Tuesday, October 10, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Central Govt Infringing Administration of KNU Regions, Say Leaders

Posted: 10 Oct 2017 05:19 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Karen National Union (KNU) leaders have urged the government to consider the administration of areas controlled by the ethnic armed group as outlined in the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) signed two years ago.

KNU-controlled territory is comprised of seven districts in the Kawthoolei territory, including in Karen State, parts of Mon state, and parts of Bago, Irrawaddy and Tanintharyi regions—each with their own administrative mechanisms which often overlap with the central government.

Since bilateral ceasefires were signed in 2012, KNU-controlled areas have seen less conflict but still face administrative problems which should be addressed in accordance with the NCA's "interim program" for controlled regions KNU spokesman and general secretary Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

"The implementation of the interim program is a challenge for us, because it is not yet being implemented despite the fact it is in the NCA text," explained Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo.

He said the KNU's 14 administrative departments—including education, healthcare, and social welfare—were conflicting with the central government's administration in some areas.

"While our administration departments are working, there has been complaints to the joint ceasefire monitoring committee accusing us of violating the NCA. Because of that, we need solutions through the interim management," the general secretary said.

The NCA's interim program included information on how to collaborate with the government on administrative affairs and environmental protection, he said.

Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo said the interim management of these areas was one of the two key issues discussed during an urgent four-day meeting of the KNU's Central Standing Committee held in Lay Wah last week.

The meeting was the first urgent gathering of standing committee members since the KNU's 16th Congress in March. Another key issue discussed was reviewing the peace process and how to proceed.

KNU leaders also discussed developmental projects and national parks and forest reserves in their territories.

A statement released on Oct. 7 said Karen leaders decided to delay allowing investment in development projects which may impact local communities and the environment as there are currently no specific laws and regulations in place to protect from effects of such project.

One of the challenges the group is now facing is the case of environmental preservation, said Mahn Ba Tun, head of the KNU's forestry department.

He explained that neither the KNU nor local residents were informed of central government efforts to extend the forest reserves and the national parks along the border with Thailand and Tanintharyi Region in 2015.

The central government in Naypyitaw has also allowed international non-governmental organizations such as the World Wide Fund for Nature Myanmar (WWF) and Fauna and Flora International (FFI) to study the areas without the consent of KNU, said KNU leaders.

In November last year the KNU signed a memorandum of understanding with the World Wide Fund for Nature Myanmar (WWF) to protect the forest in KNU-controlled territories.

"Government efforts to set national parks and forest reserves in KNU Brigade No.4 area [in the Myeik-Dawei area of Tanintharyi Region] has caused obstacles for the current peace building process," the KNU statement released last week said, "we will protect our forests based on our policies."

"We have been protecting our forests and our wild animals and we will uphold our forest policy and regulations on further forests preservation and protection," Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo told The Irrawaddy, adding that they had begun awareness programs with locals to protect wildlife and timber forest reserves.

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Tourists Shun Myanmar in Wake of Rakhine Crisis

Posted: 10 Oct 2017 05:07 AM PDT

MANDALAY — Although Myanmar is entering peak season for tourism, tour operators and industry officials have reported a drop in visitors because of the recent conflict in Rakhine State.

Union of Myanmar Travel Association (UMTA) president U Thet Lwin Toe said some booked trips—particularly to Rakhine's Ngapali Beach—were cancelled in the wake of the latest Rakhine violence.

After self-identifying Rohingya militants attacked 30 police outposts in northern Rakhine on Aug. 25, the Myanmar Army launched a crackdown that has forced more than 500,000 Muslims to flee to Bangladesh.

Tales of rape and killings by security forces are rife among the refugees, while Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), the group behind the Aug. 25 attacks, has also been accused of killing civilians.

"Some trips to Ngapali Beach have been canceled," said U Thet Lwin Toe. "Trips to other regions like Bagan, Mandalay and Inle Lake remain unchanged. If positive news could eliminate tourists' fears of terrorist attacks, the situation would be better."

U Tint Lwin, director general of the hotels and tourism ministry, said news of the unrest has scared tourists and affected the whole tourism industry.

"There are worries that [tourists] may experience a terrorist attack or have difficultly traveling in the country," said U Tint Lwin.

According to tour operators based in Rakhine, visitors to the region's famous sites have declined significantly.

"The number of tourists have declined by half compared to last year," said Ma Moh, a tour operator based in the ancient Arakanese capital Mrauk-U.

"During this month last year most of the hotels were fully booked," she said. "Bookings for transport were also full, but this year is quite dry."

Tour operators across the country have reported a slump in business. Package tours to Bagan, one of Myanmar's main attractions, have been dropped.

"Compared to last year, the situation is bad for the season. Bookings have been canceled, especially from Europe and the USA. And there have been few independent tourists from those countries compared to last year," said Daw Maw Maw, a tour operator in Bagan.

Hoteliers and tour operators are hoping for some kind of stability and peace in Rakhine and the surrounding regions, which they say has not only affected tourism but also the security of the whole country.

"Although the effects on the tourism industry are not hugely impactful, we still worry about our own security because the government announced there might be terrorist attacks in big cities," said U Myint Lwin, a hotelier from Mandalay.

"However, we hope there will be peace and stability in Rakhine State soon. We are also hoping there will be more visitors to our country before the peak tourist season ends," he added.

According to figures from the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism, 2.9 million tourists visited the country in 2016. More than 3.5 million tourists were expected for 2017, according to the figures, with about 2.27 million tourists visiting the country from January to August this year.

The post Tourists Shun Myanmar in Wake of Rakhine Crisis appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Eyes Mon State Investment

Posted: 10 Oct 2017 01:47 AM PDT

MAWLAMYINE, Mon State — Chinese Ambassador to Myanmar Hong Liang indicated his country is considering investment in Mon State during a meeting with the state government on Friday.

According to the Chinese ambassador, investors are interested in rubber products manufacturing, fruit cultivation and the tourism sector, said Mon State minister for natural resources and environmental conservation Dr. Min Kyi Win, who was present at the meeting.

"The Chinese ambassador thinks Mon State has good potential for economic development and suggested Chinese investment in Mon State. And we've welcomed his suggestion," Dr. Min Kyi Win told The Irrawaddy.

Thailand is the biggest investor in Mon State, with Thai petroleum firm PTTEP investing US$2.146 billion in an offshore gas field in the Gulf of Martaban—the largest investment among 18 international investors in Myanmar's energy sector as well as the largest foreign investment in the state.

Thailand's $414 million Mawlamyine Cement Limited (MCL) cement plant is also the largest investment in Mon State's industrial sector.

The Chinese ambassador's visit to the area is the first on its kind under the National League for Democracy (NLD) government.

The ambassador said China is interested in importing fruits from Mon State, especially pomelo, pomelo juice and dried pomelo, said Daw San Wint Khaing, the Pa-O ethnic affairs minister for Mon State.

"What we want is a market economy rather than their investment. We have to try to build a seller's market rather than a buyer's market," she said.

The 15-member Chinese diplomat delegation led by Hong Liang met Mon State chief minister Dr. Aye Zan and other ministers. The Chinese ambassador also invited the chief minister to visit China, according to ministers.

In early 2017, Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) issued an announcement for the establishment of investment commissions at region and state levels.

According to the instruction, region and state governments are authorized to decide on investment proposals of less than $5 million for their areas but have to seek MIC approval for investments of more than $5 million.

Investment commissions at region and state levels have seven members, headed by chief ministers. Staff officers of relevant investment and company administration boards act as secretary, and five ministers as members.

Mon State received more than $5.433 billion in foreign investment from 1994 to the end of 2016, according to records of the Mon State Directorate of Investment and Company.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Ten Accused of Blocking Aid Shipment in Sittwe to Face Trial

Posted: 10 Oct 2017 01:36 AM PDT

SITTWE, Rakhine State — Ten men accused of involvement in a violent mob which blocked a Red Cross aid shipment bound for conflict-torn Maungdaw in Rakhine State capital Sittwe last month will be brought to trial on Friday, according to the Township Police Force.

A 300-strong mob gathered late on Sept. 20 at Set Yoe Kya jetty where a boat carrying relief supplies for self-identifying Rohingya Muslims was preparing to travel upriver to Maungdaw, reported Reuters.

The mob—armed with slingshots and petrol bombs—forced the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to unload the aid from the boat and prevented the vessel from leaving, according to Myanmar government's Information Committee.

Police detained nine people at the scene and three more perpetrators were identified in further investigations. One of them was arrested and two others are still at large, said police lieutenant Kyaw Moe of Sittwe No. 2 Police Station.

"We've arrested 10 and declared two others as fugitives," he told The Irrawaddy.

The 10 detainees are from Set Yoe Kya and Mindra Shik villages on the opposite bank of the river from Sittwe town, and the two fugitives are from Sat Yone Su ward in Sittwe. All of them are casual manual laborers and bricklayers, according to police.

"According to our investigation, they had no motive. It happened mainly because they were drunk. There was no organizer. It was the result of a gathering of drunkards," said the police lieutenant.

Detainees have been charged with Articles 145 and 438 of Myanmar's Penal Code, said police.

According to Article 145, anyone who joins or continues in an unlawful assembly, knowing that such unlawful assembly has been commanded in the manner prescribed by law to disperse, shall be punished with up to two years' imprisonment, or a fine, or both.

Article 438 is about committing or attempting to destroy a vessel by fire or any explosive substance and is punishable by transportation for life, or up to ten years' imprisonment and fine.

According to Information Committee, U Naing Linn of ICRC was supervising loading of relief supplies onto a vessel in Set Yoe Kya Creek which he hired from a local man around 2 p.m. on Sept. 20 when some locals arrived and complained that those supplies would be sent to terrorists.

Later, crowds gathered and disorder broke out, which was quelled by police using tear gas.

Anti-NGO sentiment has developed in Rakhine State since conflict in 2012, with ethnic Arakanese protesting what they feel is unfair favorable treatment of the self-identifying Rohingya.

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Segregation Fans Fears of Fresh ‘Cleansing’ in Rakhine

Posted: 09 Oct 2017 11:55 PM PDT

MYEBON, Rakhine State — Buddhist villagers in relatively peaceful parts of Myanmar's Rakhine State are enforcing a system of local apartheid that punishes people trading with minority Muslims, fueling fears that violence in the far northwest could spread to new areas.

