Thursday, December 14, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Govt eases some restrictions on Bagan locals

Posted: 14 Dec 2017 07:51 AM PST

YANGON—The government has eased some restrictions on locals living within the heritage monument zone around the Bagan archaeological site, while maintaining its plan to seek a Unesco World Heritage listing for the site.

In late November, locals from five villages petitioned the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture demanding their villages be demarcated within a buffer zone instead of the current monument zone, which is also known as the "property zone". Locals have expressed concern that the many restrictions expected to be imposed on their villages in order to comply with Unesco's standards for World Heritage Site listing would hurt their livelihoods and businesses.

The villages have existed in this area for generations and locals living there are known as "Bagan natives."

The temples of Bagan, dating from between the 9th and 13th centuries—when the Kingdom of Bagan ruled over much of lowland Burma—are considered Myanmar's biggest tourist draw and on par with Cambodia's Angkor Wat. Despite its historical, archaeological and cultural value, the ancient capital has yet to be granted World Heritage Site status, reportedly due to officials' inability to present plans to deal with inauthentic restorations and controversial hotel developments in the archaeological site completed under previous governments.

Despite its historical, archaeological and cultural value, the ancient capital has yet to be granted World Heritage Site status. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

The ministry submitted a draft nomination dossier to Unesco's World Heritage Site Committee in September and the final version is required to be delivered by Feb. 1, 2018. It has to provide thorough plans to fix previous mismanagement issues, including a master plan for the archaeological site in the dossier.

"Regarding the locals' petition, the [ministry] will negotiate and make amendments giving serious consideration to locals' concerns," the ministry said in a statement Tuesday. It emphasized that the ancient villages would remain within the property zone since ancient temples surrounding the villages have high heritage value and need to be conserved.

The ministry stated that traditional businesses, expansion and construction of locals' houses, and tourism businesses such as restaurants and homestays in the villages would be allowed. It also said that buildings in the villages would be permitted according to the same regulations as in the new Bagan and Nyaung-U cities.

Construction and installation of telecommunications towers and satellite dishes would be allowed in accordance with the Heritage Impact Assessment if such infrastructure does not hinder the view of the heritage monuments, it added.

The temples of Bagan are Myanmar's biggest tourist draw. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

U Aung Aung Kyaw, director of the ministry's Department of Archaeology, National Museum and Library in Bagan, told The Irrawaddy that collaboration between locals and authorities is an essential element in the process of listing Bagan as a Unesco World Heritage site, adding that the ministry would not sacrifice the interests of local residents in order to achieve heritage status.

"I don't believe this will harm locals' livelihoods. We have taken employment opportunities for them into consideration," U Aung Aung Kyaw said.

He also expressed concern that business people and hotel developers were encouraging local opposition in order to further their own plans for development projects within the archaeological site.

U Aung Soe Linn, administrator of Myin Ka Bar, one of the five villages that petitioned the ministry, rejected this claim.

"There are no cronies behind us," he told The Irrawaddy, insisting that local residents were just trying to protect their own interests.

He explained that villagers' lifestyles and livelihoods would be affected over time. They are particularly concerned about restrictions inside the property zone and an increase in the number of people living in the area.

Hot air balloons over Bagan. (Photo: Zaw Zaw/ The Irrawaddy)

In the 1990s, one of the then-ruling military junta's most powerful leaders, Gen Khin Nyunt, oversaw the forced relocation of about 6,000 local residents of the old Bagan area away from the archaeological zone to make way for hotel projects. Local people are concerned that something similar will happen again, according to several Bagan residents The Irrawaddy talked to this week.

Unesco's national project officer for Myanmar Ma Ohnmar Myo was not available to comment for this article. However, she told The Irrawaddy in late November that sustainable conservation of the Bagan archaeological site is not only about ancient temples and monuments, but also about the livelihoods of the local community.

Authorities have to make sure that heritage properties are preserved while at the same time protecting the interests of local communities, she said.

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Army Shelling Seen Signaling Start of New Offensive in Kachin, Shan States

Posted: 14 Dec 2017 06:17 AM PST

The Myanmar Army on Wednesday shelled at least four positions held by the Kachin Independence Army in northern parts of the country in a move rebel leaders are interpreting as a signal that fighting will soon escalate in areas under their control.

Col. Naw Bu, a KIA spokesperson, told The Irrawaddy today that the four places were in Laiza, Mansi and Tanai townships. "Looking at their shelling, we understand that they are preparing to do something to us," he said, suggesting a military escalation was imminent.

Col. Naw Bu said the Myanmar Army fired three artillery shells at a forward security post for a KIA base in Mung Lai Hkyet at 2 pm local time, adding there had been "no fighting in the area on previous days."

Clashes have also broken out around Tanai township where the Myanmar Army has blocked public roads out of the town. The army has also shelled nearby mining villages and dropped leaflets from helicopters ordering people to move out of these areas before May.

"They block all the roads. No one dares travel back to their villages. They have even shelled amber mining areas," said Yui Che Le, a member of the Kachin Baptist Convention in Tanai township, which provides help to Kachin IDPs.

In its account of the hostilities, the Ministry of Defence said there had been landmine incidents on an almost daily basis around Kachin state with a dozen people being wounded by devices it said were planted by the KIA. The ministry said there had been landmine explosions in at least five places: Bhamo, Karmine, Hpakant, Mohnyin and Tanai townships.

The Myanmar Army had had taken people wounded by the landmine blasts to hospital for treatment and has posted photos of the victims on the Ministry of Defence's Facebook account to support its version of events.

As for three small blasts in Hpakant yesterday, Col. Naw Bu denied army charges that the shells came from the KIA. "The Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) said the bombs were from us. But, we stand by our accusation that the bombs were from them. There are Tatmadaw, KIA, and even Red Shan militia based in the areas," he said.

Military Offensive

The Burmese Army typically launches its military offensives against rebels groups in October with the onset of the dry season in Kachin and northern Shan states, but their offensive started late this year. Some observers believe the Army is seeking to keep a lower profile after coming under intense pressure from the international community after it launched a sweep in Rakhine state in August that forced more than 620,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh. As a result, they have delayed their annual military offensive in Kachin and northern Shan states.

