The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Lost Warriors: Seagrim and Pagani of Burma, The Last Great Untold Story of WWII
- Policeman and Miner Killed in Kachin Mine Clash
- Should Trump Speak on Rakhine?
- Myanmar Gets First Health R&D Funds Since Independence
- Trump Lands in South Korea, Frontlines of North Korean Nuclear Standoff
- Japan’s ANA Ditches Myanmar’s Asian Blue Airline Project
- UN Security Council Urges Myanmar to Stop Excessive Military Force
- Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week
- Party Lines: Between Hope and Realism
| Lost Warriors: Seagrim and Pagani of Burma, The Last Great Untold Story of WWII Posted: 07 Nov 2017 04:14 AM PST It's often said that World War II never ended in the Karen Hills of Myanmar. Almost as soon as the country gained its independence from Britain in 1948, Karen hilltribe guerrillas, who had fought against the Japanese during the occupation, turned their guns against the government in Yangon (then Rangoon) to fight for self-determination for their own homeland. That war lasted until a ceasefire agreement was reached between the Karen National Union and Myanmar's central authorities in January 2012. It remains to be seen if that accord is going to lead to a lasting peace in what's now Karen State as it is only a ceasefire agreement and does not include any provision for a comprehensive political solution to a nearly seven decades long civil war. A book about World War II would, therefore, be relevant even to today's situation in Myanmar's eastern border areas. In fact, Gen. Tamla Baw, one of the main leaders of the Karen movement until his death at the age of 94 in June 2014, was in his youth one of many young Karen guerrillas fighting alongside Maj. Hugh Seagrim, a British army officer, against the Japan's Imperial Army. Tamla Baw was captured by the Japanese in 1944 and was imprisoned for four months, but managed to escape and joined Force 136, another British-organized unit in occupied Burma. Many Karens had been loyal to the British long before the war, and many of them had been recruited into the colonial police and army. Now, they had to face the revenge of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) and its Japanese backers, which exacerbated already existing animosity between the majority Burmans and an ethnic minority like the Karens. The Burmans took revenge, and many Karens were killed, among them a group of elders at Papun where Seagrim's guerrilla force was active. The Japanese were even more heavy-handed and reprisals against the Karen civilian population were so brutal that Seagrim surrendered rather than seeing the atrocities continue. At the same time, some of his Karen fighters had been captured and, during his trial in Rangoon, Seagrim told the Japanese "do not punish these Karens. It is only because of me that all these Karens have got into trouble. This war is between the Japanese and the British, not between the Japanese and the Karens. I beg you to release all these Karens here." In a remarkable tribute to his enemy, Col. Sunyoshi, the Rangoon commander of the kempetai, or dreaded Japanese security police, reportedly said that, "I have never come across a finer gentleman." That did not help, however. Not only Seagrim was sentenced to death but seven of his men as well. Seagrim stood alongside some of his beloved Karens when he was executed by firing squad in an open space off Rangoon's Pyay (then Prome) Road on September 22, 1944. Blindfolded, they sang the hymn "The Solid Rock" as they were shot. Seagrim's self-sacrifice on the Karens behalf became a legend and his life and struggle was first immortalized by Ian Morrison, a British journalist and author, in his classic Grandfather Longlegs: The Life and Gallant Death of Major H.P. Seagrim. Although he was only in his thirties when he was in hills of eastern Myanmar, the Karens addressed him respectfully as "grandfather" and his long legs gave him his popular nickname, Hpu Taw Kaw, or, literally "Grandfather Longlegs" in Karen. Published in 1947, Morrison's book remained the only biography of Seagrim until the historian Philip Davies wrote Lost Warriors: Seagrim and Pagani of Burma, The last great untold story of WWII. Davies helped Thant Myint-U set up the Yangon Heritage Trust in 2012, so he is no newcomer to the Myanmar scene and his previous books include works on the architectural heritage of India. Seagrim buried his own diaries and other papers before he ended up in Japanese custody, and efforts to retrieve them have proven unsuccessful, and, as Davies writes, "Seagrim's box remains undiscovered, hidden somewhere deep beneath the blood-red loam of the Karen hills." He has therefore, quite