Ethnic Arakanese, who form the majority in central parts of the state, have set up committees in several districts that have meted out sanctions ranging from fines to public beatings and expulsions. They say the measures are necessary to protect their communities from self-identifying Rohingya Muslim militants.

Muslim residents say they are being cut off from essential supplies and accuse authorities of turning a blind eye. Aid workers fear thousands will attempt to escape via perilous sea routes to Thailand and Malaysia when the monsoon rains abate.

About 250,000 Muslims live in central Rakhine, an area not directly affected by a military offensive against militants who attacked security forces in the northern part of the state in late August. The army operation has forced more than half a million people to flee to Bangladesh, in what the United Nations has denounced as ethnic cleansing.

"In the current situation, it's not possible for different communities to live together," said Ashin Saromani, a Buddhist monk in the central Rakhine town of Myebon, where one such committee was set up at a meeting in a monastery four days after the Aug. 25 militant attacks in the north.

"The government can't reconcile them. That's why we prohibited communication with the Muslims, to prevent conflict."

Rakhine State government spokesman Min Aung said he was not aware of efforts to punish Buddhists who had contact with Muslims. He said he thought tensions could best be eased by interfaith community groups.

"Other states and regions have interfaith groups working for peace. In Rakhine there's no group like that," he said.

Tension between ethnic Arakanese and Muslims have simmered for years. Nearly 200 people were killed and 140,000 displaced in communal violence in the state in 2012.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has warned that the violence seen in the north of the state could easily spread.

"The failure to address this systematic violence could result in a spillover into central Rakhine, where an additional 250,000 Muslims could potentially face displacement," said Guterres in a recent speech. "They are outnumbered by Rakhine communities, some of whom have engaged in violent acts of vigilantism against their Muslim neighbors."

'National Traitor'

In Myebon, about 3,000 Muslims have been confined to a camp for displaced people since the 2012 violence, surrounded by tens of thousands of hostile Arakanese Buddhists. They have relied on aid from international agencies and fishing, supplemented by a small amount of trade in the town.

Since late August, loudspeakers mounted on tricycle rickshaws have rolled around the town, blaring messages from local monks and Arakanese community leaders exhorting Buddhists to avoid contact with Muslims.

One Arakanese woman who ignored the warnings, 35-year-old Soe Chay, told Reuters she was surrounded by a mob on Sept. 12 after buying goods at a market to sell to Muslims.

They beat her, cut her hair and marched through the town with a sign reading "national traitor" hung around her neck.

Kyaw Swar Tun, deputy director of the Rakhine General Administration Department (GAD) that oversees the local bureaucracy, said the case was an "individual problem" that was already being dealt with by the courts.

Two women and a man have been charged with assault on Soe Chay. The two women were members of the Arakan Women's Network in Myebon, which denied taking part in the attack.

"People got angry because they don't have a nationalist spirit, even though they know that 30 police stations were attacked and locals from Maungdaw were beheaded," said Khin Thein, leader of the network in the town, describing the incident. He was referring to the Aug. 25 attacks, which concentrated in northern Rakhine's Maungdaw Township.

Buddhist community leaders in Myebon have also blocked international aid agencies from reaching the camp, saying only the government can deliver aid, which must be checked by Buddhists.

"We are concerned that if we don't check that boat of the NGOs communicating directly with the Bengalis, they might include weapons together with the aid," said Ashin Saromani. Bengali is a derogatory term for the self-identifying Rohingya implying they are interlopers from Bangladesh.

Similar community-enforced restrictions on aid have been in place elsewhere in Rakhine, according to aid workers.

'Fear of Revenge'

Anti-Muslim sentiment has been bubbling up elsewhere in mostly Buddhist Myanmar since the conflict erupted in Rakhine.

Police had to disperse a mob that attacked Muslim homes and businesses in the central Magwe division on Sept. 10.

In Kayin State in the east, Muslims were told last month they must get special permission from authorities before travelling outside of their villages, because of security concerns.

Closer to the conflict zone, Muslim villagers in Rathedaung Township say they have been directly pressured to leave by their Arakanese neighbor's.

In Ku Taung village, near the besieged Muslim villages, a group of 46 Arakanese Buddhist elders has formed a "disciplinary committee."

They have fined Buddhists as much as 500,000 kyat (US$370) for infractions including selling betel leaves to Muslims, according to farmer Tun Thar Sein.

Some Rakhine villages have set up security teams to protect against the spread of militancy. In Mrauk-U and Minbya, an area that saw several unexplained explosions last month, residents said Muslims were no longer allowed into Arakanese villages.

Kyaw Swar Tun, the local administrator, said authorities would deal with any cases brought to them according to the law, but was not aware of any such problems in central Rakhine.

Back in the Myebon camp for displaced people, Muslims say they will have to move away.

"It's not possible for us to go back and stay together in Myebon because the Rakhine who destroyed our homes will be afraid to face us," said Cho Cho, a Muslim resident. "They fear that Muslims will take revenge."

The post Segregation Fans Fears of Fresh 'Cleansing' in Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

India Chooses Security Over Compassion in Rakhine Crisis

Posted: 09 Oct 2017 11:12 PM PDT

India's position on its community of self-identifying Rohingya refugees from Rakhine State has come under severe criticism from international organizations. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein accused India of lacking "basic human compassion," in seeking to deport the refugees. India's UN representative in Geneva termed the comments "tendentious judgment" based on "selective and even inaccurate reports which do not further the understanding of human rights in any society."

Out of this mud slinging comes no clear winner, but the more worthwhile question of why India is displaying such rigidness on accommodating the self-identifying Rohingya. Why the sudden alarm, when the community has been living in the country for years?

Much debate has taken place over whether the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government under Narendra Modi is averse to providing asylum to Muslims, given that many in the right-wing party and its ideological fountainhead the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) have been called anti-Islamic.

But an anti-Muslim agenda would have seen the BJP opening post-1971 Bangladesh war files and attempting to deport many Muslim refugees from among the near 10 million people of various religious groups that came across to India. Deciphering the Indian government's position calls for a more rational examination of the factors at play.

Security Concern

Jihadi outfits with alleged connections to the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) top the list of India's worries about its population of self-identifying Rohingya.

The rise of the erstwhile Harakah al-Yakin—now calling itself ARSA—has seemingly rattled intelligence agencies in India, Bangladesh and other parts of the region.

Unlike the predominately Muslim countries of Malaysia and Indonesia, or Thailand, which often prefers to be a silent spectator, perhaps to conceal its own human rights record, India is voicing its many concerns.

Intelligence agency reports in India and Bangladesh reveal systematic efforts are underway to strengthen the Rohingya militant groups with more trained men and money.

Some would argue that reports of Rohingya militant groups associating with jihadi outfits in Pakistan and receiving funds from Islamic groups in Saudi Arabia are bereft of evidence. Even if that were the case, India could not ignore the blatant display of support for ARSA by Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), Al Queda, and other Islamic groups.

Many international organizations and perhaps also a number of news outlets have chosen to ignore these messages of support from terrorist groups and instead speak of ARSA's rudimentary arms. India cannot afford to be as foolhardy and allow a Syria-like situation in the region.

Several longtime experts on Myanmar have cast doubt on the "rag-tag" nature of ARSA, deeming it a group guided by a calculated strategy executed to near perfection. Independent political analyst Richard Horsey who works with the International Crisis Group tweeted on Sept. 30 that "ARSA is murderous and willing to sacrifice entire Rohingya population for a dubious political objective."

Horsey added that ARSA's clothing and weapons may be "rag-tag" but "definitely not in relation to their objectives and impact: sophisticated & brutal."

Terrorism Network

 Indian intelligence agencies have been working around the clock to piece together an ARSA terrorist network and authenticate claims the group has deep support from transnational jihadi outfits by various experts. Links between ARSA and other terrorist groups in Pakistan, and possibly in Afghanistan and Iraq have been reported. However, the modus operandi of ARSA vis-à-vis its terror network is not yet clear.

One name doing the rounds in intelligence agency reports as well as Indian media is that of Abdus Qadoos Burmi, a Pakistani of Rohingya origin based in Karachi who allegedly has links with LeT and received patronage from Hafiz Saeed, the Pakistani Islamist behind the 2008 Mumbai attacks.

Burmi has been identified as the head of Islamic fundamentalist organization Harkat ul Jihad al-Islami-Arakan (HUJI-K) and has been instrumental in creating international support for ARSA and other groups like Jamaat-ud-Dawah (JuD), a front of the LeT in Bangladesh.

 Sources in India and Bangladesh intelligence speaking on condition of anonymity shared some precise information which claim that JuD has spearheaded training for ARSA, instructing fighters on how to produce improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and strategizing with the group's leaders. JuD enjoys backing from the Inter-Services Intelligence of Pakistan and is known to have deep resources in Bangladesh, its primary entry point to Myanmar.

Indian intelligence agencies believe that the JuD has a presence in refugee camps in Cox's Bazar along the Naf River although it is unclear whether JuD is involved in recruiting or training men from these camps. In India, the home affairs ministry has cautioned that "illegal Rohingya immigrants" from Rakhine are "vulnerable" to recruitment by terrorist groups.

Liaising for the training of ARSA began as early as 2008, with Burmi leading the activities under the banner of Aqa Mul Mujahideen (AMM). Intelligence agency reports have also linked Burmi to terrorist activities in Kashmir. Indian security agencies suspect others from Rakhine of being involved in nefarious undertakings in Kashmir.

For instance, intelligence agencies identified "Chota Burmi," a member of Pakistani terrorist group Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), who was killed in a clash in 2015, as a "Rohingya from Rakhine."

 As for ARSA leader Ata Ullah, there are ample reports that have appeared in almost all forms of news media, both within and outside Myanmar, which suggest that he was born in Pakistan and raised in Saudi Arabia, and formed the outfit after the 2012 riots between self-identifying Rohingya and Arakanese. Indian intelligence officials are of the view that ARSA has been "working in close coordination with AMM," which is now led by Havistoohar, who reportedly underwent six months training by the Taliban in Pakistan.

Members of the Border Security Force (BSF) in India told this writer that they are sharing regular information with both Myanmar and Bangladesh security forces about suspected ARSA involvement in smuggling weapons to Rakhine with the help of "different groups." BSF officials did not elaborate on who these groups could be.

