels of groups' discussions; and unable to conclude the FPD.

The paragraph six said that the KNU and Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), both the NCA signatories, criticism on the last UPC–21CP as being on the same wave length with the second part UNFC conference participants' opinion.

Its closing two paragraphs recommendations said that in order to overcome the said weak points and achieve long-lasting and genuine peace with the termination of conflicts, negotiation is the only way out; and that all-inclusiveness participation of all groups; re-examining and amending of the FPD; to first attain acceptable condition that all could agree with before signing the Union Accord have to be carried out.
It also vowed to strive for democracy, national (ethnic) equality, and rights of self-determination in order to build the federal union and peaceful atmosphere together with the EAOs, ethnic political parties and civil societies.

Apart from UNFC, United Nationalities Alliance (UNA), Nationalities Brotherhood Federation (NBF), Women League of Burma (WLB) and Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement-Signed EAOs (NCA-S EAOs) were present at the UNFC held conference.

Perspective

The question of whether the UNFC would disintegrate and fade away like its predecessor organizations the National Democratic Front (NDF) and Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) or continue to survive now seems to be answered, if its latest statement is to be taken as an indication or clue.

It might have endured the great loss of having to let go its giant bulwark member,  the KIO that has led to the weakening of its military capabilities and of course, financial prowess also. But in terms of political outreach and ethnic solidarity, it has really put on some plus points, as ethnic political umbrella groups like UNA and NBF were active participants, together with ethnic civil society organizations, including even like the CNF and ABSDF which are NCA signatory EAOs.

Thus, it could be said that the feeble UNFC is now able to revamp its image and position to be a political platform for most ethnic nationality groups striving for equality and rights of self-determination.

Again, the signatory 8 EAOs, the UNFC, and the 7 EAOs Pangkham alliance or Federal Political Negotiation Consultative Committee (FPNCC) now seem to see themselves not as separate groups with different interest, but struggling for the same political aim or aspirations. And as such, they now see each other not as enemies but organizations united in their political will, aspirations and conviction, a proposition stand point made by the departing, UNFC former chairman General N'Ban La.

From the government point of view it could well be that it is angling to cash in some benefit in the form of wooing some UNFC members into its fold by forcing them sign the NCA, as it calculated the weakened UNFC would easily give in to the pressure or out of worries that they could be left hanging without solid political base. This assessment have shown to be premature as the government hasn't win over any new group signing the NCA, since the NLD came to power more than a year ago.

For the short term, the government's sincerity would be tested when the UNFC and government meet during this month, where negotiation on UNFC's nine-point amendment proposal of the NCA would take place. If the government sticks to its short term gains, the give-and-take accommodation would be hard to come by and the stalemate with the UNFC would continue.

While it is understandable that now the government would need more to talk to the Panghsang alliance given that it possesses eighty percent of the whole ethnic fighting force, including the pressure to iron out the differences by China to both parties, treating the UNFC as a low-hanging fruit that could be picked anytime it wanted would be a disaster, as it would be a litmus test for the government's sincerity and political willingness to really go for equitable political power-sharing, embedded in a genuine federal union system of governance.

But for the longer term, the success or failure of the peace talks would depend on whether the UNFC's recommendations that echoed all the EAOs, political parties and civil society organizations are heeded. And for the immediate jump-start of peace negotiation that hasn't moved an inch forward for sometimes would depend on whether the government is ready to accommodate the Panghsang alliance desire of meeting all its members as a group and not separately as has been demanded, as the first step.


The ball is now actually in the government-Tatmadaw's court, so to speak.  

Saturday, July 1, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 1)

Posted: 30 Jun 2017 11:47 PM PDT

India Hands Over Cargo Ships

India this week handed over six cargo vessels to Myanmar to support the Kaladan Multimodal Transport Project, a bilateral project that will connect the two countries via a water route from Rakhine State's Sittwe to Paletwa in Chin State and a road from Paletwa to Zorinpui in Mizzoram State, India.

The ships were built in Dala, Dagon Seikan and Dawbon dockyards in Yangon.by Myanmar's Inland Waterways Transport at a cost of US$89 million, according to a statement by the Indian embassy in Yangon.

The vessels are 45 meters long and 9.5 meters wide and have a cargo capacity of 300 tons.

Work is continuing on the Kaladan project at Sittwe and Paletwa ports.

IFC Invests in Microfinance

The International Finance Corporation (IFC) has committed a financing package of $13.5 million for Myanmar-based microfinance institutions.