understandably, had to borrow a lot from Morrison's earlier book and also interviewed Seagrim's relatives and Karen survivors of the war. Davies more than Morrison also brings the remarkable exploits of Roy, or Ras, Pagani, an even younger British soldier who crossed paths with Seagrim and sometimes fought alongside him. While Seagrim was a Christian mystic and an intensely spiritual man, Pagani was more of an adventurer and, as Davies calls him "a serial escapee". He was at Dunkirk in 1940 and managed to escape, ended up in Southeast Asia and escaped from Singapore. Captured by the Japanese, Pagani was the only European to escape successfully from the Death Railway that Allied prisoners of war were forced to build to connect Thailand and Burma. In the jungle after that escape Pagani met some friendly Karens who took him to Seagrim's hiding place and the two began to fight together. Davies used Pagani's own typescript of his life and wartime adventures, I Did It My Way, as the main source for his story. But unlike Seagrim, Pagani never became a legend. After the war, he returned home, as he had promised, to his young wife Pip in England and never received more than a Military Medal for his heroic exploits. After running a taxi service in southern England, Pagani retired and died in 2003 at the age of 87. The outcome of Davies' research is a highly readable account of World War II in Myanmar, and it is free from the kind of colonial superiority that can be found in Morrison's book. To Morrison, the Karens are immensely loyal to the British, which he believes is good, but, as he writes in Grandfather Longlegs, they "are not an intelligent people. They are nothing like as quick-witted as the Burmese or the Chinese. They are often extremely stupid [but] to a man they know and trust and love they will remain faithful till they die." In other words, perfect colonial subjects. Seagrim himself would have abhorred such racist stereotypes and Davies also treats the Karen personalities as equals in his account of the war. Davies concludes his narrative by mentioning Aung San Suu Kyi's 2015 election victory and stating that, "beautiful, blessed, benighted Burma; sublime, serene and supremely sad; an enchanted land of lost dreams and forgotten promises, but perhaps, just perhaps, one now changed with hope for the future." That might be an overly optimistic assessment of the situation today. There may be no more war in Karen State, but the ceasefire now prevailing between the KNU and the Myanmar Army is far from solid. Some, among them the daughter of Seagrim's comrade-in-arms Tamla Baw, are even openly critical of the agreement which has not brought the country closer to what the Karens have been fighting for for decades: a federal union of equal states. Seen in that perspective, World War II has yet to end in the borderlands of Myanmar. The post Lost Warriors: Seagrim and Pagani of Burma, The Last Great Untold Story of WWII appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Policeman and Miner Killed in Kachin Mine Clash Posted: 07 Nov 2017 02:20 AM PST MANDALAY — A prospector and a policeman were killed in the Hpakant jade mining area of Kachin State during a clash between authorities and prospective miners on Monday. The two men were killed when an argument broke out as police tried to stop prospectors from searching for jade scraps before a permitted time at Yadanar San Shwin mining company near Hseit Mu village, said witnesses. "A prospector tried to grab the policeman's gun. There was a shooting and the prospector died there," said a witness who did not want to be named out of fear for their safety. The group of prospectors then attacked the policeman, who died on the spot, according to first-hand accounts. "Later, more police arrived and shot at the prospectors, who then left. We heard another prospector was shot but we could not confirm it," added the witness. Hpakant Police Station confirmed an officer had died but declined to comment further on the incident. Local lawmakers told The Irrawaddy they are planning to raise the issue of violence in the mining areas in the next state parliament session. "Incidents like this happen every year, especially during the start and end of the mining season [from mid-October-June]," said state lawmaker U Lashi Daseng of Hpakant constituency. "We will submit this issue in parliament as an important matter." In Lone Kin and Hpakant jade mining areas, clashes between freelance miners, jade mining firms and security forces are common, as the firms do not want the prospectors to work in their areas. In October, five prospectors were shot dead and at least 20 injured when security forces opened fire on them for scavenging for jade