Recently, Australian National University Associate Professor Greg Fealy was quoted by ABC radio as saying "weapons can come through broader Islamists network," and that "militants in Bangladesh could provide the weapons to the Rohingyas."  It remains to be seen if ARSA is actually involved in smuggling weapons or a wider network used to transfer arms and ammunitions to Teknaf in Cox Bazar and into parts of northern Rakhine.

Al-Qaeda and ARSA

 In its recent broadcast, "Evidence of a link between Rohingya militants and jihadist groups," ABC Radio claimed Al-Qaeda is attempting to forge links with ARSA. Indeed, Al-Qaeda called on Muslims around the world to send weapons to the self-identifying Rohingya in Myanmar.

Al-Qaeda offshoot Ansar Ghazwat Ul Hind in Kashmir has been actively campaigning for the self-identifying Rohingya in India. Its leader Zakir Musa has warned Prime Minister Modi to stop any plans to deport the refugees from India.

The Kashmir Factor

 The unprecedented support that the self-identifying Rohingya has received from separatist groups in Kashmir has certainly not gone down well with New Delhi.

Recently, Kashmir separatist leaders marched against the persecution of the Muslims in northern Rakhine. The separatists, however, did not condemn reports of killings of other minority groups like the Hindus and Mros at the hands of ARSA.

Many would say the Indian government's plan to deport the refugees is reasonable given its internal security situation. In response to the UN human rights chief's claim that India and Pakistan had not engaged with his office on human rights concerns in Kashmir, India representative to the UN Rajiv Chander said, "It is a matter of regret that the central role of terrorism is once again being overlooked. Assessments of human rights should not be a matter of political convenience."

Internationally designated terrorist Hafiz Saeed is suspected to have made attempts to recruit young Rohingya refugees in relief camps in Indonesia, on the pretext of providing them relief, into the LeT and send them to Kashmir.

While the threat of the militant Islamic movement cannot be used to legitimize military brutality, we also cannot lose sight of the fact that the militant Islamic movement has been troubling the region. This is exactly what New Delhi has been telling the world. The intellectual community in India has aired similar feelings.

Brahma Chellaney, a professor of Strategic Studies at the Center for Policy Research in New Delhi, in a recent article titled "Myanmar's Jihadi Curse," which appeared in the online portal Project Syndicate argued that the "external forces fomenting insurgent attacks in Rakhine bear considerable responsibility for the Rohingyas' current plight."

Chellaney, the author of nine books including "Asian Juggernaut," notes "the links between Rohingya militants and such external forces, especially terrorist organizations like ISIS, that have driven the government of India, where some 40,000 Rohingya have settled illegally, to declare that their entry poses a serious security threat."

"Even Bangladesh acknowledges Rohingya militants' external jihadi connections," he adds, in a possible attempt to vindicate the Indian government's stance on the issue.

Therefore, given the complexity of the issue, faulting Aung San Suu Kyi for drawing similarities between security issues in Myanmar and India would not be right. She argued that it has become difficult to sift militants from innocent civilians, as is the case in Kashmir. Perhaps leaders like Aung San Suu Kyi, Bangladesh's Sheik Hasina and India's Modi realize how vulnerable their socio-political landscape is in the face of growing religious fundamentalism.

Rising Radicalization

The main Islamic political party in Bangladesh, Jamaat-e-Islami, is officially banned, but it enjoys significant support in a country which has been angered by the treatment of Muslims in Rakhine. A change of guard in Bangladesh could well see the rise of Jamaat-e-Islami once again, meaning a possible increase in the radicalization of the region.

New Delhi's recent display of seriousness in dealing with the exodus of self-identifying Rohingya is palpable. In the last week several key initiatives were adopted to ensure there is no attempt to push more of the refugees into northeastern India. None of the eight states in the area can afford more anti-foreigner movements, such as one of the 1980s that left the region reeling from communal violence and subsequent insurgencies.

India's defense secretary Ashok Kumar Gupta visited the Indian-Myanmar border township Moreh on Oct. 3 in what was described by local media as a move to "assess the law and order situation in the area in the wake of the Rohingya refugee crisis."

Manipur shares a 398-kilometer border with Myanmar. Even though these areas are hilly and far from northern Rakhine, it appears that both the central and the state government of Manipur do not want to take any chances.

The visit by the Indian government official follows the decision to open two immigration checkpoints in Mizoram state along its borders with Myanmar and Bangladesh (Zorinpui checkpost in Lawngtlai district) and Bangladesh (Kawrpuichhuah checkpost in Lunglei district). In addition, the Indian government has beefed up its security along the India-Bangladesh land and riverine borders along West Bengal and Assam.

Indeed, the exodus of Rohingya to Bangladesh and other parts of the region has turned into a sprawling humanitarian crisis. But it also has the potential of destabilizing the region, especially with the growing support for ARSA.

Bidhayak Das is a former journalist who has spent over a decade working on promoting democracy in Myanmar. He is currently working as an independent consultant on elections, media and communications.

The post India Chooses Security Over Compassion in Rakhine Crisis appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week

Posted: 09 Oct 2017 09:55 PM PDT

AFC Qualifier: Myanmar vs Kyrgyzstan

Myanmar's national male football team will play against Kyrgyzstan in the AFC Asian Cup qualifier.

Oct. 10, 7 p.m. Thuwunna Stadium. Tickets: 1,000-3,000 kyats.

Ah Moon New Album Promotion Event

Celebrated singer Ah Moon will meet her fans and sing for them as she launches her new album 'Very Dangerous'

Oct. 11. 5 p.m to 8 p.m. Hledan Center.

Mid Oct. Night on Yangon River

Enjoy the night with Live DJs beside the Yangon River on the Vintage Luxury Yacht.

Oct. 14. 7 p.m. Botahtaung Jetty near Botahtung Pagoda. Tickets 10,000 kyats, including one free cocktail and snacks, 09-976155507, 09-799657382.

Charity Funfair

Artists will sell as well as give away free foods and snacks as this event organized by Myanmar Motion Picture Organization to pay respect to elderly artists.

Oct. 13. Hninzigon Home for the Aged, Kabar Aye Pagoda Road, Bahan Township.

Thuma Collective Launch

Thuma Collective, a group of seven local female photographers dedicated to visual storytelling, will introduce themselves and exhibit their photographs.

Oct. 13. 5 p.m.  Myanmar Deitta, 3rd floor, No.49, 44th Street.

Street Dance & Street Food

There will be various street foods as well as street dance performance at this event.

Oct 14-15, 3 p.m. to 9 p.m. People's Park. Free Admission.

Nestle Cerelac Moms' Superstars

This event is for mothers and babies with games and free gifts plus nutritional education.

Oct. 15. 4 p.m to 8 p.m. People's Park. Free Admission.

Shwe Property Apartment Sale

Mortgages are on offer at this event.

Oct 14-15. 9 a.m. to 6 p.m. Rose Garden Hotel. Upper Pansodan Street.

Face: Pencil Art

Min Min Htike will showcase pencil portraits of ethnic people and famous people of various fields in Myanmar.

Oct. 7-11. 43 Art Gallery, 43rd Street, Botahtaung Tsp.

Maharzan: Group Art Exhibition

A group art exhibition of 49 artists features more than 100 paintings on various subjects.

Oct. 15 to Nov. 15. Maharzan Art Gallery, near Karaweik Palace, Kandawgyi Park.

The post Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Monday, October 9, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Life is Migration

Posted: 09 Oct 2017 01:48 AM PDT

The holiday of Thadingyut took place last week. All of a sudden, Yangon, the commercial hub of Myanmar, seemed deserted.

To search for new opportunities is one of the reasons for migration. In the case of Myanmar, Yangon is often home to those opportunities. It is the place where people from all over the country come to look for educational and occupational prospects.

So, as internal migrants went back to their home towns during Thadingyut holidays, Yangon was eerily quiet.

This movement of people is something Than Kyaw Htay has depicted in his ongoing art exhibition in Yangon. It is the theme of his solo 'Silent Moves'—the outcome of his artistic inspiration which he derived from migrants who have left their native lands for new opportunities.

Renowned Arakanese painter Than Kyaw Htay marks the 20th anniversary of his arrival in Yangon with a solo exhibition centered on migrants.

Than Kyaw Htay himself is a migrant. This art exhibition marks the 20th anniversary of his migration from his native Rakhine to Yangon.

"There are many people like me who have to leave their native villages or towns for other places for their livelihoods. So, I remembered the lives of migrants and organized this exhibition," said Than Kyaw Htay.

Born in 1978 in Rakhine State's Sittwe, the ethnic Arakanese artist studied at the State School of Fine Art (Yangon) in 1997. He made his name with a series of Mrauk-U and Bagan scenes in 2004.

He has organized eight solo shows and participated in dozens of group art exhibitions at home and abroad including Thailand and France.

In his 'Silent Moves' series, large crowds of people are moving—some carrying bundles of clothes on their heads and some pulling their children.

"The artist elicits the internal pain of the migrants in minimal brushstrokes. Viewers are left uneasy with their unanswered questions. Who are these people? Where are they leaving from and where are they headed for? And, most disturbingly, why are the people leaving?" said artist Aung Min.

"I wonder if it may be the symbolic future of Rakhine people," he added.

There will be a total of 20 paintings priced between US$2,000 and 2,500 at the exhibition, which will be held until October 15 at River Gallery on Yangon's 38th Street.

Renowned Arakanese painter Than Kyaw Htay marks the 20th anniversary of his arrival in Yangon with a solo exhibition centered on migrants.

"Life is a migration and it is part of Samsara," said Than Kyaw Htay, referring to the Buddhist belief in the cycle of birth and rebirth.

The post Life is Migration appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Army Rejects ARSA on Final Ceasefire Day

Posted: 09 Oct 2017 01:18 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Myanmar Army rejected a one-month unilateral ceasefire announced by a Muslim militant group in Rakhine State that comes to an end on Monday.

Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), the militant group behind a series of attacks on 30 police stations in northern Rakhine, issued the truce on Sept. 10 to "enable humanitarian actors to assess and respond to the humanitarian crisis" in the state.

ARSA also urged the military to lay down its weapons after army clearance operations caused a mass exodus of self-identifying Rohingya, who have sought shelter in Bangladesh. More than 500,000 have fled although reports suggest the number is still rising.