The Myanmar Army launched a heavy offensive last year at about this time in Kachin state and northern Shan. Claiming they had no place to hide in the jungle, the rebels launched a counter offensive, attacking army bases in a number of places in northern Shan state including Muse, Kutkai, and Mongko townships and forcing hundreds of IDPs to flee to China.

Kachin State is rich in of natural resources and the Myanmar Army has a keen interest in grabbing control of these areas, according to the rebels. Earlier this year, an army lawmaker in the Lower House proposed the army be given approval to launch military operations to take over mining areas. But, Parliament rejected the proposal. Also, a military MP in Kachin asked the state Parliament to authorize curfews in some parts of the state, but the state parliament voted that plan down too.

Many Hpakant jade mining areas are already under the control of the army, while mining areas in Tanai are controlled by the KIA.

Refugee Situation in Kachin

The Myanmar Army has not allowed humanitarian agencies from the UN to deliver aid to Kachin IDPs. UN officers reported that they have asked the Myanmar Army several times for permission but they have not been denied on each occasion.

Local Kachin rights activists and international rights groups have called the blocking of humanitarian aid deliveries to the IDPs a war crime, but the army has ignored the criticism. It apparently believes the KIA will able to resist a long offensive if it lets international humanitarian aid cross into KIA-controlled areas. The Myanmar Army has deployed a "four cuts" counter-insurgency strategy that aims to cut off food, funds, intelligence and popular support for the KIA's armed resistance.

A 17-year-long ceasefire between the KIA and Myanmar Army broke down in 2011. The resulting fighting has caused 120,000 people to flee from their homes and they are now living in 167 IDP camps in Kachin State. They have not been able to go back home since the fighting erupted.

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UN Chief Says Arrest of Reuters Journalists Shows Erosion of Press Freedom in Myanmar

Posted: 14 Dec 2017 06:09 AM PST

TOKYO/YANGON — The arrest of two Reuters journalists in Yangon this week was a signal that press freedom is shrinking in Myanmar and the international community must do all it can to get them released, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said on Thursday.

Guterres said his main concern over Myanmar was the "dramatic violations of human rights" during a military crackdown in Rakhine State that forced more than 600,000 Rohingya Muslims to flee the country for southern Bangladesh, and the arrest of the journalists was probably related.

"It is clearly a concern in relation to the erosion of press freedom in the country," he told a news conference in Tokyo, referring to the detention of Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, who had been working on stories about the strife in Rakhine State.

"And probably the reason why these journalists were arrested is because they were reporting on what they have seen in relation to this massive human tragedy," he added.

Myanmar's Ministry of Information said in a statement on Wednesday that the Reuters journalists and two policemen faced charges under the British colonial-era Official Secrets Act. The 1923 law carries a maximum prison sentence of 14 years.

The reporters "illegally acquired information with the intention to share it with foreign media," the ministry said in its statement, which was accompanied by a photo of the two reporters in handcuffs.

Reuters President and Editor-in-Chief Stephen J. Adler said in a statement on Wednesday: "We are outraged by this blatant attack on press freedom. We call for authorities to release them immediately."

Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo went missing on Tuesday evening after they had been invited to meet police officials over dinner on the outskirts of Yangon.

The authorities have not confirmed where the journalists are being held and, as of Thursday morning, Reuters had not been formally contacted by officials about their detention.

Britain Raises Concern

The British Embassy in Yangon expressed deep concern about the arrests, and said in a statement that journalists "must be allowed to work freely and without intimidation."

"We have raised our concerns with the Burmese government, urging them to explain these arrests and allow immediate access to the two journalists," it said.

Myanmar is also known as Burma.

The Foreign Correspondents Club of Myanmar said it was "appalled" by the arrests and "gravely concerned" about the state of press freedom in the country. In a statement, it called on the authorities to ensure the safety of the reporters and allow their families to see them.

The Foreign Correspondents Club in neighboring Thailand said it was "alarmed by the use of this draconian law with its heavy penalties against journalists simply doing their jobs."

"Wielding such a blunt legal instrument has an intimidating effect on other journalists, and poses a real threat to media freedom," the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand said in a statement, calling for the journalists to be released.

It said journalists should be given access to Rakhine State so that they can report accurately on developments there.

Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh say their exodus from the mainly Buddhist nation was triggered by a military offensive in response to Rohingya militant attacks on security forces at the end of August.

The United Nations has branded the military's campaign "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing" of the minority Rohingya.

Guterres said the international community should do everything possible to secure the journalists' release and freedom of the press in Myanmar.

He called for aid to be delivered, violence contained and reconciliation promoted in Rakhine State, and for the Rohingyas' right of return to be fully respected and implemented.

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Settling Scores in Northern Rakhine

Posted: 14 Dec 2017 04:24 AM PST

YANGON — In order to implement the recommendations of the Kofi Annan-led Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, the President's Office announced the creation of a ten-member implementation committee on Monday including international and local experts alike.

The country's de facto leader, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, had already formed the Union Enterprise for Humanitarian Assistance, Resettlement and Development in Rakhine (UEHRD). Dozens of businesspeople have separately formed yet another group to accelerate infrastructure development in the state's north.

However, there appears to be little collaboration between the Union government and local civil society groups or the Rakhine State Parliament. And as the central government works out a strategy to deal with the crisis, those groups and lawmakers have already begun trying to permanently reshape local demographics by drawing in ethnic Arakanese from elsewhere.

Not long after armed clashes broke out on Aug. 25 in the state's Maungdaw Township, Arakanese historian Aye Chan, a professor at Japan's Kanda University of International Studies, joined nationalists and a few lawmakers to establish the Ancillary Committee for Reconstruction of Rakhine National Territory in the Western Frontier (ACRRNT), known locally as the CRR.

Searching for Settlers

In its counter-offensive against the militant Muslim group the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), which sparked the Aug. 25 clashes, government security forces have driven more than 620,000 Rohingya to neighboring Bangladesh with clearance operations UN officials have called a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing."