scraps in the Lone Kin mining area of Kachin State. Although local administration offices have mediated negotiations between the prospectors and mining companies in order to allow prospectors restricted access to the areas, clashes still persist. "Even though we are doing our best to help negotiations between them, we need concrete rules and regulation, and, of course, rule of law. That can only be achieved with the central government's orders and power," added U Lashi Daseng. The post Policeman and Miner Killed in Kachin Mine Clash appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Should Trump Speak on Rakhine? Posted: 07 Nov 2017 02:16 AM PST International campaign groups have urged US President Trump to speak on Myanmar and the plight of the Rohingya during his ongoing trip to Asia. However, Trump and the White House will need to find a balanced approach to address the complex situation. The fear is that an offhand remark or tweet from the president could be like throwing gasoline on a fire, further dividing communities. The US under Trump has been seen as unreliable, distasteful and divisive. This division should not be brought to Myanmar in its fragile state, where enough extremists and hardliners thrive already. US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson will visit Myanmar soon. He will hold talks with top ranking officials including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing on the situation in Rakhine State and the democratic transition. The United States, while condemning the violence, has been careful to say it holds the military responsible, not Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s civilian government. The US still sees Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as the best hope to solve the conflict in Northern Rakhine State but it also wants to punish the military for its offensive in the wake of retaliation against Muslim militants and the Rohingya population. The US Embassy in Yangon condemned militant attacks but the return of targeted sanctions on Myanmar is likely a result of armed forces' subsequent brutal campaign against the Rohingya population. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been criticized for her moral failure in not addressing the crisis in northern Rakhine State – but do we want the scandal-plagued US president to speak on human rights and democratic values in Myanmar? When Obama made his historic visit in 2012, US engagement was welcomed throughout Myanmar despite some activists and skeptics remaining cautious. The US's engagement now will likely face a mixed reception at home. The US Congress is paying attention to the situation in Rakhine and in Myanmar and the State Department is under pressure to address the issue in Rakhine State. Meanwhile, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) asked the government to "ensure no further excessive use of military force in Rakhine State." "The Security Council calls upon the Government of Myanmar to ensure no further excessive use of military force in Rakhine State, to restore civilian administration and apply the rule of law, and to take immediate steps in accordance with their obligations and commitments to respect human rights," it said. The pressure on the military and the government will not simply go away. But China, powerful neighbor with close ties to the Myanmar government and several armed ethnic groups, still holds the key at the UN to swaying the outcome of the UNSC. In any case, pressure is mounting to impose sanctions. A group of US senators introduced a bill that would not allow certain types of military cooperation with the armed forces in Myanmar, and would place sanctions and travel restrictions on top members of the Myanmar military linked to the Rakhine State violence. These restrictions would continue as long as the violence continued. The Rakhine issue will no doubt dominate the dialogue between Myanmar officials and Tillerson. With military leaders, Tillerson will have a difficult time engaging as the top leaders these days take a tough stance toward ethnic groups and marginalized populations and have learned to resist foreign influence and pressure by establishing other regional allies. The military feels it is no longer isolated and that it has some degree of support. The military today is more assertive than before. But it also realizes that western pressure and sanctions will soon target it. The irony is that the military and associates are now placing blame on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as though she wanted the US to impose sanctions. It is unclear whether she wanted to see sanctions imposed as a punishment against the military, but she is now