The government deemed ARSA a terrorist outfit soon after the group's Aug. 25 offensive. Government spokesperson Zaw Htay tweeted on the announcement of ARSA's ceasefire that "we have no policy to negotiate with terrorists"—a sentiment echoed by defense minister Lt-Gen Sein Win in Naypyitaw on Monday.

"No government negotiates with terrorist groups. We dismiss them (ARSA)," he told media, adding that Myanmar did not recognize the ceasefire.

Asked about the current security situation in Rakhine, he said the army and home affairs ministry are collaborating to ensure rule of law and regional stability.

"But given the nature of the area, it is very large. So there may be destruction if they [ARSA] want to carry out attacks," he said.

ARSA on Oct. 6 tweeted a statement saying the ceasefire will end at midnight on Oct. 9. The statement accused the military of blocking humanitarian access to Rakhine and added that ARSA is open to further ceasefires.

The self-identifying Rohingya Muslims who have fled northern Rakhine to Bangladesh since Aug. 25 have brought tales of rape, murder, and arson during Myanmar Army security operations the UN's human rights body has labeled "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing."

Myanmar has denied it is pursuing ethnic cleansing in the state and, according to Reuters, Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed on Monday to form a working group to commence plans for the repatriation of refugees.

The post Myanmar Army Rejects ARSA on Final Ceasefire Day appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Irrawaddy: Violence in Rakhine

Posted: 08 Oct 2017 10:22 PM PDT

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! There is no doubt that the violence in Rakhine State is more serious than we first thought. Last month, terrorist group ARSA [Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army] released a statement and declared one month's ceasefire. The one month will be over on the 9th of this month. We'll discuss if ARSA is likely to resume their terrorist attacks at that time or try to take political advantage of the sheer number of displaced persons, and if the international community is merely engaged in controversy over the terminology of Bengali or Rohingya or whether [the international community] is supporting the Rohingya ethnicity concept and their claims on territory. We will also discuss the impact of the historical legacy on the Rakhine issue and what our reporter Ko Moe Myint, who went to Rakhine State together with foreign diplomats recently, saw on the ground. Our reporter Ko Moe Myint, and U Maung Maung Soe, who has been continuously analyzing and commentating on the Rakhine, issue will join me to discuss this. I'm Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.

The Rakhine issue has seemingly become more complicated, rather than shaping up in black and white. U Maung Maung Soe, you have recently come back from Rakhine. What did you see and hear on the ground? ARSA's ceasefire will expire on the 9th of this month. Will they resume attacks or do they have plans to make political strikes?

Maung Maung Soe: After the attacks on Aug. 25, Bengali villages were damaged and burnt, and there were reports of people fleeing. Around 400,000 refugees reportedly fled to Bangladesh. And ARSA said they would cease fire for one month. But even after attacks have ceased, Bengali villagers are still fleeing [to Bangladesh] till today. Some accuse that they flee because of the threats of nearby ethnic Arakanese villagers. Some reports from the ground claim that Mawlawi [Islamic scholars] who have links with ARSA are intimidating Bengali villagers to leave [for Bangladesh] by the 9th of this month. Arakanese people are the minority in Buthidaung and Maungdaw. Most of the Arakanese villages have only 40 to 50 households. Only a few Arakanese villages have more than 100 households.

KZM: Muslims are the majority there.

MMS: There are many Bengali Muslim villages with 500 to 1,000 households. Their population is around 250,000 in Buthidaung alone. And ethnic Arakanese population is around 40,000. The Bengali population is even bigger in Maungdaw. There are around 500,000 Bengalis while there are only around 30,000 ethnic [Arakanese] people. So, it is impossible that the minority threatens the majority. So my view is that ARSA is trying to gather all the Bengalis in the region at the Bangladeshi border. According to reports on the ground, normally rice cultivation starts in May in Maungdaw as the monsoon comes early in Rakhine State. But this year, [self-identifying Rohingya] didn't grow rice [in May]. They only grew sparsely in July. So, this suggests that they had already known there would be clashes ahead. They also know that there will automatically be organizations which would provide foods for Bengalis when they get into Bangladesh. So, my view is they are trying to gather massive crowds of Bengalis at the border in order to launch a political strike. It seems that they have no intention to come back immediately even if the government says it would accept them back according to the 1993 criteria [agreed with the Bangladesh government]. They are gathering to launch a political attack and press demands for their political ambitions. Perhaps they know there will be countries which would back them, and feed the Bengalis who fled. So they have made preparations to fight politically. About the armed attacks, they may launch attacks if their families are not left [in Rakhine State]. We should be on the alert for armed attacks, but we can't predict the possibility of a large-scale attack.

KZM: Ko Moe Myint, what is your assessment of what Ko Maung Maung Soe said? U Maung Maung Soe, you deny the allegations of foreign news agencies that Arakanese and other ethnic people have threatened them. We also heard reports that ARSA have been calling on them to leave Rakhine State. Ko Moe Myint, what have you heard during your trip to Maungdaw with foreign diplomats?

Moe Myint: It is difficult to make an overall assessment of the issue on the ground. The situation is different from segment to segment and place to place. In Rathedaung, Arakanese people outnumber Muslims and there are fewer Muslim villages—but not small, there is a population of around 3,000 villagers. There were cases in which Arakanese people picked a fight or quarrel with Muslim villagers if they encountered them while they went fishing outside their villages. But it was not that whole Arakanese villages went to Muslim villages and threatened them. There might have been quarreling and swearing during encounters. And this news was spread by word of mouth and exaggerated during the process, and later rumors emerged that whole Arakanese villages threatened [self-identifying Rohingya].

KZM: It can be said that there has been disharmony and hostility between two societies on the ground for a long time. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said in her speech that there is no harmony, but only deep hostility between two sides. And about the armed attacks, we can't predict exactly. Former US Ambassador to Myanmar Derek Mitchell—he has an understanding of Myanmar—has recently said that the issue is not merely about the controversy over the terminology of Rohingya or Bengali. Beyond the terminology, he said, they have an agenda to demand ethnicity—to add Rohingya as the 136th ethnic group in Myanmar which currently has 135 ethnic groups. And if they get ethnicity, they would demand territory—a Rohingya State or Muslim State—like Rakhine State, he said. He was telling the international community that it is a very complicated issue. He implied that there might be a separatist agenda. Myanmar citizens and ethnic Arakanese people have serious concern for this. What is your assessment, U Maung Maung Soe?

MMS: The international community's perception of the Rakhine issue is influenced by democracy and human rights. But to view this issue only from the points of view of democracy and human rights is not enough. We also need to view this from the historical aspect so as to get correct understanding of it. French historian Jacques Leider has said that Myanmar-Bangladesh border divides two groups of societies, languages and culture. The other side is Indo-Aryan group and this side is Tibeto-Burman group, divided by the border line. Even after the British had colonized India, it treated the area from [Bangladesh's] Chittagong and Cox's Bazar to [Myanmar's] Nat River, which is the border today, as a deserted area. There was no human habitation there then.

The culture, language, and faith of this side are different from those of the other side. Talking of the problem of so-called Rohingya people, we need to take a look back into history. Relations started in the 15th Century when Arakanese King Minbagyi invaded 12 regions in Chittagong and Bengal. Arakanese overpowered and invaded them. In the 16th Century, Mughal re-captured those areas. This is the first relation.

When the Arakanese king occupied those areas in the 15th Century, they brought around 4,000 prisoners of war. Today, they are called Myaydu Muslim. Though they are Muslim followers, they speak Myanmar language and dress like Myanmar people now. They are a minority and not problematic.

Then, Kaman came into Myanmar in the 16th Century. They belonged to Persian tribes. They fled the power struggle for the throne between Mughal kings and took shelter in Rakhine State. Today, they are recognized as Kaman. Kaman means archers. Their population size is not problematic to Rakhine State. Kaman people speak Arakanese language and dress like Arakanese people. But in 1825, the British occupied Rakhine State, and the Suez Canal was opened after 1860. Then, the British needed laborers to transport rice in bulk.

KZM: So, they needed laborers?

MMS: So, they brought in cheap laborers from Chittagong of the Indian subcontinent. Initially, they came into Myanmar in cultivation season, then went back and came again in harvest, then went back.

The British built a railroad between Buthidaung and Maungdaw. They brought in laborers by train, by ship. As time went by, those people settled there. According to 1930 statistics of the British, 40,000 people came into Rakhine State, and the number was 20,000 in 1934. Their population had increased gradually. The British brought them not only into Rakhine, but also down to Yangon, Hanthawaddy District which is today Bago Region, Kungyangon and so on. As a result, anti-Muslim riot broke out in Yangon in 1938. An investigation into the riot was launched and led by economist James Baxter. The investigation report stated that the number of laborers who were brought into Myanmar from India subcontinent had increased yearly, and clashes between racially and culturally different peoples had increased and needed to stop. But no action could be taken to stop it as World War II broke out in 1942.

KZM: So, it is fair to say it is one of the legacies of the British.

MMS: This is a colonial legacy. To summarize the points I've made, they are not native people. Arakanese people have the same view, which is factually correct according to history. They are in fact immigrants brought in by the British. They were brought not only into Rakhine State, but also to Yangon and Mandalay. Their population is estimated to be around two to three million. They were given citizenship according to citizenship law. But local Muslim people are not problematic because they take themselves as Myanmar citizens, and live through thick and thin with Myanmar. They claim themselves to be Myanmar Muslims. They don't demand a separate ethnicity or ethnic rights. They are not problematic.

But [Bengalis] have demanded ethnicity. At Alel Than Kyaw Conference in June 1951, Bengalis called themselves Arakan Muslim. There was not the term 'Rohingya' at all then. So, we can conclude that 'Rohingya' is a term that was made up later. There are also calls for establishment of a safety zone now. Taking a look back at history, the Alel Than Kyaw Conference in June 1951 made a lot of demands including equality between Arakanese and Muslim people, designation of a Muslim state, appointment of Muslim ministers in the Rakhine State government, 50-50 sharing of all of interests of Rakhine State between Arakanese and Muslim people, and teaching of Urdu language at government schools, and not teaching other languages without Muslims' approval. Now, they are making similar demands made at 1951 Alel Than Kyaw Conference.

We can give immigrants citizenship depending on the length of time they have lived in the country. We can give them democratic and human rights. But if they ask for ethnicity and ethnic rights, it is difficult to accept. It is highly unlikely. So, this problem is the root-cause of entire problem, and we must handle this carefully.