Nearly 30,000 non-Muslims were also displaced, though most of them have now returned to Maungdaw.

Independent Rakhine State lawmaker Than Maung Oo revealed that over the weekend the CRR brought in 13 families from Thandwe Township's Sin Khaung village and about 40 people from Ramree and Manaung islands, each located hundreds of kilometers from Maungdaw in southern Rakhine.

CRR members say they have been looking for potential settlers for months among poor families both within Rakhine and farther away among Arakanese communities in the Irrawaddy delta.

On social media, some CRR members have been offering to shower settlers with cash and set them up with new homes, fishing nets and land, celebrating them as Rakhine's "western gate keepers."

Aye Chan said the CRR would loan them the cash, nets, boats and other supplies but expects to be repaid in regular installments once the new arrivals have settled in.

He said his group has not received any financial support from abroad, drawing instead on both Arakanese and non-Arakanese private businesses in Myanmar.

Some of the recent arrivals have already raised modest houses within Arakanese villages in southern Maungdaw. It is unclear whether the state government has officially granted them land.

The Irrawaddy's Sittwe correspondent interviewed some settlers who were stopped briefly at a jetty on the way to Maungdaw on Sunday. They said they would have to learn how the locals make a living in order to get by.

Sin Khaung villager Shwe Thein Maung said, "The group [CRR] organized us and we will work on land that belonged to the Rakhine, but I don't know exactly what kind of business we will do yet."

Paddy fields near a burned village in southern Maungdaw in early October. (Photo: Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy)

Yearning for the Past

The group says its aim is to return the numbers of Buddhist and Muslim villages in Maungdaw to pre-World War II proportions.

In May 1942 Japan invaded Myanmar, then under British control. In response the British organized Muslims communities into an armed V Force to sabotage and attack the Japanese. But the force attacked Arakanese communities, killing many and burning villages to the ground. Only 60 Arakanese villages have been rebuilt in the region since, according to former Information Minister Ye Htut, who spoke on the history of the Rohingya crisis in Singapore in October.

In 1947, after the Japanese were defeated, Aye Chan writes in his book on Rakhine history, the Muslim Liberation Organization, led by the Chittagonian Zaffa Kawal, asked Myanmar to recognize what is today Mayu district in Rakhine as a territory of East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. The request was denied.

The CRR believes that rebalancing the Muslim and Buddhist populations could prevent further attacks.

"There are many abandoned Arakanese villages that were ruined by the mujahedeen before the independence of Myanmar," Aye Chan said, referring to the V Force. "We want to relocate our people in all of those areas."

He said his group has already informed the state government of its activities and has not been told to stop. According to Myanmar's land laws, farming, building housing on or otherwise using virgin, fellow and vacant land requires a permit from authorities.

"If there is any contradiction with existing laws, then we have to negotiate with authorities," Aye Chan said.

Repeating History

The CRR's plans are reminiscent of the Development of Border Areas and National Races — or Natala — village project set up in the early 1990s under the regime of former General Than Shwe.

The project provided housing, land and cattle to those who moved from Yangon and other regions to Maungdaw under the protection of the Nasaka, Myanmar's border security force, but was terminate under President Thein Sein.

Although the project established dozens of villages, locals complained that many of them vanished almost immediately as the settlers sold their new farm plots to Muslims and returned to where they came from, said lawmaker U Than Maung Oo.

Aye Chan insists the CRR's plans are different. The professor said the Natala project merely provided land and housing to squatters and vagrants from Yangon who knew little about farming. He explained that the CRR was promoting both farming and fishing as southern Maungdaw's coastline has many fishing areas.

U Than Maung Oo said some fishing families from Thandwe tried to settle in the region about a decade ago but left because they were threatened by Rohingya villagers.

A Muslim village reduced to ashes in northern Maungdaw in early October. (Photo: Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy)

More Segregation?

The Irrawaddy asked Aye Chan whether the CRR was promoting segregation, but he declined to comment.

The Rakhine Parliament has urged the Union government to set up a "Bengali Free Zone" in Maungdaw. Most people in Myanmar refer to the Rohingya as 'Bengali,' implying that they are illegal immigrants.

During a meeting between state legislators and the UEHRD last week, lawmakers suggested splitting the township, reserving the north for Muslims and the south for everyone else.

The previous government enacted a similar plan. When communal riots between Muslims and Arakanese erupted in 2012, authorities evacuated thousands of Rohingya from their quarters in Sittwe Township to Muslim villages on the outskirts of town. The rest of those displaced by the violence have spent the past five years in camps and are yet to be allowed back.

Than Maung Oo has repeatedly urged the government to ignore pressure from international aid groups in dealing with the latest crisis.

"We don't care at all if they boycott us. We expect nothing because we have learned enough about their activities over the years", he said.

U Mg Tun, a primary school teacher, lives in southern Maungdaw's Kin Chaung village. He said there were about 50 Muslim villages in the region before the Aug. 25 attacks and that only 10 remain intact. He said both Arakan and Muslim villagers are not harvesting their rice paddy for fear of more clashes.

He said local civil society groups support the CPP's plan and a call among many Arakanese for the government not to resettle Muslims in southern Maungdaw.

"If the government allows Muslims in the southern part, all of us Arakanese will leave this region forever," U Mg Tun said.

Police patrol near Norula Mosque in southern Maungdaw in early October.(Photo: Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy)

A Home for the Rohingya

But there is no guarantee the Rohingya who fled their homes will return any time soon. Abdul Wahid (not his real name), from Zay De Pyin village in Rathedaung Township, said his family was currently sheltering in southern Buthidaung Township because his village was destroyed during the security forces' clearance operations. He has asked authorities to let him visit his village to assess the damage to his property.

"We told the authorities that we did not betray the nation, and we did not join those fleeing to Bangladesh, but our requested was ignored," he said.

According Abdul Wahid, about 40 families from Zay De Pyin have sought refuge in Buthidaung's Du Oo Thayma village and have yet to receive any humanitarian assistance from either the government or international aid groups. He said they were running short of food and have been forced to beg from neighbors.