stuck between a rock and a hard place. The media has suggested that efforts to bring sanctions and accountability through the Senate ultimately rest on majority leader Mitch McConnell, a longtime supporter of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who has thus far sided with those wary of anything that could undermine her position, destabilize the country and diminish the newly installed democratic government. Human rights groups said McConnell’s friendship with the state counselor was a major obstacle to the Senate imposing repercussions on Myanmar. As always, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's position on sanctions is vague. In the past, she wanted to pressure the generals to enter into political dialogue, thus western sanctions were her political bargaining chips. Those days are gone. Her spokesman, U Zaw Htay, a former army officer, warned of "bad consequences" if sanctions were imposed. But the question is bad consequences for whom? If imposed, how will sanctions affect internal politics and the dynamic between Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi? Will there be more open confrontation between top army leaders and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi? Moreover, how will ethnic groups react to looming US sanctions and how have radical nationalist groups instigated public opinion of the Buddhist population toward expressing fury over US sanctions? If Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and top leaders are on the sanction list, his future political ambition will be stained. But will that give more political advantage to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, democratic forces and those ethnic groups struggling to achieve a federal union? We will soon find out. But with Tillerson's high-level visit in the next week, the US's principle-based engagement should also be under review. Why did the UN and the West's engagement so far produce a complete failure in Myanmar? There is no happy ending to Myanmar's story. It is time to take a deeper look into the complex situation inside the country in order to assist the people and the country. Aside from the Rakhine issue, the US should also pay attention to the ongoing conflict in ethnic regions in the north, the stalled peace process, the rise of extreme nationalism in the country and the 2008 Constitution – the main obstacles keeping the country from moving forward. The post Should Trump Speak on Rakhine? appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Myanmar Gets First Health R&D Funds Since Independence Posted: 06 Nov 2017 10:41 PM PST YANGON — The Myanmar government has granted one billion kyats (US$740,000) for research and development in the health sector, according to the minister for health and sports Dr. Myint Htwe. Addressing a meeting of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) at the ministry in Naypyitaw on Monday, the minister said: "All our work, without research, is like fumbling with our eyes closed." This is the first time in the country's modern history since independence in 1948 that the Health Ministry has received a research and development budget, with the National League for Democracy government planning to double the amount next year. The funds will be used for research in all of the departments under the ministry for teaching, food safety and pharmaceutical production, said director-general of the FDA Dr. Than Htut. "Nothing will develop without research. Not only manufacturing but services also need research. According to international practices, organizations use up to 40 percent of their budget on research and development," said Dr. Than Htut. The research budget is a separate fund from the medical research budget, an annual allocation for the Medical Research Department under the Health Ministry. The ministry comprises the Department of Public Health, Department of Medical Services, Department of Medical Research, Department of Human Resources for Health, Department of Traditional Medicine, Department of Sports and Physical Education, and FDA. The national health plan of Myanmar (2017-2021) aims to extend access to a basic essential package of health services to the entire population by 2020. According to the health ministry, the country's life expectancy is 64.7 years, the lowest among ASEAN countries. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Myanmar Gets First Health R&D Funds Since Independence appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Trump Lands in South Korea, Frontlines of North Korean Nuclear Standoff Posted: 06 Nov 2017 09:15 PM PST OSAN, South Korea — US President Donald Trump arrived in South Korea on Tuesday, the closest he has come to the frontlines of the nuclear standoff with North Korea, on a visit that could further aggravate tensions with Pyongyang. Landing at Osan Air Base outside the capital Seoul, Trump stepped down from Air Force One onto a red carpet as he began his 24-hour state visit with a ceremonial military honor guard arrayed on the airport tarmac. The White House says Trump's trip is intended to demonstrate US resolve over his hardline approach to North Korean nuclear and missile threats, but many in the region fear that further bellicose presidential rhetoric could increase the risk of a devastating military conflict on the Korean peninsula. Three US aircraft carrier strike groups will conduct exercises together in the Western Pacific in the coming days in a show of force rarely seen in the region, US officials said, as Trump continues his 12-day Asia tour aimed at forging a united front against North Korea and developing trade. Pyongyang's recent nuclear and missile tests in defiance of UN resolutions and an exchange of bellicose insults between Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un have raised the stakes in the most critical international challenge of Trump's presidency. On the second leg of his five-nation trip, Trump on Tuesday was due to tour the main garrison for US troops stationed in South Korea, the sprawling Camp Humphreys, which lies about 100 kilometers (60 miles) from the border with reclusive North Korea. He will later hold talks with South Korean President Moon Jae-in. Trump is seeking to further ratchet up pressure on Pyongyang following his visit to Tokyo, where he declared that Japan would shoot North Korean missiles "out of the sky" if it bought the US weaponry needed to do so, suggesting that the Japanese government take a stance it has avoided until now. The South Korea leg of Trump's trip is an effort to present a united front despite differences with Moon over how to confront North Korea, as well as Trump's complaints over the two countries' trade agreement and South Korean defense spending. Trump has rattled some US allies with his vow to "totally destroy" North Korea if it threatens the United States, for deriding Kim as a "Rocket Man on a suicide mission" and for dismissing as pointless any diplomatic engagement with Pyongyang. Kim, who has also made clear he has little interest in negotiations, at least until North Korea develops a nuclear-tipped missile capable of hitting the United States, has called Trump a "mentally deranged US dotard." The post Trump Lands in South Korea, Frontlines of North Korean Nuclear Standoff appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Japan’s ANA Ditches Myanmar’s Asian Blue Airline Project Posted: 06 Nov 2017 09:06 PM PST YANGON — Japan's ANA Holdings Inc has dropped a plan to form a joint venture in Myanmar, the airline said on Monday, after its application for an air operator's certificate (AOC) was rejected by the authorities in the Southeast Asian country. ANA established the Asian Blue joint venture last year with local investor Golden Sky World, owned by property-to-banking conglomerate Shwe Than Lwin. ANA had agreed to take a 49 percent stake in the airline, which would have focused on international routes, in anticipation of growing demand as Myanmar opens up following decades of military rule. Asian Blue was ANA's second attempt at investing in Myanmar. In 2014 it scrapped a plan to buy a 49 percent stake in Asian Wings Airways after growing competition made the investment too risky. "We can’t find a reason," said ANA's Myanmar representative H. Sammy Aramaki, referring to the government’s refusal to issue the operating license. "The management can’t wait any longer," he said, whose company filed the application in May last year. He said ANA's operation in Myanmar would continue as usual. A spokesman for Myanmar's Department of Civil Aviation said ANA's AOC application was rejected. He did not elaborate. The decision comes amid growing frustration over the Myanmar government's management of the economy. The country's much-needed new foreign investment approvals have slowed since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won a election victory in late 2015 in one of the region's poorest countries. "We regret the fact that we decided to wind up the company, but we would like to keep on exploring the possibility to contribute to the development of the airline industry in Myanmar," an ANA spokesman told Reuters. ANA, which operates daily flights between Myanmar's commercial capital Yangon and Tokyo, holds an 8.8 percent stake in Vietnam Airlines. The post Japan's ANA Ditches Myanmar's Asian Blue Airline Project appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| UN