KZM: Ko Moe Myint, you went to Maungdaw and other places together with around 60 diplomats on Oct. 2. What did you see on the ground? It was the government-guided trip. Were diplomats satisfied with the trip or did they make complaints?

MM: We went to Kha Mauk Seik by helicopter. And we saw a few houses—not entire village—on fire at a Muslim village around one mile from Kha Mauk Seik. I asked Hindu and Arakanese people from nearby villages and they said no one was living there, and no security guard was guarding there. And police only occasionally pass through that village during their patrols. Why such a place was on fire while diplomats were visiting the area? So, it is questionable why such a place was on fire, diplomats pointed out.

To keep the balance, the government took the diplomats to Muslim villages, Arakanese villages as well as harmonious communities as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi [suggested]—places like Nga Khu Ya villag where Muslim, Hindus and Arakanese people live together. Diplomats met Hindus and Muslims as well. And most of the people on the ground have concerns because of the news that they would be fiercely attacked if they failed to leave by the 9th of this month. According to the accounts of Hindus, ARSA leader Ata Ullah has sent video message to all of his followers. And villagers also received phone threats. Hindu villagers talked about these to diplomats as well as journalists. Diplomats were divided into three groups in the trip, and I was in the group of EU and UN diplomats. Villagers are not educated and most of them only have primary school-level education. The questions asked to such people by EU and UN diplomats were even more detailed than a police investigation. So, villagers were not able to answer some questions. When diplomats arrived back from their respective trips and gathered at a gathering point in Sittwe, they were shaking heads—because of the things they saw on the ground and from helicopter, there were many burnt grounds and they took pictures of them from helicopter.

KZM: The situation was very bad.

MM: Yes. They were talking to each other, shaking their heads. The government took diplomats to Rakhine State to witness the situation on the ground, and said that there is nothing covered up on the ground. But with this first trip, the government was only able to show the situation, but could not properly explain the real causes of the problem.

KZM: Because it happened more than one month ago.

MM: The EU and the UN have released statements as you might have read, and diplomats have focused on a [UN] fact-finding mission. The government said we could talk freely to villagers during the trip, but villagers, for example Muslim villagers, gave different accounts to the government and us. Their statements were different. UN reps do not have trust in the government's guided tour. They think it was difficult to grasp reality.

KZM: The international community has made the same voice about the Rakhine issue, mainly focusing on human rights and helping victims on humanitarian grounds. But there are slightly different views on this between the US, UK and other countries. U Maung Maung Soe, you said the issue is the legacy of the British colonial rule. We've seen that the UK government's stance is different from others. What is your assessment?

MMS: For the moment, the British government, Parliament and Oxford University are being childish. Very childish. I think they are one-sided and hardly fair. Simply childish. They should take a look back at the Afghanistan problem. Who instigated Taliban to fight with Russia? Who provided them with weapons? It was the United States of America. Everyone knows this. They provided weapons for Afghan people, saying they were being oppressed. But, what happened as a result? This is the very reason Al Qaeda and Taliban terrorist organizations have grown. Then, United States of America had to fight in Afghanistan. So, it was like they have to use an axe because they failed to use a needle in time. When we look at a problem, we should not be one-sided. Only when we have a balanced view, we will be able to solve the problem. What I would like to suggest to the persons from western countries is that you should take lessons from Afghanistan. Only then this problem could be solved correctly. Otherwise, we will have to face a very big problem.

KZM: Thank you for your assessment.

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: Violence in Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

West Edges Towards Punishing Myanmar Army Leaders over Rakhine Crisis-Sources

Posted: 08 Oct 2017 09:41 PM PDT

YANGON/WASHINGTON, United States — The European Union and the United States are considering targeted sanctions against Myanmar military leaders over an offensive that has driven more than 500,000 self-identifying Rohingya Muslims out of the country, officials familiar with the discussions say.

Interviews with more than a dozen diplomats and government officials based in Washington, Yangon and Europe revealed that punitive measures aimed specifically at top generals were among a range of options being discussed in response to the crisis.

Nothing has yet been decided and Washington and Brussels may decide to hold off for now, the sources said. There are also discussions about increasing aid for violence-riven Rakhine state.

The active discussion of sanctions—not even on the table a month ago—shows how the dramatic exodus of self-identifying Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar's northwest is putting pressure on Western policymakers to take action.

While much of the outcry overseas has focused on Nobel laureate and Myanmar's national leader Aung San Suu Kyi, few Western diplomats see an alternative to her leadership. Suu Kyi does not control the military, which still wields considerable power under Myanmar's army-written constitution.

The EU Foreign Ministers Council will discuss Myanmar on Oct. 16, although officials do not expect any move on sanctions that soon. Danish minister for development cooperation, Ulla Tornaes, told Reuters that Copenhagen had been working to get the crisis on the agenda, "with the wish to put further pressure on the military."

Two Washington-based U.S. officials with knowledge of the Trump administration's Myanmar deliberations said targeted sanctions against commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing and several other generals, as well as leaders of ethnic Rakhine Buddhist militias accused of torching self-identifying Rohingya villages, were under consideration.

Such sanctions—if decided on—would likely entail U.S. asset freezes, bans on travel to the United States, prohibitions against Americans doing business with them and other unspecified penalties. Washington was moving cautiously as it consulted with governments in Europe, Japan and Southeast Asia, the U.S. officials said.

A senior Yangon-based European diplomat also said Western countries were coordinating their response to the crisis and were in agreement that it was the military, and specifically the commander-in-chief, who needed to be targeted in any punitive action.

Any punishment was likely to be symbolic at first to allow room for further talks, Yangon-based diplomats said, giving the example of formally banning the army chief, who over the past year visited Brussels, Berlin and Vienna, from further travel to Europe.

Western diplomats admit their leverage is limited: compared with China, whose ties with Myanmar have warmed since Suu Kyi took office 18 months ago, U.S. and European investment and military engagement with the country are small.

They are also wary of action that could hurt the wider economy or destabilize already tense ties between Suu Kyi and the army.

Pressure Building

The United Nations is pressing for increased humanitarian access to other parts of Rakhine, where hundreds of thousands of self-identifying Rohingya remain. How Myanmar responds to calls for increased aid, the investigation of alleged atrocities or repatriation of refugees would be a key consideration in deciding what action to take, U.S. and EU diplomats in Myanmar said.

"We can pile political pressure, look into financing we have in Myanmar. We have humanitarian aid, as well as development aid … the European Commission won't invest in the development of Myanmar if the conditions, including security, are not there," said a Brussels-based EU diplomat who follows Myanmar.

"There is also the arms trade embargo and we discuss regularly whether we should reward the reforms in Myanmar and look at gradual easing of that, or the opposite."

EU economic sanctions on Myanmar were lifted after the army stepped back from direct rule of the country in 2012, beginning the democratic transition that brought Suu Kyi to power last year, but an arms embargo in force since the 1990s remains. The United States removed most sanctions on Myanmar last autumn. It too has kept an arms embargo in place.

One Washington-based U.S. official said that, while there was no firm deadline, Washington hoped to have a plan of action on Myanmar in place by the time President Donald Trump travels to Asia for a series of summits in the first half of November.

The administration wanted to send a strong message to Myanmar's military, but was concerned that too drastic action could allow China to expand its growing diplomatic and economic influence in the country, the official said.

There is little support in the administration for the re-imposition of broader economic sanctions, the official added.

The White House declined comment on internal deliberations on the self-identifying Rohingya crisis.

STRAINED RELATIONS

In another sign of pressure building on Myanmar, New York-based diplomats said the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in the U.N. General Assembly was pushing for a human rights resolution on the country.

Last year the EU announced that for the first time in 15 years it would not introduce a resolution at the General Assembly's Third Committee, which focuses on human rights, condemning Myanmar's record—rewarding it for progress.

The European bloc could revive the resolution in the current session, taking on board the OIC draft and broadening it out beyond the self-identifying Rohingya crisis, one diplomat in New York said.

Diplomats said some members of the U.N. Security Council were exploring whether the 15-member body could agree a formal statement, or even a resolution, calling for an end to the violence, full access for aid and the safe return of refugees.

However, Myanmar has said it was negotiating with China and Russia, which have veto powers in the Security Council, to protect it from any possible action. China and Russia have both expressed support for the Myanmar government.

Myanmar's relations with the U.N. have grown increasingly testy since the discovery of World Food Programme-branded biscuits at a suspected militant camp in July prompted the government to accuse the U.N. agency of supporting the insurgents, forcing it to shut down its operations in Rakhine.

Myanmar is stalling on accepting a plan by the U.N. to upgrade the U.N. country head to the more powerful rank of Assistant Secretary-General (ASG) when its current top official, who is due to be rotated, is replaced.

Thaung Tun, Suu Kyi's National Security Advisor, told Reuters that the U.N. "must treat us equally".

"We'll be fine with anybody if all member states have an ASG assigned. Not just us," he said.

The post West Edges Towards Punishing Myanmar Army Leaders over Rakhine Crisis-Sources appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Friday, October 6, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Abducted Hindu Rica: ARSA Killed My Husband

Posted: 06 Oct 2017 08:19 AM PDT

On Aug. 25, Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) launched coordinated attacks on 30 police posts in Buthidaung, Maungdaw and Rathedaung townships in Rakhine State.

The Myanmar government released a statement on Sept. 24 saying ARSA abducted around 100 men and women from several Hindu villages in Kha Mauk Seik village tract on Aug. 25 and killed the majority of abductees.

Security forces unearthed 45 dead Hindus, including six children, near Ye Baw Kya village in northern Maungdaw Township on Sept. 24 and 25.

Eight Hindu women, aged between 15 and 25, and eight children who said they were abducted by ARSA arrived back in Myanmar on Oct. 3 and gave their accounts of the massacre.

According to their account, about 500 Muslim villagers of Khamaungseik led by self-identifying Rohingya leader Norulauk and what they described as a "foreign terrorist leader in black dress" came and killed 45 villagers of Ye Baw Kya on Aug. 25.

Rica, 25, one of eight Hindu women whose husband was killed by ARSA told The Irrawaddy about the massacre, how they were abducted and how they eventually escaped:

Ma Rica, how is your health and how are things going with you?

I'm good. Everything is fine. We're now staying at military camp [in Buthidaung]. We don't know how long we have to stay here. We are altogether eight women and eight children.

When did you arrive back in Myanmar?