The package includes a $1.5 million stake in Maha Agriculture Public Company and $6 million in loans each to Fullerton Finance (Myanmar) Company, in which the IFC already holds a 15 percent stake, and Early Dawn Microfinance Company.

The move is intended to support microfinance businesses to engage the largely untapped rural, low income market segment.

Demand for microcredit for small enterprises and poor households underserved by mainstream banks is estimated to exceed supply by three-fold, according to an IFC statement.

"Improving access to microfinance will help unlock the great potential of the rural sector and small enterprises by providing much needed financing to increase productivity and create jobs, incomes and prosperity for a significant number of workers in this country," said Vikram Kumar, IFC country manager for Myanmar.

The deals "fit with a strategic IFC focus in Myanmar to develop a sustainable and responsible commercial microfinance sector to serve urban and rural poor,'' the statement said.

It added that the IFC is mitigating lending risks through development of a central credit bureau, expected to be launched later this year following the issuance of a landmark IFC-supported credit reporting regulation in March.

"Going forward, IFC will introduce responsible business practices to microfinance institutions and promote financial-consumer protection through knowledge transfer activities with regulators and industry players,'' according to the statement.

The IFC is a member of the World Bank Group. It conducts investments that are intended to "leverage the power of the private sector to help end poverty and boost shared prosperity.''

Investment Firm Looks at Expansion

Private equity firm Delta Capital is close to finalizing another $50 million in investments after its first round raised the same amount, the company's founder and managing partner Nick Powell told DealStreet Asia.

By November it expects to have raised $150 million in total since the firm was founded in 2013 in Myanmar.

In the first round the firm invested in oil and gas, alcoholic beverage manufacturing, an internet service provider, a local business conglomerate and a domestic bottle manufacturer. For the second round the firm is looking to close investments in the consumer and ICT sectors.

Powell founded Delta Capital as a partnership between Hong Kong-based assets management company, SMC Capital and Serge Pun & Associates.

The fund-raising for the second fund has garnered interest from European family offices and wealthy Asian families, according to the report. The firm is also seeking to be the first Myanmar-focused private equity fund to get investments from Development Finance Institutions (DFIs).

Rubber Plant Mooted for Mon State

Plans for a rubber manufacturing plant in Mon State have been discussed by Ministry of Industry and Thaton Township officials, the Global New Light of Myanmar reported.

The plan was discussed at the annual general meeting of the Thaton Township Rubber Planters and Producers Association on 23 June, according to the report.

Association Chairman Dr. Than Myo said the project is needed because of high level of international demand for high-quality rubber, while Myanmar has struggled to produce a quality product.

Most of Myanmar's rubber producers are small holder farmers using traditional farming methods.

Thaton Township is a rubber-growing hub with 40,000 acres under cultivation, although only half of that acreage produces rubber of sufficient quality for export to China, India, South Korea and Japan.

Myanmar has more than 1.6 million acres of rubber plantations and rubber latex is produced by over 700,000 acres of rubber land, according to the report. It added that most of Myanmar's rubber goes to China through cross-border trade stations, while other countries receive shipments by sea.

Trade With India on the Rise

Myanmar's trade with India grew by 6 percent from 2015 to 2016 to the same period the following year, according to a report.

The figure was given by India's minister of Commerce and Industry Nirmala Sitharaman, at the 6th Joint Trade Committee Meeting between India and Myanmar this week.

Myanmar's exports to India were $1.06 billion in 2016 to 2017, a growth of 8.43 percent over the previous year.

Imports from India were $1.11 billion, up by 3.79 percent.

Sitharaman told media that the bilateral trade potential between the two countries remains untapped and she sought Myanmar's cooperation in actively pursuing enhanced road, sea and air connectivity between the two countries.

She urged Myanmar to expedite work on the Kaladan Multimodal Transport Project in Rakhine State and to speed up completion of work on the waterway linking the port of Sittwe with the interior.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 1) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

This Week in Parliament (June 26 – June 30)

Posted: 30 Jun 2017 11:34 PM PDT

Monday (June 26)

In the Lower House, Daw Nan Kham Aye of Namtu Township asked the Union government to share five percent of the profits of the China-backed Shwe natural gas pipeline for the development of Shan State. Deputy Minister of Electricity and Energy Dr. Tun Lwin replied that State-owned Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) has invested in the project through Chinese loans and is still paying the loans, and therefore has not received profits.