Security Council Urges Myanmar to Stop Excessive Military Force Posted: 06 Nov 2017 08:44 PM PST UNITED NATIONS — The United Nations Security Council urged the Myanmar government on Monday to "ensure no further excessive use of military force in Rakhine State," where violence has forced more than 600,000 Rohingya Muslims to flee the Buddhist-majority Asian country. The United Nations has denounced the violence during the past 10 weeks as a classic example of ethnic cleansing. The Myanmar government has denied allegations of ethnic cleansing. To appease council veto powers Russia and China, Britain and France dropped a push for the Security Council to adopt a resolution on the situation and the 15-member body instead unanimously agreed on a formal statement. The council expressed "grave concern over reports of human rights violations and abuses in Rakhine State, including by the Myanmar security forces, in particular against persons belonging to the Rohingya community." "The Security Council calls upon the Government of Myanmar to ensure no further excessive use of military force in Rakhine State, to restore civilian administration and apply the rule of law, and to take immediate steps in accordance with their obligations and commitments to respect human rights," it said. Myanmar has been stung by international criticism for the way its security forces responded to attacks by Rohingya militants on 30 security posts. More than 600,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since Aug. 25. "The Security Council stresses the primary responsibility of the Government of Myanmar to protect its population including through respect for the rule of law and the respect, promotion and protection of human rights," the statement said. It stressed the importance of transparent investigations into allegations of human rights abuses and "in this regard, the Security Council calls upon the Government of Myanmar to cooperate with all relevant United Nations bodies, mechanisms and instruments." Myanmar has refused entry to a UN panel that was tasked with investigating allegations of abuses after a smaller military counteroffensive launched in October 2016. Myanmar's de facto leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has pledged accountability for rights abuses and says Myanmar will accept back refugees who can prove they were residents of Myanmar. The Security Council said it was alarmed by the rapidly deteriorating humanitarian situation in Rakhine State and warned that the increasing number of refugees "has a destabilizing impact in the region." The council demanded that the Myanmar government allow immediate, safe and unhindered humanitarian aid and media access. It asked UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to report back in 30 days on the situation. The post UN Security Council Urges Myanmar to Stop Excessive Military Force appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week Posted: 06 Nov 2017 06:44 PM PST
Waterzonic Myanmar | Nov. 11 Famous DJs will perform at this event. Nov. 11, 4 pm. The One Entertainment Park, Paw Hsan Hmwe Street, Thuwunna. Tickets 25,000 kyats to 120,000 kyats at www.waterzonicmyanmar.com.
Myanmar Scout Music Concert | Nov. 12 Dozens of famous singers will be at this concert. Nov. 12, 6 pm. Thuwunna Stadium. Tickets between 5,000 and 50,000 kyats at 1876, and 09-451010789. Kant Kaw Wut Yee Book House Anniversary | Nov. 10-12 Discounts up to 30 percent will be offered at the first anniversary of Kant Kaw Wut Yee Book House. Nov. 10-12. No. 51, Ye Kyaw Street, Pazundaung Tsp. Tuborg Fun Night | Nov. 11 Singers AR-T, Sophia Everest, Raymond and John will be at this event plus outdoor games and activities. Nov. 11, 5 pm to late night. The Penthouse, Bagayar Street, Sanchaung Tsp. Free Admission. Pre-Christmas Opera Musical Concert | Nov. 13-15 A concert to welcome Christmas will be held for three consecutive days. Nov. 13-15, 6:30 pm. Myanmar Convention Center, Min Dhamma Road, Mayangone Tsp. Tickets between 2,000 kyats and 8,000 kyats at 09-450302075. Yangon Book Street | Every Sat & Sun Yangon Book Street is back on Thienbyu Road on weekends for bookworms. Every Sat and Sun. Theinbyu Road.
Open Mic Night | Nov. 9 There will be an open mic event at YangonYangon Bar. Nov. 9, 7:30 pm. YangonYangon Rooftop Bar. Happy hour: 5-7 pm.
Caricature Exhibition | Nov. 7-12 An exhibition of nine artists will showcase caricatures of local and international personalities. Nov. 7-12. Myanmar Traditional Artists and Artisans Association, Bogyoke Market.
Moe Nyo: 9th Solo | Nov. 11-13 This solo art exhibition will feature trademark watercolor landscapes of artist Moe Nyo. Nov. 11-13. Yangon Gallery, People's Park.