He said their century-old mosque in Rathedaung, built in 1910 during British control, was destroyed with a local business owner's bulldozer and that their entire village was reduced to ashes in front of government security forces. He said their plantations were ruined.

"No one stopped it," Abdul Wahid said. "It's deliberate torture, a tactic to prevent us from returning."

The Irrawaddy could not independently verify his claims.

The post Settling Scores in Northern Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Crackdown on the Media Must Stop

Posted: 14 Dec 2017 03:40 AM PST

The detention of two reporters, Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo from Reuters, is a reminder that much praised reform and the democratic transition in Myanmar are still a distant dream. What is worrying now is that the media is being targeted.

The two reporters were arrested under the Official Secrets Act for allegedly possessing internal security reports related to fighting between border guard forces and Muslim militants the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in August and if found guilty, the reporters could be imprisoned for up to 14 years. The Ministry of Information said in a statement the reporters "illegally acquired information with the intention to share it with foreign media."

The military's brutal response to ARSA militants and Muslim villagers in the area received international condemnation and the United Nations held several UN Security Council meetings and called on the government to allow an independent investigation. Moreover, the media should be allowed to visit these areas and operate freely, urged the authorities.

US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson criticized the Myanmar government’s actions against the Rohingya Muslim population in the country, labeling its actions "ethnic cleansing" after he visited the country in November. The United States is considering imposing targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military and has asked countries not to sell arms to Myanmar.

The US embassy in Yangon issued a statement that read: "We are deeply concerned by the highly irregular arrests of two Reuters reporters after they were invited to meet with police officials in Yangon last night. For a democracy to succeed, journalists need to be able to do their jobs freely. We urge the government to explain these arrests and allow immediate access to the journalists."

In the wake of the arrest, Reuters' editor-in-chief Stephen J. Adler said: "We are outraged by this blatant attack on press freedom.  We call for authorities to release them immediately," in a statement.

It is an outrage to see the Ministry of Information release a police record photo of reporters handcuffed – as police normally do to criminals – on its website soon after the detention. It is chilling to see that MOI has suddenly brought us back to the olden days of a repressive regime. The reporters are not criminals nor should they be charged under any laws or acts. Newsgathering and investigation are meant to seek the truth but these arrests indicate that government is now clearly curtailing those practices. The arrest demonstrates an attack on press freedom and the work of journalists. There is no way to justify the arrest and detention.

We ask the government to free Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo immediately.

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Equitable Dialogue Will Encourage Reconciliation: KNU Chairman

Posted: 14 Dec 2017 12:56 AM PST

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — An equitable platform for political dialogue and successful negotiation would encourage other ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) to sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), said the chairman of the Karen National Union this week.

KNU chairman General Saw Mutu Say Poe noted during his opening speech to his peace partners at a meeting on Thursday the importance of the negotiation process, as it could change sway non-signatories despite their differing political opinions.

He said, "The political dialogue must be genuine and equitable and we have to prepare so that the basic principles that we raise reflect democracy and federalism. Our discussions need to take into account both current and future issues.

The KNU is one of the eight EAOs that signed the NCA in Oct. 2015 and has participated in the political dialogue process outlined by the agreement. Non-signatories include the five-member bloc the United Nationalities Federal Council based in the southeast and led by the New Mon State Party (NMSP), and the seven-member alliance the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), based in the northeast and led by the United Wa State Army (UWSA). The Shan State Progressive Party/Shan State Army-North has been a member of both blocs.

The eight signatories of the NCA gathered in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand for a five-day preparatory meeting starting on Dec. 14, 2017, before the third session of the 21st Century Panglong Union Peace Conference (UPC) slated to be held in late January next year.

The members from five sectors: political, economic, social, security, and land and environment – and the senior leaders of each signatory group will review each issue.

Saw Mutu Say Poe said everyone's effort is needed to have substantive political negotiations. He urged his fellow men and peace partners to prepare strong arguments and learn technical skills regarding the negotiations.

The political dialogue process has to be implemented based on "mutual respect, thorough discussion as well as an adequate timeframe," so that these dialogues can lead to national reconciliation.

He said that as they have been pushing to solve political problems through political means, and as they now can participate in these political dialogues after more than 60 years of civil war, the opportunity for dialogue should not be underestimated or given little regard.

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Media Corps Calls for ‘Unconditional Release’ of 2 Reuters Reporters 

Posted: 13 Dec 2017 10:16 PM PST

YANGON – A dozen Myanmar news organizations demanded the government immediately release two Reuters journalists who have been detained by police in Htauk Kyant since Tuesday after being found in possession of classified reports related to the conflict in northern Rakhine State.

The two journalists, Kyaw Soe Oo and Wa Lone, were charged under the Official Secrets Act Article 3 – which was enacted during the British colonial era to oppress Myanmar citizens for political purposes — for possessing police reports containing detailed information about the fighting between government troops and the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in late August 2017. If found guilty, the reporters could be imprisoned for up to 14 years.

Both journalists had been covering the flight of about 620,000 Rohingya refugees to Bangladesh triggered by a military "clearance operations," which the UN has characterized as a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing." Two policemen were also arrested for allegedly providing the documents to the reporters.

The 12 organizations, including the Myanmar Journalist Network (MJN), Myanmar Journalist Association (MJA), Myanmar Journalists Union (MJU), Burma News International (BNI), Myanmar Media Lawyers' Network (MML), and the Myanmar Women Journalists Society (MWJS), which are based in Yangon, and other regional organizations such as the Arakan Journalist Association and Taunggyi Journalist Association, issued a joint statement regarding the detention of Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo and urged the government to process the case transparently.

"We journalists absolutely believe that journalists have the right to travel to conflict zones as well as gather information from relevant sources in order to produce accurate reports," the joint statement from the journalist groups states.

Further, it says that while the media corps can accept it was possible the two reporters were in possession of important information that may not have been suitable for general publication because of its potential to damage the state's dignity or for security reasons, accusing the journalists of violating the state secrets act for possessing police reports should be regarded as "threatening the freedom of the press."