The Lower House recorded the proposal of Nyaungshwe (Yawnghwe) Township lawmaker U Win Myint Oo which urged the Union government to adopt inclusive plans for the sustainability of Inle Lake, which is a landmark in Shan State.

In the Upper House, in response to a question by Dr. Kyaw Than Htun of Mandalay Constituency (3) about Myanmar traditional herbal medicines sold across the country, Health Minister Dr. Myint Htwe replied that his ministry would standardize the botanical names of herbs and raw materials used in making traditional medicines to ensure their safety and effectiveness.

Tuesday (June 27)

Dekkhinathiri Township lawmaker U Thant Zin Tun asked the Lower House if the Naypyidaw Development Committee would take back inactive lands earmarked for projects and implement new villages and wards on them. Naypyidaw Council member U Aung Myin Tun replied that the council currently had no plans to build new wards or villages.

Tanai lawmaker U Lin Lin Oo urged the Myanmar Army to stop blocking commodities from being transported to his township in Kachin State. Deputy Defense Minister Maj-Gen Myint Nwe explained that more rice and fuel were being sent into Tanai than necessary, and that the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) was receiving the surplus and benefitting from imposing taxes on rice and fuel shipments.

In the Upper House, lawmaker Dr. Zaw Lin Htut of Mon State Constituency (9) asked what services and medicines the Ministry of Health and Sports were providing free of charge to people. Minister for Health and Sports Dr. Myint Htwe replied that while his ministry was providing free medicines depending on the budget, it was also implementing a national health plan (2017-2021) which aimed to provide basic health care services for citizens at a low cost across the country by the 2020-21 fiscal year.

Wednesday (June 28)

In Union Parliament, lawmakers urged the government to re-consider loans obtained from China because of the high interest rates involved. According to the mid-term debt management strategy report submitted by the Ministry of National Planning and Finance to the legislature, Myanmar owes a total of US$9 billion, of which 44 percent is obtained from China. The interest rate of China's loans is also the highest at 4.5 percent. Lawmakers urged the government to negotiate with the Chinese government to reduce the interest.

Thursday (June 29)

In the Lower House, lawmaker U Hla Htay Win urged the government to firmly reject a UN fact-finding mission and use of the word 'Rohingya.' Deputy Foreign Minister U Kyaw Tin replied that the Myanmar representative dissociated Myanmar from the UN resolution at the UN Human Rights Council in March, in which it was decided that a fact-finding mission would be sent to investigate human rights violations in Rakhine State and elsewhere throughout Myanmar, and that countries like India and China also disagreed with the resolution.

The Lower House also approved the proposal of Waw Township lawmaker U Tin Htwe to draw sports calendars at high schools, universities and colleges for the development of Myanmar's sports.

In the Upper House, Dr. Khun Thaung Win of Kachin State Constituency (11) asked about the government's plans for the building and land where the national convention was held to draft the 2008 Constitution in Nyaungnabin in Yangon's Hlegu Township. Deputy Construction Minister U Kyaw Lin replied that an industrial area, a research and development center, industrial training school, and residential and business buildings would be implemented on those lands.

Friday (June 30)

The Lower House recorded the proposal of Gangaw Township lawmaker Daw Yin Min Hlaing to introduce reforms to nursing for the improvement of health care service delivery.

In the Upper House, U Ye Htut of Sagaing Constituency (5) asked if the government would provide land rent and crop compensation for farmers who refused to accept compensation after their farmlands were fenced in by China's Wanbao Co. at the Letpadaung Copper Mine. Minister for Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation U Ohn Win said that the Sagaing Division government collected the name lists of farmers who refused to accept compensation and would closely supervise the Chinese company to see that compensation is provided as soon as possible.

The post This Week in Parliament (June 26 – June 30) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Irrawaddy: Lurking Pitfalls for NLD Politicians

Posted: 30 Jun 2017 09:52 PM PDT

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy. On June 24-25, the National League for Democracy (NLD) held its central executive committee (CEC) meeting. NLD CEC member and lawmaker in the Upper House, U Aung Kyi Nyunt, said the NLD is facing three major dangers.

He said party members at different levels are facing the danger of being misguided, the NLD is facing the danger of being exploited, and another danger is that NLD party members are acting arrogantly.