Different Leaves One Tree | Nov. 7-11 This is a group art exhibition of four artists. Nov. 7-11. OK Gallery, Aung San Stadium (North Wing) The post Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Party Lines: Between Hope and Realism Posted: 06 Nov 2017 05:58 PM PST On the second anniversary of Myanmar's 2015 democratic election, The Irrawaddy revisits this article from the run-up to that landmark election. In this article from The Irrawaddy's August 2015 issue, contesting parties shared their expectations, challenges and views on the military allotment of 25 percent in Parliament. NATIONAL LEAGUE FOR DEMOCRACY (NLD) DAW NAN KHIN HTWE MYINT, Central Executive Committee member Founded in 1988, Myanmar's largest opposition party led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi won more than 80 percent of seats in the 1990 general election—the results of which were annulled by the ruling junta. The NLD boycotted the country's last general election in 2010 but participated in 2012 by-elections, winning 43 of the 44 seats it contested.  EXPECTATIONS "Everyone wants real change from the 2015 election. To achieve that, I think we all need to support one large democratic force. I hope pro-democracy forces will win in the coming election." CHALLENGES "We have found many errors in the voter lists. Even my name didn't appear in the voter list in my constituency. And in some places, the collaboration between the sub-election commissions is weak. As with widespread cheating with advance votes in past elections, it is a risk for us if half of the voter lists include the wrong data." STRATEGY "We have been carrying out our voter list verification process including door-to-door visits to voters. We will also pressure the Union Election Commission on gaining access for party representatives to polling stations." ON THE MILITARY "If they regard the public as their parents, as they say, they should only fulfill a defense role for the country. There is no way they will reduce their allotment of 25 percent of seats in Parliament [in the near future]." UNION SOLIDARITY AND DEVELOPMENT PARTY (USDP) U TIN MAUNG OO, Central committee member Formed in 2010 as the political arm of the former military regime, the USDP won a parliamentary majority in that year's widely discredited general election. The USDP will contest constituencies nationwide in the coming election, with Union Parliament Speaker U Shwe Mann heading the party's Elections Winning Committee.  EXPECTATIONS "The Union Election Commission has released preliminary eligible voter lists and is fixing the flaws. Each party is trying to win and some may merge or form alliances. New parties have also been founded. So this year's election will be the [most] significant election in the country's history. "People's experiences from 2010 and 2012 are different. In 2010, the public had less interest in political parties. Now the quality of party members, lawmakers and politicians' has increased to some extent. As a consequence, no party will win a landslide victory. It is also more likely that ethnic parties will win in their ethnic states." CHALLENGES "Some parties are speaking about constitutional amendments. The main thing in a democracy is to follow the existing rules. The most important thing is the country's stability. Politicians generally use either students, workers or farmers [for political ends]. If some parties or groups use them for their benefit, it won't be good for the country. "There are many people who don't have a national registration card. There is no specific plan [to address their eligibility to vote]. In my constituency alone, there are thousands [without national registration cards] who aren't eligible. This is the biggest challenge for the election. The UEC is trying their best and I believe the election will be free and fair. But the government needs to make sure all eligible citizens are able to vote." STRATEGY "After the winning party forms government, some party policies should form the policies of the executive body. At present, unfortunately, the USDP's policies aren't working in tandem with the government's operations." ON THE MILITARY "Let's say representatives of the 14 states and regions and the military are on the same boat heading toward democracy; they can encounter strong waves and other difficulties together on the way to their destination. If we work together, the military will know the difficulties in achieving democracy and they can help us too. But if we leave them out, they won't know the challenges and will not be with us. The more doubts and difficulties that build up, the more potential there is for a coup like in Thailand. So for now, the 25 percent of military lawmakers should continue." NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC FORCE (NDF) U KHIN MAUNG SWE, Chairman The NDF is comprised of former leading members of the NLD who disagreed with the party's decision to boycott Myanmar's last general election in 2010. The NDF contested 161 seats in that poll, winning 12 seats in the Union Parliament and four seats in state and regional legislatures. The party plans to field nearly 300 candidates to contest the upcoming national election.  