We arrived back on Oct. 3. We came [back] from Bangladesh. We had to stay one month and five days in Bangladesh at Kutupalong Refugee Camp. Bengalis tried to find us to kill us.

How were you abducted by terrorists?

They came into our village [Ye Baw Kya] around 8 a.m. on Aug. 25. They took all our phones, and surrounded the village. They tied us up and blindfolded the men. They beat the men, and asked how much gold and cash we had. I gave them all my possessions. Then they took all the villagers outside the village to Baw Tala village. Then they put men and women in separate groups. We eight women were put in a separate place. They slit the throat of men first, and knifed children and women. Then they asked eight of us if we would convert to Islam, and we won't be killed if we did. They said the God we believe in is nothing and their Islam is mighty. So, we said we would convert to Islam if they didn't slash us. So, they didn't kill us.

What happened then?

We stayed overnight in Baw Tala village that day. We were forced to eat beef [Hindu followers abstain from eating beef], and study to dress like Muslim [women]. We didn't eat, but the children ate a little.

Didn't you beg terrorists not to kill your husbands?

We did. We went down on bended knees and begged them. We had given them all our gold and made them promise not to kill our husbands. They slashed my husband even after they got gold from us. I told them that I had given them a lot of gold and asked them not to kill him. When they were about to kill my children, I said I won't do as they want if they kill my children. I said I didn't want to survive if they killed my children. [So, they didn't.] We have a gold shop. Bengalis took all 30 ticals of gold and over four million kyats.

How did they take you to Bangladesh?

They took us on foot beyond the mountains in the west of Khamaungseik village. We had to sleep two nights on mountains. We had nothing to eat and it was absolutely terrible. We arrived in Bangladesh on Aug. 28.

Who were the people who attacked your village?

They included villagers of Khamaungseik as well as terrorists. I recognized around ten Khamaungseik villagers. Their leader is Norulauk. While we were detained at Baw Ta La village, five people guarded us. Others left, saying they would attack the government. The five men who were guarding us said this area [Rakhine] is not a Hindu State, not a Bamar State. They said they would turn the area [from Maungdaw border] to Sittwe to their [self-identifying Rohingya] State.  We were brought by those five Bengalis to Bangladesh. The rest were left in Myanmar reportedly to attack the government. Now, they are in Bangladesh. I saw them in clothes which they had taken from our brothers and husbands.

Who came and rescued you from Bangladesh?

We arrived in Bangladesh on Aug. 28 at Kutupalong Camp. Then, they brought Mawlawis and initiated us into the Islam faith. We were asked to repeat Muslim words and shout "Allah." We were also asked to eat beef, and wear Burqas. Then a Muslim boy there reportedly told a Hindu barber at Kutupalong market that eight Hindu women from Myanmar were being Islamized. Hindu elders came and rescued us around 8 p.m. in the evening.

How did the Muslim boy know about you?

As soon as we arrived in Bangladesh, we were given lunch at a house. Then, they interviewed us and video-recorded it. They asked us to say in the interview that Hindus were killed by Arakanese people. They also asked us to say that our husbands, parents and relatives as well as Muslims were killed by the government; and that we would be killed if we didn't.

So, how did you escape?

We contacted [Hindu community leader] U Ni Mal. We sneaked out of Kutupalong Camp. We left for Taung Pyo Letwe in the car of a Hindu man. It took around one and a half hours. On the way, we were inspected by the Bangladesh border guards. The driver said we were going to Deepavali Festival [a Hindu religious festival]. When we got out of the car, we saw government officials waiting for us in Taung Pyo Letwe.

The post Abducted Hindu Rica: ARSA Killed My Husband appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon Launches Water Bus Service

Posted: 06 Oct 2017 04:12 AM PDT

YANGON— After a delay of three months, a water bus service on Yangon's rivers rolled out on Friday, offering a new transport option to the city's 5.2 million residents.

Thirteen boats will connect Bohtataung and Insein townships with seven stops in between under the first phase of the project which launched Friday, Daw Tint Tint Lwin, the chairwoman of Tint Tint Myanmar company which won a tender to provide water bus services in February, said at the launching ceremony.

Three imported boats from Australia which can carry each 180-230 passengers, three boats from Thailand which can carry 60 passengers and seven locally constructed boats which can carry 150 passengers will run between 6:30 a.m. to 6:30 p.m. every day.

The stops include Bohtataung Terminal (Bohtataung Pagoda compound), Nan Thi Da Terminal (Pansodan Street), Lan Thit Jetty (Lan Thit Street), Kyee Myindaing Terminal (Kyee Myaing Kanar Road, near Zay Gyee Street), Hlaing Terminal (Hlaing Station Road, next to Shwe Padauk Fish market), Punn Hlaing (Punn Hlaing Golf Estate) and Insein Terminal (Aung Zay Ya Bridge).

The chairwoman said it takes about two hours to drive from Insein to Botahtaung, but by the water buses, it will only take around 45 minutes.

The initiative falls under the regional government's plans to upgrade public transport services to relieve worsening traffic jams in the former capital and commercial hub, following the new bus system that launched in January.

Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein and officials taking a water bus in Yangon on Friday (Photo: Thet Tun Naing/ The Irrawaddy)

Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein said at the launching ceremony that he hopes the new water transport will be helpful for the traffic congestion on Yangon's roads which has caused commuter journeys to lengthen, pledging the government was strict in ensuring the tender-award winning company was up to standard on safety and security.

The service was previously planned to launch in late June. Daw Tint Tint Lwin told The Irrawaddy that there had some delay in importing boats because of bad weather and also in arranging the required documents with the related government departments for the project.

She said based on the customers' demand, the routes and stops will be expanded under the Yangon regional government's instructions.

Two routes along Nga Moe Yeik Creek and Thanlyin Township will follow within three to six months after the jetties have been constructed, she said.

Some 56 to 67 boats are expected to service the full operation, which aims to serve an annual 12 million commuters this year and a projected 24 million by 2020.

"I hope to get full customers on all 13 boats under phase one as even in the trial there was high demand," she added.

She added that Yangon Region Transport Authority is also arranging to expand the bus lines that connect the water bus terminals.

Commuters will use a top-up card payment system with water bus rides costing between 300 and 500 kyats.

The post Yangon Launches Water Bus Service appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Mass Exodus of Muslims from Rakhine ‘Not Honest’: Govt Spokesperson

Posted: 06 Oct 2017 04:01 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Myanmar government's spokesperson has questioned the motives behind the mass migration of Muslims from northern Rakhine State to neighboring Bangladesh in the last month, claiming there are no clashes at all in the area.

"We believe that [self-identifying Rohingya Muslims] are plotting against the government by misleading [the international community] that there is mass migration," said U Zaw Htay, who is also director-general of the State Counselor Office.

More than half a million self-identifying Rohingya Muslims have fled Rakhine State since Aug. 25, bringing with them tales of rape, murder, and arson during Myanmar Army security operations the UN's human rights body has labeled "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing."

The UN's humanitarian aid chief said on Friday they were bracing for a possible "further exodus" from Rakhine State, according to Reuters. An estimated 2,000 self-identifying Rohingya continue to flee Rakhine State daily according to the International Organization for Migration.

"This flow out of Myanmar has not stopped yet, it's into the hundreds of thousands of Rohingya [who are] still in Myanmar, we want to be ready in case there is a further exodus," Mark Lowcock, UN under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs told a news briefing in Geneva on Friday, according to Reuters. "Half a million people do not pick up sticks and flee their country on a whim."

The self-identifying Rohingya Muslims are denied citizenship and classified as illegal immigrants, despite claiming roots in Myanmar that go back centuries, with communities marginalized and subjected to bouts of violence over the years.

Myanmar has denied it is pursuing ethnic cleansing in the state and, according to Reuters, Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed on Monday to form a working group to commence plans for the repatriation of refugees.

"It is not honest. [Self-identifying Rohingya Muslims] are fleeing even as we have told them that nobody would cause any harm to them, and [the government] would provide security and social assistance," U Zaw Htay said.

U Zaw Htay said there were also reports of Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA)—a self-identifying Rohingya militant group which sparked the latest violence with deadly attacks on 30 police outposts on Aug. 25—making threats by phone from Bangladesh to Muslims in Rakhine State, encouraging them to leave for Bangladesh, he said.

"So, it is also possible that they are fleeing because of fear and concerns that they will be alone when renewed clashes occur," he said.

"But then, we also heard reports that Muslims were paid to leave by boat [from Rakhine] and arrive at the camp [in Bangladesh]. Putting two and two together, this has brought into question who are funding them to leave," he added.

During a visit of Myanmar State Counselor's Office Minister U Kyaw Tint Swe to Bangladesh Dhaka this week, Bangladesh said it regarded ARSA as a common enemy of the two countries.

In her diplomatic briefing in September focusing on the Rakhine issue, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi urged the international community not just to look at problems but also to look at the areas where there were no problems.

She explained that 50 percent of Muslim villages remained intact. Human Rights Watch said last month that more than half of 400 self-identifying Rohingya villages in Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships had showed fire damage, according to satellite imagery.

"If those people remain [in Rakhine State] Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's statement is valid. At such time, attempts at mass migration is not honest, I think. Because Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has called the international community to help find out the reason behind the exodus," said former political prisoner U Tun Kyi who is a Muslim.

"So, I think they are trying to contradict the statement of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi."

Since last week of September, thousands of self-identifying Rohingya Muslims from villages in Buthidaung have gathered at the border with Bangladesh. According to the government information committee, there were around 13,000 Muslims at the border.

"Together with community elders, we met them and asked if they needed any assistance. They replied mildly that their relatives [from Bangladesh] called them and they would go and settle with them," said U Tin Maung Swe, secretary of Rakhine State government.

"They said they have no problems. Entire villages are leaving and therefore there are thousands of people," he said.

Though authorities dissuaded them from leaving and promised to provide security, health care and food, they refused to stay, he added.

"But I don't like them breaking through border fences. The border is quite long and they can go [into Bangladesh] through other ways," said U Tin Maung Swe.

U Tun Kyi said he condemned any person or organization which is deliberately forcing a mass exodus. He said he believed that there are persons and organizations that have exerted improper influence over people of poor education-level in the area.

"There are a lot of interests. ARSA also has interests. The government and the Tatmadaw have shown arms seized from ARSA to international diplomats. Those arms are old and broken. Why can't the government defeat ARSA which only have broken guns?" questioned U Tun Kyi.