The groups' letter said that applying an outdated law to prosecute journalists could harm the reputation of the country's fragile elected government, while the arrest of the journalists could fuel growing international criticism of Myanmar, especially with regard to those who are covering the Rohingya crisis.

"We are deeply concerned about the citizen's rights of the detained journalists as their family members have not been allowed to meet them since they were seized," the statement said.

Earlier today, Reuters President and Editor-in-Chief, Stephen J. Adler, issued a statement via the Reuters Press Blog, calling on the authorities to release the two reporters without delay.

"Reuters reporters Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo have been reporting on events of global importance in Myanmar, and we learned today that they have been arrested in connection with their work. We are outraged by this blatant attack on press freedom.  We call for authorities to release them immediately," Adler said.

The US Embassy also expressed its concern about the detained journalists in a statement released shortly after news of the arrests broke on social media.

"We are deeply concerned by the highly irregular arrests of two Reuters reporters after they were invited to meet with police officials in Yangon last (Tuesday) night," the embassy said in a statement.

The Committee to Protect Journalists and U.S. embassy urged the government to explain the arrests and demanded the unconditional release of the detainees.

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Indonesia Court Rejects Petition to Bar Consensual Sex Outside Marriage

Posted: 13 Dec 2017 09:22 PM PST

JAKARTA — Indonesia's constitutional court on Thursday narrowly rejected a controversial petition to bar all consensual sex outside of marriage in the world's biggest Muslim-majority country.

Five of nine judges voted for the case to be thrown out, in a victory for rights activists who had feared the petition brought by a conservative group would spur moral policing and further discrimination, particularly targeting the gay community in Indonesia.

Chief justice Arief Hidayat said existing laws on adultery did not conflict with the constitution and that it was not the authority of the constitutional court to create a new policy.

"The plaintiff should submit their petition to lawmakers, and there it should be an important input in the ongoing revision of the national criminal code," Hidayat said.

"Based on that view, the constitutional court is of the opinion that the petition is not legally sound."

Indonesia's parliament is currently deliberating revisions to the national criminal code.

The Southeast Asian country has seen a rise of a hardline, politicized Islam in recent years, which until recently had stayed on the fringe of the nation's politics.

The petition put forward by the Family Love Alliance (AILA), a group of conservative academics and activists, called for the definition of adultery to apply not just to married couples but to anyone in a marriage or outside it – effectively making all sex outside of marriage a crime.

In their complaint, AILA said certain articles in the national criminal code "threaten the resilience of families and therefore of Indonesia itself."

Some rights activists said the petition was partially aimed at criminalizing gay sex, which is currently not regulated by the law, except in the ultra-conservative province of Aceh and in cases of child abuse.

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Red Cross Says Life Has Stopped in Myanmar’s Rakhine

Posted: 13 Dec 2017 09:12 PM PST

GENEVA — Life has stopped in its tracks in Myanmar's northern Rakhine State where an estimated 180,000 Rohingya remain, fearful after violence drove 650,000 to flee to Bangladesh, the International Committee of the Red Cross said on Wednesday.

Dominik Stillhart, ICRC director of operations, speaking after a three-day mission to the remote area, said continuing tensions in the Muslim and dominant Buddhist communities were preventing Muslim traders from reopening shops and markets.

The ICRC is one of the only aid agencies to operate in northern Rakhine after Myanmar's military waged a campaign the United Nations has called "ethnic cleansing" in response to Aug. 25 attacks by Rohingya militants on security posts.

"The situation in the northern Rakhine has definitely stabilized, there are very sporadic incidents, but tensions are huge between the communities," Stillhart told reporters.

"You get a sense, especially of the two main communities being deeply scared of each other. What surprised me is the fact that not only the Muslim communities are scared, but that the others are actually scared as well," he said.

Stillhart went to Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung in northern Rakhine, where the ICRC is providing food, water and other aid 150,000 people. By year-end, it hopes to reach all of the 180,000 Rohingya it estimates remain in the "politically-sensitive" region, among 300,000 throughout Rakhine, he said.

"You travel through the countryside and you really see on both sides of the road, villages that are completely destroyed. It just gives you a bit of a sense of the scale of destruction. There is also this pervasive sense of absence."

"It is as if life has stopped in its tracks, people do not move, markets are closed in Maungdaw town," Stillhart said.

Myanmar's army released a report last month denying all allegations of rapes and killings by security forces.

No Significant Returns

"The main problem for the Muslim communities today is not that they are being attacked, or that there are incidents," Stillhart said.

Rather it is fear and uncertainty, and "the very limited possibilities for them to access their own livelihoods like fields, and especially markets and services," he said.

Myanmar and Bangladesh signed an agreement last month for the voluntary repatriation of hundreds of thousands of Rohingya within several months.

The returns must be voluntary and safe, Stillhart said.

"But for now we really don’t see a significant return movement and I'm also not expecting that we will see massive return anytime soon," he said. About 300 Muslims still flee daily, he added, citing UN figures.

The ICRC visits detainees held in Rakhine, including Rohingya arrested since Aug 25, he said.

"What I can tell you is there are very few people who have been rounded up, surprisingly few people have been rounded up."

"So it’s not as if we met like hundreds or thousands of people rounded up in these detention centers."

The post Red Cross Says Life Has Stopped in Myanmar's Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Wednesday, December 13, 2017

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UNFC Seeks Talks with State Counselor, Army Chief

Posted: 13 Dec 2017 07:01 AM PST

CHIANG MAI, Thailand – The United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), a bloc of ethnic armed organizations that has yet to sign up to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), has requested meetings with the State Counselor and the Myanmar Army chief later this month, hoping to revive deadlocked talks on peace negotiations.

The proposed meeting would be the group's second with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The first was in March.

The UNFC requested the meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Senior General Min Aung Hlaing in a letter sent on Monday. Nai Ong Ma-nge, the UNFC's spokesman for the delegation on political negotiation (DPN), said the group hoped to receive a reply within 10 days.

Negotiations on the UNFC’s eight-point proposal have been going on for 17 months, since 2016, but Nai Ong Ma-nge said the group's leaders are ready to talk. "We hope the deadlock we are now facing can be sorted out when leaders of both sides meet and talk things through," he said.