EXPECTATIONS "More pro-democracy forces should win seats in Parliament. If so, changes in the country could happen faster. But it depends on the public's votes. I think it is more likely there will be a coalition government. There is no way for a landslide victory by a major party." CHALLENGES "Errors in the voter lists. Also we need to achieve peace in the country before the election to increase the chance of a fair poll. People may cast votes freely but there could still be manipulation by the ruling party—we need to prevent this. Officers at polling stations could also come under pressure… International watchdogs need to be present to monitor the process in as many areas as possible, even if they can't monitor nationwide." STRATEGY "The NLD and other CSOs are checking the voter lists. We will urge the government and the electoral body to fix the errors in time. That's all we can do. We don't have the manpower or financial resources to do it ourselves." ON THE MILITARY "The role of the military in the Parliament will be the same now, with 25 percent of seats. They may consider voluntarily reducing the number of seats themselves if there was a guarantee of peace before the election. If not, there is no way they would [take this step]." ARAKAN NATIONAL PARTY (ANP) U AYE THAR AUNG, Party patron ANP formed in January 2014 following a merger between the Rakhine National Development Party (RNDP) and the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD). The former party won 35 of 44 seats it contested in the 2010 election, which the ALD boycotted. The party plans to contest 63 seats in the coming election, mainly in the regional Rakhine State legislature.  EXPECTATIONS "I place more emphasis on amending the 2008 Constitution than on the 2015 election. Without major changes to the Constitution, I don't believe there will be changes in the country and internal peace beyond the election. But if candidates from the NLD and ethnic parties win most of the seats in Parliament, we could have more power to make legislation. And the same in regions, if ethnic candidates win in their constituencies and become lawmakers and ministers, I hope they will work for the development of their regions. But we can't expect a real transition since major articles in the Constitution are still not amended." CHALLENGES "There were voting irregularities in the 2010 election. I am concerned there will be the same in the 2015 election. It is hard to believe that from 30 to 80 percent of the current voter lists are [inaccurate]. I am also concerned that if the NLD and ethnic parties win a landslide victory, the ruling party won't transfer power and [acknowledge] the new Parliament." STRATEGY "Our party only represents one state. So I think to monitor the [broader] challenges, the government and big parties will be vital." ON THE MILITARY "After the election, 25 percent of seats will still be reserved for military appointees' in the Lower House, Upper House and the regional parliaments. This is the main barrier to changes in the country and I don't see that they will easily quit by themselves." SHAN NATIONALITIES LEAGUE FOR DEVELOPMENT (SNLD) U SAI LEIK, Joint-secretary The SNLD won 23 seats in the annulled 1990 election. It was forcibly disbanded after boycotting the 2010 poll but re-registered in 2012 and plans to contest more than 160 seats in the coming national election.  EXPECTATIONS "If democratic forces win most seats in the election, we will have hope for constitutional amendments. To have the federal union that ethnics demand and the democracy that the public wants, the main challenge is to change the Constitution. "I think this year's election is more important than the 2010 election because at that time some parties were excluded and there were many parties, especially ethnic parties, that didn't run for various reasons. But in the 2015 election, I hope almost all ethnic parties will run. "If the military keeps its seats in Parliament, it won't be a good look internationally. It is important that the democratic forces win a landslide. Only with that can we achieve political dialogue and change the Constitution." CHALLENGES "I'm not sure that the election will be free and fair. Even in the preliminary voter lists, there are lots of errors. Although the electoral body is saying they will fix all the errors in time, we can't predict what will happen. "And the government needs to guarantee they will recognize and implement the results of the election. The ruling party needs to contest the election fairly. I am concerned about that; the attention of the international community, media and public is much needed." STRATEGY "We are doing voter education, verifying voter lists to correct errors and are raising awareness among all eligible voters to come to the polling stations and cast votes. "And we will watch the ruling USDP in accordance with the code of conduct. If they violate it, we will publicly expose them in collaboration with NGOs and the media." ON THE MILITARY "Until now, they haven't looked likely to reduce their current 25 percent of seats in Parliament. But I think if the democratic forces and ethnic parties could pledge not to pursue action over past incidents, they may eventually reduce [their representation]." This article was originally published as the cover story of the August 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Party Lines: Between Hope and Realism appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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