Upper House parliamentarian U Khin Maung Latt said international laws allow people to flee and it is difficult for the government to stop them.

"Authorities said they would provide security and food, but they don't accept it. They may get more relief supplies and aid there, and they may get into a third country. There are such incentives. So, they were told that they would face troubles if they stay here and were talked into leaving for Bangladesh," said U Khin Maung Latt.

Myanmar's government was facing allegations of human rights violations because of the unfair portrayal of the issue by international media, he said.

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Ready to Fight Again: The Homeless Muslims Still Backing Myanmar Insurgency

Posted: 05 Oct 2017 10:17 PM PDT

COX’S BAZAR, Bangladesh — For 28-year-old Self-identifying Rohingya Muslim shopkeeper Mohammed Rashid, the evening phone call from organizers of the fledgling insurgent movement came as a surprise.

“Be ready,” was the message.

A few hours later, after meeting in the darkness in an open field, he was one of 150 men who attacked a Myanmar Border Guard Police post armed with swords, homemade explosives and a few handguns. At the end of a short battle, half a dozen men he had grown up with in his village were dead.

“We had no training, no weapons,” said Rashid, from the Buthidaung area of Myanmar’s Rakhine state, who had joined the group just two months earlier.

Accounts from some of those, like Rashid, who took part in attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on dozens of police posts early on Aug. 25 paint a picture of a rag-tag band of hopeless, angry villagers, who were promised AK-47 rifles but ended up fighting with sticks and knives.

Hundreds joined as recently as June, according to the accounts, and membership meant little more than a knife and messages from leaders on the popular mobile messaging app Whatsapp.

Reuters interviewed half a dozen fighters and members of the group now sheltering in Bangladesh, as well as dozens of others among the more than half a million Self-identifying Rohingya refugees who have fled across the border to escape a Myanmar army counteroffensive that the United Nations has branded ethnic cleansing.

ARSA, which emerged in 2016, says in press releases and video messages from its leader, Ata Ullah, that it is fighting for the rights of the Self-identifying Rohingya, a stateless Muslim minority that has long complained of persecution in mainly Buddhist Myanmar.

Myanmar says ARSA is a ruthless Islamist extremist movement that wants to create an Islamic republic in northern Rakhine.

Despite the massive suffering inflicted on their communities in the weeks since the August attacks, most of the fighters now stuck in dirt-poor camps said they were determined to continue their fight and some refugees voiced support for the insurgency.

Other refugees Reuters spoke to criticized the insurgents for bringing more misery upon them.

Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s spokesman, Zaw Htay, said ARSA had killed many Muslims who had cooperated with the authorities and so “people have felt threatened and terrorized” into supporting it. He added that Myanmar’s intelligence showed that religious scholars were prominent in recruiting followers.

ARSA denies killing civilians, and did not respond to a request for comment this week.

Analysts say the violence could galvanize ARSA members and supporters huddled in the refugee camps and among those Self-identifying Rohingya still in Myanmar, as people feel they have even less to lose.

“A militancy like this finds fertile ground because of the desperation of the community,” said Richard Horsey, a Yangon-based analyst and former U.N. official. “They are willing to take suicidal steps because they don’t see any other choice.”

Transnational Islamist groups could also try to exploit the desperation in the camps to radicalise people, Horsey added. Al Qaeda last month called for support for the Self-identifying Rohingya.

Homemade Weapons and Whatsapp

Reuters could not independently verify the individual insurgents’ stories, but there were broad similarities in all of their accounts.

One fighter, 35-year-old Kamal Hussain from a village in Rathedaung in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, said he joined ARSA when a religious teacher stood in his village square in June, during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, and implored a crowd of hundreds to fight.

“He said we have no choice but to attack Myanmar because our brothers and sisters are being killed day by day. I think everyone joined that day,” Hussain said, as he sat under a tarpaulin in a Bangladesh refugee camp. “We should attack again and again. I would go back to fight if I had the chance.”

Unlike longer-serving fighters, most new joiners had little or no training or contact with the group’s leaders, who communicated using Whatsapp and delivered rudimentary homemade explosives ahead of the assaults.

A third fighter, his account supported by comments from two elders from his village interviewed separately, said he and about 60 men from Myin Hlut signed up three months ago.

The 26-year-old, who asked not to be named because he feared arrest by Bangladeshi authorities, said he was among 200 men who attacked another police checkpost in the early hours of Aug. 25.

“We had only knives and sticks, no guns,” he said. “They promised us AK-47s but we got nothing. The explosives didn’t work. We had two of them for the whole group, but when we threw them nothing happened.”

About 40 fighters were killed, he said, but added that he would do it again if called on.

“I still support ARSA,” he said. “If my leaders call me to go again and fight, I will go back.”

According to two village-level commanders, there were Whatsapp groups restricted to leaders and others to members.

Bigger groups, administered from overseas, were used to build broader community support for ARSA and the Self-identifying Rohingya cause.

On his phone, Shoket Ullah, an uncle of the 26-year-old fighter, scrolled through messages posted in the Whatsapp group “ARSA.G1”, administered through a Saudi phone number, where ARSA press releases, videos of alleged Myanmar military violence and messages of support for Self-identifying Rohingyas were shared.

Another Whatsapp group on Ullah’s phone, “Rohingya Desh Arakan”, is administered by someone using a number from Malaysia. Tens of thousands of Self-identifying Rohingya live in both Saudi Arabia and Malaysia.

Local Backing

Self-identifying Rohingya anger at Myanmar has long existed, but this is the first serious armed resistance in decades.

In the crowded Bangladeshi camps, several refugees voice support for ARSA.

“I am disappointed and regret what happened but this was pre-planned by the Myanmar government,” said Shafi Rahman, a 45-year-old Burmese teacher whose village was burned to the ground the day after the attacks. “If ARSA didn’t attack, they would have done this to us anyway.”

Several refugees said some people had begun to sell cattle, vegetables and rice to raise funds for ARSA.

Not everyone was supportive, however. When Kamal Hussain, the fighter, argued that ARSA needed to keep fighting, his neighbors in the camp shouted him down.

“We have lost everything. Violence is not the answer,” shouted one elderly man, as muddy water spilled into the tent he now calls home.

It is not obvious how fighters would regroup and rebuild after so many have fled across the border or disappeared.

Three of the fighters who spoke to Reuters said they had been surprised by the ferocity of the Myanmar military’s response, and within weeks commanders had told their men to put down their weapons and abandon their villages.

Several said Whatsapp groups where regional and field commanders from ARSA, which before a rebranding this year called itself al-Yakin, or “Faith Movement”, would post updates had gone quiet.

“People who blame this on al-Yakin need to realize my people had to flee in 1978 and in the 1990s when there was no ARSA,” said one of the two village-level commanders, who grew up in Bangladesh after his family fled an earlier outbreak of violence, but returned to Myanmar in the 1990s.

“We should continue to attack. Even women can join.”

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Wednesday, October 4, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Britain is Still Being Beastly to its Former Colony Myanmar

Posted: 04 Oct 2017 04:35 AM PDT

YANGON—There is usually no harm in reciting lines or verses from your favorite poems. But it can matter what you read, where you read it, and who you are. If you are not careful, you could make a gaffe or insult those around you. Take the British Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson, for example.

When the Foreign Secretary visited Myanmar's Shwedagon Pagoda earlier this year during an official trip to Myanmar, the 53-year old Conservative Party member tolled a huge bell and recited lines from the poem Mandalay by Rudyard Kipling: "The temple-bells they say/ Come you back, you English soldier." (In fact, "Bojo" made a mistake, it's British, not English in the poem.)

His impromptu recital was recorded and featured in a documentary on Britain's Channel 4. In the video, Boris Johnson was interrupted by British ambassador to Myanmar who said "probably not a good idea" and "not appropriate" in a stern voice after reminding the Foreign Secretary he was on microphone.

Yes, it is inappropriate and insensitive for Boris Johnson to recite those lines in a country that was colonized by the British from 1824 to 1948.

To make matters worse, the person uttering "come you back, you English soldier" was not just an ordinary citizen but the Foreign Secretary from the country that annexed Myanmar through three bloody wars and oppressed local resistance.

Were it not for UK Ambassador Andrew Patrick's interruption, the Foreign Secretary may have continued with the lines "Bloomin’ idol made o’ mud / Wot they called the Great Gawd Budd / Plucky lot she cared for idols when I kissed ‘er where she stud!"

Referring to the Buddha as the "Great Gawd Budd" at one of the holiest Buddhist sites in the country would have been an act of sacrilege.

Who knows why the Foreign Secretary uttered lines from the colonial poem. Probably, he is a great fan of Rudyard Kipling or felt nostalgic for the age of British imperialism. Whatever the case, a British Foreign Secretary's recitation of the colonial poem in the country where they once colonized is an insult to the country and hurts the feeling of its people.

Adding to Myanmar people's dismay, the release of the video footage coincides with a time when Britain, along with many other countries, has been actively criticizing the Southeast Asian country and its popular leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for the country's treatment of the self-identifying Rohingya issue, which is in face the result of a bad colonial legacy left by the British to Myanmar people.

If the British hadn't encouraged Bengali inhabitants from Bengal Province of India (now Bangladesh) to migrate into the then sparsely populated and fertile valleys of Rakhine in the 1800s, Myanmar today would be in a very different position in the controversial issue.

While the British government has been repeatedly criticizing the Lady for her silence on the issue as well as for not doing enough to defend the minority self-identifying Rohingya, St Hugh's college of Oxford University, where she studied politics, philosophy and economics between 1964 and 1967, removed the painting of the Nobel laureate from its main entrance as the college received the gift of a new painting. It's questionable why the portrait was taken down amid criticism on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's on the issue.

On Tuesday, Oxford City Council withdrew an honor granting Aung San Suu Kyi the Freedom of Oxford as it was "no longer appropriate" for her to hold it given to her response to the self-identifying Rohingya issue.

Of course it would be annoying for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to see those kind of responses from the UK, which was in some ways her second home, spending nearly two decades studying and raising a family there with her late British husband.

For the majority of the Myanmar people, the actions of Oxford City Council and Oxford University were deliberate insults to the woman whom they have elected as their leader.