The DPN first proposed the meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto head of government, and Sen Gen Min Aung Hlaing, the military chief, before their last formal meeting with the government's Peace Commission in mid-November.

After DPN leaders led by Khu Oo Reh met the State Counselor on March 1 to seek a way forward on negotiations, the bloc spokesman described the meeting as a success.

However, the deadlock has yet to be broken, and it still seems unlikely that the bloc will sign the NCA before the third session of the 21st-Century Panglong Peace Conference in late January 2018.

Government peace negotiators contacted by The Irrawaddy on Monday said they were unable to comment on the meeting, as the DPN had also met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in March, but did not elaborate further. Government peace commissioners and U Zaw Htay, the spokesperson for the State Counselor's Office, referred The Irrawaddy to the Peace Commission spokesman, who was not available to comment.

"We would seek to continue our discussion from the eighth and ninth rounds of talks, but two of the proposal's eight points have yet to be agreed," said Nai Ong Ma-nge, including a disagreement over an official description of the country to be added to the amendment in the UNFC’s eight-point proposal. They demand that it be part of the annex to the NCA. The government backs the terminology "Democracy and Federal Union" while the UNFC prefers "Federal Democratic Union". The title is not yet contained in the NCA.

In the last week of November the New Mon State Party (NMSP) held an urgent meeting to discuss the peace process with Mon State Chief Minister Dr. Aye Zan, but the contents of the discussion were not made public.

Nai Ong Ma-nge, who is also a member of the NMSP, told The Irrawaddy earlier this week that the party discussed its stance with UNFC members at a meeting on Sunday, believing that continued negotiations are important for the peace process.

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BREAKING: Reuters Reporters Arrested in Yangon Under Official Secrets Act

Posted: 13 Dec 2017 02:11 AM PST

YANGON — Two reporters from Reuters were detained under the Official Secrets Act for allegedly possessing internal security reports related to fighting between border guard forces and Muslim militants the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in August.

Local reporters U Thet Oo Maung, also known as Wa Lone, and Kyaw Soe Oo, also known as Moe Aung, were arrested by police from Htauk Kyant station in Mingalardon Township in northern Yangon on Tuesday at 11:30 pm, according to the police report.

The report says a copy of an Aug. 27 security report by Border Guard Police Unit (8) in Maungdaw in northern Rakhine State was found with Wa Lone, 31. The report describes the number of security forces and their remaining ammunition after the fighting.

ARSA launched attacks on 30 security posts in Maungdaw on Aug. 25. The attacks were followed by army clearance operations and international accusations that government troops had arbitrarily killed and raped civilians and burned their homes. The Myanmar government denounced ARSA as a terrorist organization following the attacks.

The police also allegedly found a detailed security report about ARSA's attack on the Myin Hlut police outpost on Aug. 25, a map of the outpost, and another report on the number of Rohingya houses burned with reporter Moe Aung.

The Htauk Kyant Police Station has filed a lawsuit against the two reporters under Article 3 of the 1923 Official Secrets Act for "news gathering with an intention to damage the safety and interest of the State." If found guilty, the reporters could be imprisoned for up to 14 years.

Pan Ei Mon, the wife of Wa Lone, told The Irrawaddy that she was not informed of her husband's arrest by the police but learned about it from his Reuters colleagues.

"Reuters reporters Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo have been missing since Tuesday night. We have filed a missing person's report and are doing everything we can to locate them," a Reuters spokesperson told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday.

Two foreign journalists working for TRT World are currently serving prison terms for convictions under the Aviation Act for trying to fly a drone near Parliament in Naypyitaw.

In June, the Myanmar Army arrested three journalists from The Irrawaddy and DVB in northern Shan State under the Unlawful Association Act but released them after more than two months in custody.

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Police Raid KIO Office in Myitkyina

Posted: 13 Dec 2017 01:34 AM PST

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Police raided the office compound of the Kachin Independence Organization's (KIO) Technical Adviser Team (TAT) in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State, which a TAT office spokesman called "politically unacceptable."

Some 50 Myitkyina police officers, both in uniform and plainclothes, surrounded and entered the KIO's office compound and conducted a search without a warrant on Tuesday afternoon between 1:30 and 2:30 p.m.

Dau Kha, a TAT spokesman, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday: "Initially, the police reasoned that the search was related to the John San Linn case. Later, after they didn't find anything, the staff had to sign forms saying they did not use illegal drugs."

Former freelance photographer John San Linn and his wife were arrested on Dec. 5 in Myitkyina, after police stated that they found more than 1,000 bullets hidden under their home in Myawaddy, Karen State.

The TAT spokesman said the police raid most likely occurred because of tensions between the Myanmar Army and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA).

"This should not happen. Their actions have damaged the dignity of a nationality as well as the KIO's political image," Dau Kha said.

A previous ceasefire signed in 1994 between the two sides lasted 17 years. Similar raids happened at liaison offices after fighting renewed in June 2011.

"Since then, we shut down all of our liaison offices. We only kept the one in Myitkyina but changed it to a TAT office, tasked to arrange logistics and research and present information relevant to political negotiations," Dau Kha explained.

Under the former administration, there was communication between the government and the KIO's TAT office. Dau Kha said there has been little communication under the new National League for Democracy government.

He also added that there has been increased tension between the Tatmadaw's Northern Command and the TAT office recently. He said they would not take any legal action but reported it to KIO headquarters, as such incidents are expected given political and military tension between the two sides.

Since November, fighting has resumed in KIA-controlled areas in northern Kachin State, particularly in Tanai Township.

Dau Kha said the conflict could only be solved through talks between high-level leaders from the KIO and the government.

Numerous attempts for KIO and Tatmadaw leaders to hold formal talks have reportedly been unsuccessful over the past six months.

The KIO is currently a member of the northeast based seven-member bloc the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), led by the United Wa State Army (UWSA). Further peace talks are being delayed partly because the government and Tatmadaw are unwilling to accept this new bloc.