So, this week, we'll discuss how serious this problem is, and what we can point out. Director Ko Thwin Lin Aung of civil society organization Genuine People's Servants and journalist Ko Thiha of NHK [Japanese acronym for the Japan Broadcasting Corporation] join me to discuss this. I'm Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.

What U Aung Kyi Nyunt said at the NLD CEC meeting on June 24-25 made the headlines in the newspapers. Let's define what he said: by "misguided," does he mean NLD party members at different levels are being bought and put into the pockets of businessmen and cronies? By exploitation, does he mean other parties or political organizations are using [the NLD] for their own benefits? In terms of arrogance, we journalists as well as some other people have borne witness to it. So, Ko Thiha, how would you define those three?

Thiha: Being misguided is a problem facing various institutions. We can even find it in government mechanisms. Cronies especially, and those with strong financial backgrounds who have monopolized government projects in successive periods, are able to approach and persuade NLD leaders.  Yes, this is a danger.

But the danger for the time being is that government institutions are hampering the [NLD-initiated] reforms by obliquely inducing [ministers appointed by the NLD] to accept their bureaucratic mechanisms, which they are good at, and have been engaged in for many years.

At first, when the NLD came to power, there were signs that the government [bureaucratic] mechanism would change. But gradually, those signs disappeared and things have gone back to their previous state. In other words, I'm suspicious that heads of government departments who have engaged in a deep-seated bureaucratic system for ages are misguided [NLD] leaders. This is how I understand the word "misguided."

KZM: Ko Thwin Lin Aung, what is your assessment of those dangers?

Thwin Lin Aung: I'm quite happy that U Aung Kyi Nyunt has pointed these out, because they are the existing dangers. There is a Burmese saying that when something is too big, it is difficult to see it.

The danger is too big—too big that they don't see it. We really wanted to point that out. But sometimes, it is difficult for us to do so because of the level of success the NLD has achieved and its reputation as the people's party.

Under such circumstances, I'm quite happy that a CEC member of the party has pointed those out. On the other hand, the market economy we're practicing is capitalism. So, [the government] has to engage with capitalists. We can't hope for their fall like communists do.

When people in positions of political power engage with them, the risk of being bought is quite large. I'm glad that U Aung Kyi Nyunt has pointed this out. Again, the transition is not yet over, and there are certain groups that do not want the transition to take place.

There is also the danger of them taking advantage by criticizing the NLD. While there must be opposition, which is a norm in a democracy, the NLD should be careful to make sure that such opposition doesn't overstep the boundaries of check and balance. Another factor is success. The NLD achieved great success in the 2015 [election]. There may be [NLD party members] who are too proud of that success and unconsciously display arrogance. Yes, there are. We are seeing them, so I'm grateful to U Aung Kyi Nyunt that he has explicitly warned about it.

KZM: As far as I'm concerned, U Aung Kyi Nyunt is the only CEC member since last year who has boldly pointed out or—in other words—criticized his own party. We're seeing NLD party members acting haughtily every day, and people are highly tolerant of it—perhaps because it is their favorite party, and they have chosen it themselves. Ko Thiha, as a journalist you have interviewed NLD party members. Do you ever feel put out when you talk to senior or mid-level leaders of the NLD?

Thiha: The first problem we faced was that when the NLD started to form its government, people speculated about the president and chief minister positions. And there were problems when we engaged with those who were tipped as future ministers or the like, as they were pressured at the time. Some people didn't get the high positions they had expected. Some felt pressures because of the responsibility of their positions. And some were, you know, putting on airs. Some are under pressure as they are afraid that they would accidentally say or make mistakes in their high positions. Sometimes, as they practise restraint to avoid mistakes, it looks like they, especially party leaders, are haughty. And some act like 'I don't care whatever you say.' To put it bluntly, those people could not resist the sense of achievement. Again, it is also partly because they have not been honed properly for it. As they got something big all of a sudden, they don't feel at ease, and perhaps they had not prepared to be able to adapt to the new environment. Again, perhaps they don't have the idea of mending themselves even after they are confronted by criticism. Most of them are sensitive to criticism. And people have tolerated their faults all because of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. As much as the people have shown tolerance, those who criticize [the NLD] have drawn criticism themselves. So, those who are too proud of themselves have got out of control. This is what is happening.