It's interesting to ask why Britain's government and civil organizations are united in humiliating Myanmar and its leader unlike many other western countries like the US, which is taking a much more supportive role by offering assistance to implement the recommendations made by the Rakhine State Advisory Commission to help the country tackle an issue spawned by British colonial rule.

Is Britain under the mistaken impression that it has the right to bully the country because it once colonized it?

Rather than pointing fingers at Myanmar, the British should be mindful that when it comes to the self-identifying Rohingya issue, their forebears were responsible for the encouragement of mass migration from India to Myanmar for cheap farm labor. It should be noted that they did it for the interests of British Empire, especially after the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 when rice demand was high in Europe.

Myanmar had no chance to solve the problem of migration encouraged by Britain under authoritarian rule from 1962 to 2010. The former quasi-civilian government made little success in tackling the issue despite their efforts after 2012.

Undaunted, the country's first democratically elected Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government is now trying to fix it amid other problems the country is facing such as bringing peace with ethnic armed groups. Please be aware that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government is just 18 months old.

It is very unfair to today's Myanmar, struggling to cope with the problems the British left behind while being criticized by those responsible who ignored their wrongdoings they did in the country more than a century ago.

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UK Prince Charles’s Tour of Southeast Asia Leaves Out Myanmar

Posted: 04 Oct 2017 01:44 AM PDT

LONDON, UK — Britain’s Prince Charles will tour southeast Asia and India later this month, but the heir to the throne will not visit Myanmar, after a spate of violence and allegations that authorities are carrying out ethnic cleansing.

Media reports last month said an official visit to Myanmar was being suggested for the trip, which the prince is undertaking on behalf of the British government, and aides acknowledged it had been considered as part of the schedule.

But it was omitted from the final programme issued on Wednesday. Charles and his wife Camilla will travel to Singapore, Malaysia and then to India where he will meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

“We looked at a range of options in the region and, as we’re announcing today, we’re going ahead with the visit to Singapore and Malaysia,” Philip Malone, Deputy Head of Department at Britain’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office, told reporters.

Malone and royal aides declined to elaborate.

More than 500,000 self-identifying Rohingya Muslims have fled from Myanmar to Bangladesh in the past month since insurgents attacked security posts near the border, triggering fierce military retaliation that the United Nations has branded ethnic cleansing.

Last month Britain suspended its training programme for the military in Myanmar because of the violence, and diplomatic relations have deteriorated.

Rights campaigners had argued against a royal visit.

“To have someone of Prince Charles's stature go to visit the country would be seen as a reward, and giving legitimacy to the government and the military that are currently violating international law,” said Mark Farmaner, director of Burma Campaign UK.

Charles and Camilla will begin their tour in Singapore on Oct. 31 before going to Malaysia, where they will celebrate 60 years of diplomatic ties since the former British colony became independent, before concluding the 11-day tour in India.

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Maungdaw Border Guard Police Chief Replaced

Posted: 03 Oct 2017 11:35 PM PDT

NAYPYITAW — Myanmar's Ministry of Home Affairs reshuffled the police brigadier-generals of Myanmar Police Force on Monday, with the Border Guard Police Force commander of conflict-torn Maungdaw Township being replaced.

Former chief of Mandalay Region No. 3 Security Police Command Police Brig-Gen Myint Toe has replaced Police Brig-Gen Thura San Lwin as the chief of Maungdaw Border Guard Police Force, said the latter's personal staff officer Police Lieutenant Lin Lin Oo.

"He has served in Rakhine State for one year, and did his best during his tenure. He was able to put the police force in a state of combat readiness. But not everything was perfect," said police lieutenant Lin Lin Oo.

In the aftermath of attacks on border guard police outposts in Maungdaw last October—in which nine police officers were killed and large amount of ammunition was seized—Police Brig-Gen Thura San Lwin replaced Police Brig-Gen Maung Maung Khin as the chief of the local border guard police force.

Police Brig-Gen Maung Maung Khin and two other police officers were imprisoned for negligence.

Ensuing "clearance operations" in northern Rakhine by the Myanmar Army and police were dogged by allegations of serious human rights abuses including rape, extra-judicial killings, and arson.

In December, a video emerged of police beating self-identifying Rohingya villagers in northern Rakhine's Rathedaung Township.

Police Brig-Gen Myint Toe has taken over the responsibility from Police Brig-Gen Thura San Lwin in Maungdaw on Tuesday, said his personal staff officer.

Police Brig-Gen Myint Toe, who was transferred from the Myanmar Army, served as commanders of police forces in Chin State and Tanintharyi Region before being promoted to lead Mandalay Region No. 3 Security Police Command.

Police Colonel Myo Thant, the chief of Oil Field Security Police Force, was promoted to police Brig-Gen to succeed Police Brig-Gen Myint Toe.

Police Brig-Gen Mya Win, the chief of Yangon Region No. 2 Security Police Command succeeds Police Brig-Gen Htay Aung who has retired as the chief of Rakhien State capital Sittwe No. 2 Security Police Command. Police Brig-Gen Tin Ko Ko of Naypyitaw No. 1 Security Police Command succeeds Police Brig-Gen Mya Win.

"It is usual for the police force to make a reshuffle once a year, an d it is not necessarily concerned with their performance," a retired police officer from Yangon told The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity.

Police Brig-Gen Maung Maung Khin was imprisoned for two years after the first attacks on border guard police outposts in Maungdaw last year, but Brig-Gen Thura San Lwin was brought back to Naypyitaw to head Naypyitaw No. 1 Security Police Command after the second attacks in August this year.

Home Affairs minister Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe during his Rakhine State visit after last year's attacks said that Thura San Lwin would be able to put Maungdaw under control as he had achieved the 'Thura' title—a military title awarded for gallantry—during the battle with Burma Communist Party (BCP) troops.

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Proposed New Minimum Wage Between 4,000 to 4,800 Kyats a Day

Posted: 03 Oct 2017 11:28 PM PDT

YANGON — The National Minimum Wage Committee has tentatively suggested Myanmar's new minimum wage should fall between 4,000 and 4,800 kyats (US$2.93 to $3.53) for an eight-hour working day.

The committee tasked with determining minimum wage was reformed in February and includes economists, officials of concerned ministries and representatives from labor and employer groups.

Since then it has met three times—the last time was on Monday where minimum wage committees at region and state levels discussed their survey results, and tentatively agreed a new rate of between 4,000 and 4,800 kyats, said economist U Khin Maung Kyo who is a member of National Minimum Wage Committee.

"Region and state level minimum wage committees proposed their rates, and the average was 4,000 to 4,800 kyats," U Khin Maung Nyo told The Irrawaddy.

The National Minimum Wage Committee is set to meet in December to finalize the rate, said U Nyunt Win, deputy director-general of the Factories and General Labor Laws Inspection Department.

"Region and state level minimum wage committees will listen to the feedback of employers and employees in their respective regions about the new proposed rate. We hope to work out a final rate at the December meeting," he told The Irrawaddy.

The new rate will then be put forward to parliament for approval, according to the Ministry of Labor, Immigration and Population.

The new rate is an appropriate amount because there is little difference between the amounts proposed by employer and labor groups, said U Khin Maung Nyo.

The minimum wage law was enacted in March, 2013, and respective by-laws in July that year. The new wage—3,600 kyats for an eight-hour working day—came into effect on Sept. 1 the same year.

It was applied to workers across all sectors nationwide, except small and family-run businesses that employ fewer than 15 people.

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Respected Currency Designer U Aye Myint Dies Aged 87

Posted: 03 Oct 2017 10:21 PM PDT

MANDALAY – Veteran designer U Aye Myint died at his home in Amarapura, Mandalay Region on Tuesday evening after suffering from heart disease for many years. He was 87.

"He was sick because of his poor heart, and it was like he could not stand it anymore," a member of his family told The Irrawaddy.

Born in 1930, U Aye Myint took an early interest in the floral patterns carved into wooden buildings in the ancient capital of Innwa in Mandalay Region and in Sagaing Region and was inspired to become skilled in traditional Myanmar design.

He learnt his craft from veteran Myanmar artists including U Kywe Lay and U Khin Maung (Bank) and began his career in 1954.

In 1970 he was asked by military junta leader Gen. Ne Win to travel to Japan, Germany, and Britain to learn the art and technology of designing currency.

Working at Wazi in Magwe Region, he designed Myanmar currency notes and coins—which were printed with help from German technologies—as well as lottery tickets and stamps.

His designs for the five and 10 kyat notes became famous among the people, especially as they featured the face of independence hero Gen. Aung San.

After a number of years, however, he was forced to retire as Myanmar's ruling generals became suspicious of him and accused him of political activism.

"He told us that one of his design failures, and one of the most memorable points of his life as a currency designer, was that the cluster of toddy palm fruits on the five-kyat note faced upward rather than downwards," said one of his students and disciples Tampawaddy U Wing Maung.

"He said the design and pattern of the note was made in Germany while he was there but due to a rush in the process, he only found the mistake after the notes were printed and distributed."

After leaving Wazi, U Aye Myint struggled as a designer of traditional Myanmar art in Yangon for about 11 years, often drawing cover designs for Buddhist literary magazines.

"He was a passionate artist who always explained every piece of his art work and design in those magazines. By reading his texts and viewing his art works, readers could learn about traditional Myanmar art and design," explained Tampawaddy U Win Maung.

After settling down in Amarapura, U Aye Myint's designs appeared at many Buddhist religious buildings including the ornamentations of the southern stairway of Yangon's Shwedagon Pagoda and the golden umbrella of Mandalay's Maha Muni Buddha Image.

In early 2016, on the day of his 86th birthday, U Aye Myint launched a showcase of his works in Mandalay.

During the exhibition, he launched a book named Ancient Myanmar Designs, a collection of Myanmar traditional arts and designs, which he and the late historian Dr. Than Tun had collected over the space of 50 years.

Until his last days, U Aye Myint worked as a consultant at Saung Dar traditional weaving Academy in Amarapura and a consultant for conservation and restoration works of numerous historical buildings around Mandalay, including Mandalay's ancient Shwenandaw Kyaung Temple and Amarapura's famous U Bein Bridge.

"An expert like him should be substituted. However, his disciples will continue to preserve the value of traditional arts and designs and will hand them down to future generations," said Tampawaddy U Win Maung.

U Aye Myint is survived by his wife, three daughters and a son. His body will be cremated at Taung Inn Myauk Inn cemetery on Wednesday afternoon.

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