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A Third of Myanmar’s Population Living in Poverty

Posted: 13 Dec 2017 01:14 AM PST

NAYPYITAW — About 32 percent of Myanmar's 50 million population, or 15.8 million people, are living in poverty, according to an assessment of the 2015 Myanmar Poverty and Living Conditions Survey.

The new report, compiled jointly by the Ministry of Planning and Finance and the World Bank, is the second of the two-part Myanmar Poverty Assessment and was launched in Naypyitaw on Tuesday.

Of the 15.8 million people living below the poverty line, 13.8 million are in rural areas.

Poverty has declined significantly since 2004, falling from an estimated 48.2 percent to 32.1 percent in 2015, according to the report.

However, beyond the 32 percent living below the poverty line, a further 14 percent are near-poor, living within 20 percent of the poverty line, the report adds.

The second report defines the poor as those who cannot afford a basket of goods that captures basic minimum needs. The earlier report released in August measured poverty based on basic minimum needs using consumption patterns from 2004-05.

According to the second report, poor households tend to have fewer working age adults, more dependents and fewer resources that can generate income, such as land or farming tools.

The extreme poor are disproportionately in the agriculture sector as casual laborers or smallholder farmers and have few alternatives for income.

Malnutrition, high infant mortality and poor-quality education limit the physical and cognitive development of children from poorer households.

Only a third of households have access to electricity from the public grid and nearly 3 in 10 people lack access to clean drinking water throughout the year.

"Having a more detailed understanding of the characteristics and profiles of those most in need and the constraints they face enables us to prepare appropriate responses and help reduce poverty for everyone in Myanmar," said U Maung Maung Tin, director-general of the Planning Department at the Ministry of Planning and Finance.

The poverty assessment is part of a series of analytical works outlined in the Country Partnership Framework, the World Bank Group's first full strategy for Myanmar in 30 years. The strategy supports reforms that promote growth in rural areas and invest in services that work toward better nutrition, health, education, infrastructure and more jobs.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post A Third of Myanmar's Population Living in Poverty appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Humanitarian Groups Raise Money for IDP Christmas Meals

Posted: 13 Dec 2017 12:28 AM PST

YANGON — Various humanitarian groups have started a campaign to host a Christmas feast for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Kachin and Shan states on Dec. 25.

The project 'Christmas Meal for IDPs' aims to share joy, happiness and love with the estimated 120,000 IDPs, most of whom are Christian, said 'Concern, Care, and Contribute to the IDPs Now,' a humanitarian campaign initiated in 2015 for IDPs.

"By organizing this campaign, we want to tell them that we remember them, and we are with them. People from across the country contribute to this meal. Their individual contributions may be small but they still remember them and their plight. This is the message we want to share. We want to give them emotional support," said Esther, a spokesperson of the campaign.

The campaign is collecting 1,000 kyats per person/per meal both online and offline, and has received more than 1 million kyats, according to campaigners.

More than 120,000 civilians have been forced from their homes over the past six and a half years and are taking shelter at 167 IDP camps across Kachin and Shan States due to the clashes between the Tatmadaw and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), as well as other ethnic armed groups such as the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA).

Some of the camps are in government-controlled areas, some are in areas controlled by armed ethnic groups and others are along the Myanmar-China border.

By the end of 2016, the World Food Program (WFP) had slashed its foods supplies to IDPs by some 50 percent, and IDP camps in Kachin and Shan states face food shortages as a result.

Some camps still receive a month's ration of some 13 kg of rice plus just 2,500 kyats per meal per person, while some camps do not receive anything.

Hundreds of IDPs from three camps in Kachin State's Waingmaw were forced from their camps due to Tatmadaw attacks toward the end of 2016, and have had to take refuge in new camps at Shait Yang on the Myanmar-China border where temperatures drop below zero in the winter.

Clashes in June this year also forced more than 1,000 Tanai residents from their homes to three new IDP camps. Those camps have had to rely on domestic donors as they do not receive aid from international countries, and are facing food shortages as well.

"We'll contact JST after collecting money to make donations at the camps. If we get a good sum, we'll donate to all the camps. If not, we will give priority to needier camps," said Esther.

JST is a coalition of community-based and non-governmental organizations that have led most of the humanitarian efforts in Kachin State since the renewed clashes broke out in June 2011.

"Some camps at the border are facing greater hardships than others. Some of them have had to relocate two or three times and we'll give priority to such camps," said Gam Sha Awng, a JST spokesperson.

Donations for Christmas Meals can be made on the Concern, Care and Contribute to the IDPs Now Facebook page, which began the campaign for the first time in December 2015 and was able to collect some 30 million kyats that year.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Thai PM Says No Trade With North Korea, Ahead of US Envoy’s Visit

Posted: 12 Dec 2017 08:32 PM PST

BANGKOK — No trade takes place between Thailand and North Korea, Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha said on Tuesday, ahead of an expected visit by a US envoy seeking to step up pressure on North Korea over its weapons programs.

The United States has been urging Southeast Asian countries to do more to cut funding streams for North Korea as tension mounts over its development of nuclear weapons and missiles to carry them as far as the US.

"Thailand guarantees … that we have abided by the United Nations resolutions," Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha told reporters at his official Government House offices.

"There have been reports about North Korean boats in our waters … I prohibited them a long time ago. There is no trade … there is no commerce," he said.

Joseph Yun, the US special representative for North Korea policy, is due in Bangkok this week to discuss stepping up pressure on North Korea, which has been pressing ahead with its weapons tests in defiance of UN resolutions and sanctions.

During a visit to Bangkok in August, US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson pressed Thailand, the United States' oldest ally in Asia, for more action on North Korea.

At the time, the US said it believed North Korean companies were active in Thailand and said it was encouraging Thailand to close them.

Following Tillerson's visit, Thailand's foreign ministry said trade with North Korea had dropped by as much as 94 percent over the previous year. It did not give any more detail.

North Korea tested its most powerful intercontinental ballistic missile late last month.

The UN Security Council is due to hold a ministerial meeting on North Korea's nuclear and missiles programs on Friday.