KZM: There are ministers under the U Thein Sein government who were infamous for what they said. For example, minister U Ohn Myint said he had gone around the country and slapped people. But no incumbent minister is that bad under the new government. But as U Aung Kyi Nyunt has said, they acted with an 'I don't care' attitude in dealing with media. For instance, U Win Htein was known for calling a reporter an idiot six times in an interview, and this attitude has created hostility between him and the media. He could have chosen not to say it, but as he said it, it caused problems. What is your assessment? Are they unprofessional as a politician or haughty as U Aung Kyi Nyunt has said?

Thiha: Talking of U Win Htein, he is mentioned quite frequently in the media. NLD party members avoid the media for fear that they would say something mistaken. But, U Win Htein talks to all media. It is his good point. As every media outlet approaches him, and as he sometimes makes remarks recklessly, it was covered repeatedly in the media. This has happened time and again, but he still doesn't exercise restraint. Recently, he said again that he doesn't care what people say about of them. It is very bad. We don't think he said it on behalf of the party. But he said it at the party CEC meeting and this has raised question, and grabbed the headlines.

Yes, talking of slapping is far worse. If there were no leaders like Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Uncle U Tin Oo and U Win Tin in the NLD, such words would surely attract severe criticism. This is the difference between the previous government and current government. Under the previous government, people didn't like what the ministers said as well as the ruling party they represented, so they responded angrily. And under the new government, people are frustrated that they act like that despite there being leaders like Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. And it seems that the media also bears them acting like that. This is not a good development.

KZM: Ko Thwin Lin Aung, their standpoints might be right. But the problem is they are politicians and political leaders, and, as they are elected by the people and represent the people, they are the public figures, I think. To what extent would their actions impact the NLD?

TLA: I think there is an impact. What U Aung Kyi Nyunt has said has made headlines in every journal, and so it is like a white spot coming out of the dark black. This is how I see it.

KZM: His words are welcomed by many, as he spoke the truth.

TLA: What he pointed out is happening in reality, but no one mentioned it before him. So, as he was the first person to point it out, it has attracted particular attention from the people.

KZM: After the NLD-led government assumed office, some criticized Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as not being friendly toward the media. In fact, in any country, persons in top positions like the president or the State Counselor need not meet the media frequently. Ko Thiha, do you think they are not friendly to the media? Some say that people view Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as a mother rather than a leader. As you know, many call her mother Su. So, she is not friendly, but she is motherly. She treats us as if she were a mother.

Thiha: My view is that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had a lot of pressures after she has become the State Counselor. She is very busy. Perhaps she has a lot to think about because of her responsibilities. So, she is not ready to meet the media. She can't give doorstep interviews to the media while she is on the go like she did in the past. Previously she used to give doorstep interviews on the go. But now, she avoids it, and perhaps she exercises caution in response to the criticism of media. But I think she does this just for work purposes. Personally, she has not changed. If we ask her 'how are you aunty?' she would smile and say 'I'm good, how about you, son?' So there is no problem with her personal relations. However, compared to the past, I think she exercises greater caution in speaking to the media.

KZM: Ko Thwin Lin Aung, you mean if party members at different levels, senior levels, mid-levels, and perhaps the lower level, have such problems engaging with people, media, or the society at large, it will have an impact on the party. The next election will be held in 2020. If such things can not be controlled, it will have an impact. All the way, the NLD has been the most popular party in 1990, 2012, and 2015 elections. But after it came to power, people are feeling frustrated. And groups like the 88 Generation students are also planning to establish a political party. To what extent do you think these factors will result in a political shift? Maybe it is not a serious problem. But what if party leaders could not control the things pointed out by U Aung Kyi Nyunt?

TLA: I think it will have a considerable impact. Besides those things pointed out by U Aung Kyi Nyunt, there is a problem with the NLD's party policy. Parties have to take action according to their policies. And their policies should reflect the voices of the people. Sometimes the NLD is weak in that aspect, and I think they are overconfident because of the big success they have achieved. When their policy doesn't meet the needs of the people, rather than trying to adjust it, they are acting stubbornly, like 'our policy is not wrong, we are the people's party.' Such an attitude is quite problematic. This would lead to a big change of results in the 2020 election. As for the other people [trying to establish political parties], they are trying with goodwill. I think those who are concerned that people would be frustrated with the NLD and switch to [the USDP], which is unacceptable because of its history, are trying to fill the gap. They are doing so not because they view the NLD as an opponent, I believe.

KZM: U Aung Kyi Nyunt has pointed those things out as a visionary and dutiful party member. There are many people like him in the NLD. But very few in the party like Uncle U Tin Oo, the NLD patron, and U Win Tin talk and listen respectfully when dealing with people and the media. I think there is a need for NLD, as a leading party, to have and nurture such people. Thank you for your contributions!

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: Lurking Pitfalls for NLD Politicians appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Military’s Offensive Against the Media

Posted: 30 Jun 2017 08:23 PM PDT

We journalists are under attack. Press freedom is in jeopardy in Myanmar.

The last act of aggression happened on Monday when the military arrested The Irrawaddy's senior reporter Lawi Weng and two Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) reporters, Aye Nai and Pyae Bone Naing, also known as Pyae Phone Aung.

Now the military has charged them as having violated Article 17(1) of the Unlawful Associations Act as they ventured into territory controlled by the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, as part of a reporting trip.

The arrest and charges demonstrate that either Myanmar's military leaders don't understand the nature and purpose of the media, or that this was a deliberate act intended to frighten journalists away from covering sensitive issues that could lead to criticism of the armed forces.

If the military arrested Lawi Weng and two DVB reporters due to what they describe as a connection to ethnic armed rebels, they would have to arrest hundreds of journalists who work for independent media across the country.

I am sure that nearly all Myanmar journalists have made contact at least once with members of "unlawful" ethnic armed groups, as all publications across the country have covered the peace process—one of the most important issues facing the nation.

Heads of key institutions, including the army and those within the current government, must understand that journalists need to talk to people from all sides of a conflict in order to verify facts, to be able to provide accurate information, and to interpret complex situations and perspectives. If we were to not do this, we would be failing to provide comprehensive information to the public.

Since 2011, when ex-President Thein Sein took office and his administration started negotiations with ethnic armed organizations, we journalists also started covering issues concerning conflict more openly. We approached it with a sense of responsibility to help end seven decades of civil war.

Journalists from many publications in the country have traveled to conflict zones, including areas controlled by ethnic armed groups, to speak with rebel leaders, their soldiers, ethnic civil society groups, residents, and refugees.

We have repeatedly interviewed and had conversations with leaders and members of such groups whenever the previous and incumbent governments held meetings or conferences relating to peace and conflict in Naypyidaw, Yangon and elsewhere.

Over the past years, ethnic armed group leaders have flown to the capital or to Yangon from their headquarters to attend talks organized by both ex-President U Thein Sein's administration and the current Daw Aung San Suu Kyi-led administration. The most significant event was the Union Peace Conference, also known as the 21st Century Panglong, held by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

A number of rebel leaders attended the conference and made speeches alongside the State Counselor and the commander-in-chief of the military.

The most recent media arrests by the military are damaging press freedom, a principle that is considered a pillar of the democracy that we are trying to create. In fact, the arrests are limiting greater freedoms that have been realized since the lifting of draconian censorship laws by military-backed ex-President U Thein Sein in 2012.

These days, I tend to say to international guests and journalists that Myanmar is not an enemy of the press, as it was under the military regimes of past decades. But the situation seems to be headed backward.

While the military appears to be solely responsible for the arrest of Lawi Weng and the DVB reporters, the government holds responsibility, too.

We understand that the powerful Myanmar Army did not need approval or a green light from the State Counselor or the President or the National League for Democracy government in order to arrest those journalists. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Htin Kyaw are the two highest leaders in the country. I believe that they both are responsible for ensuring the protection of citizens' basic and professional rights, particularly when these rights are abused or mishandled by a powerful institution like the military.

Lawi Weng has been working for The Irrawaddy since 2007. He was a journalist doing his job, as were Aye Nai and Pyae Bone Naing. Since their arrest on Monday, I have sent three letters to the State Counselor, the President and the Minister of Information concerning Lawi's detention. I have requested that they assist us in finding a way to release him, as he and the other reporters were simply doing their duties as journalists, gathering information in a sensitive area.

To be honest, I do not know if either the President or the State Counselor can help out in this matter. But at the very least, I am sure that they can raise the issue with Myanmar's top military leaders.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Htin Kyaw, the military can be held accountable by your government: they have to answer your questions.

The arrest of these journalists is damaging the norms of democracy you've promised to achieve under your government. The charges they are facing are an attack on press freedom, which is essential to rebuilding and restoring peace to Myanmar.

As state leaders, you are responsible for securing our professional rights to do our job for our country. Please do not let us down.

The post The Military's Offensive Against the Media appeared first on The Irrawaddy.