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UN Envoy Urges Security Council to Visit Myanmar, Bangladesh

Posted: 12 Dec 2017 08:19 PM PST

UNITED NATIONS — A top UN official recounted to the Security Council on Tuesday "heartbreaking and horrific accounts of sexual atrocities" by Myanmar soldiers against Rohingya Muslim women, urging the body to visit the region and demand an end to attacks on civilians.

Pramila Patten, special envoy of UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on sexual violence in conflict, said one woman told her she was held by Myanmar troops for 45 days and raped repeatedly, while another woman could no longer see out of one eye after it was bitten by a soldier during a sexual assault.

"Some witnesses reported women and girls being tied to either a rock or a tree before multiple soldiers raped them to death," Patten told the Security Council.

"Some women recounted how soldiers drowned babies in the village well. A few women told me how their own babies were allegedly thrown in the fire as they were dragged away by soldiers and gang raped," she said.

Patten said the 15-member Security Council should visit Myanmar – also known as Burma – and Cox's Bazar in Bangladesh, where more than 626,000 refugees have fled to since violence erupted in Myanmar's northern Rakhine State on Aug. 25.

She said that a Security Council resolution demanding an immediate end to violations against civilians in Rakhine State and outlining measures to hold the perpetrators accountable "would send an important signal."

Myanmar's army released a report last month denying all allegations of rapes and killings by security forces.

"This is unacceptable," said US Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley. "Burma must allow an independent, transparent and credible investigation into what has happened."

"While we are hearing promises from the government of Burma, we need to see action," she said.

Myanmar has been stung by international criticism for the way its security forces responded to Aug. 25 attacks by Rohingya militants on 30 security posts. Last month the Security Council urged the Myanmar government to "ensure no further excessive use of military force in Rakhine State."

China's Deputy UN Ambassador Wu Haitao said the crisis had to be solved through an agreement between Myanmar and Bangladesh and warned that any solution "reached under strong pressure from outside may ease the situation temporarily but will leave negative after effects."

The two countries signed an agreement on voluntary repatriation Nov. 23. UN political affairs chief Jeffrey Feltman pushed on Tuesday for the United Nations to be involved in any operation to return Rohingya.

"Plans alone are not sufficient. We hope Myanmar will draw upon the wealth of expertise the UN can offer," Feltman told the Security Council.

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Tuesday, December 12, 2017

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Mandalay to Invite 20,000 Monks for Merit Making

Posted: 12 Dec 2017 07:00 AM PST

MANDALAY — The Mandalay Division government is organizing a mass donation ceremony in cooperation with Thailand's Dhammakaya Foundation for next month to strengthen relations between the two countries.

The ceremony, expected to draw some 20,000 monks from across the division and 60 monks from Thailand, is schedule for Jan. 21 at Mandalay's Chanmyatharzi Airport.

The organizing committee includes the Union minister of religion and culture, the chief minister of Mandalay and other regional government officials. According to the committee, this will be the second time that Thai monks will have joined such a ceremony in Mandalay but the first time that so many local monks will have taken part.

"This event will be unique for Mandalay because we've never done this before with so many monks," said U Soe Lin, the committee chairman.

"This event will not only strengthen relations between Myanmar and Thailand, but also preserve Buddhist culture in the country," he said. "As Mandalay is one of the centers of Buddhism, this will be a historically remarkable event."

According to the committee, the Dhammakaya Foundation, part of Thailand's Dhammakaya monastery, has donated 400,000,000 kyats ($293,000) for the event.

"We are now cleaning the Chanmyatharzi Airport because it has been abandoned for more than a decade, since the airport was moved to Tadaoo. Our chief minister chose this place to avoid traffic congestion from the event," said U Soe Lin.

The first mass donation ceremony, with 10,000 monks, was held in Mandalay in September 2015 in cooperation with the abbot of the Dhammakaya monastery, Luang Por Dhammajayo, who is currently wanted by the Thai government for money laundering.

The organizing committee said the event is expected to bring in at least 30,000 kyats in donations for each of the invited monks and that everyone was welcome to join.

Devotees interested in participating in the ceremony should contact the committee in Mandalay not later than Jan. 15.

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Arakan Army Will Be Flashpoint For Peace Process: Researcher

Posted: 12 Dec 2017 05:48 AM PST

"Realizing Peace in Myanmar", a collection of background papers published by the Euro Burma Office in Myanmar between 2015-17 was launched on Monday at an event to mark the 20th anniversary of the founding of the EBO.

Author Paul Keenan compiled his research on the Myanmar conflict and highlighted the diverse nature of the conflict and the many obstacles that remain to peace.

Keenan has been based in Southeast Asia doing research on Myanmar for almost two decades and is the current consultant on research and analysis at EBO Myanmar.

He shared his perspectives on the Myanmar peace process with Irrawaddy senior report Nyein Nyein this week.

What is the key message in your book?

Paul Keenan: The key message I think is the fact that, for the conflict in Burma, people cannot just see it as a similar conflict elsewhere because there are far too many individuals who need to be given what they are asking for. Obviously, you know, it is very easy for international observers to see everything in a context where we've sorted out conflict in Sri Lanka and Bosnia. But those actors were three or four.

We are talking about a lot more here. And with some, like say, the Wa, they are very big and they are very well equipped. And they have very strong support. With some groups it is not the same. The main thing from what I see in the conflict is people don't fully understand this dynamic. They don't see the fact that one group might be recent, could be four or five years old. Another group could be 15 years old. One group is 25,000 people; one group is 100 or less. So they don't see that. You just see an organization and you think well these are heavily armed men fighting. But that is not what it's about. I think the conflict is more about understanding what each individual armed organization wants out of a final peace process. Some are prepared to accept less, others are not prepared to.

As the book is about peace in Myanmar, how do you perceive the current peace process in Myanmar? Has it been deadlocked as many observers have said?

I would say there is no deadlock. What I would say is the peace process has become very, very slow. There are a number of reasons for this. During the [former President U] Thein Sein regime, I would say, the peace process moved faster, primarily because the Thein Sein regime understood what it was they were dealing with better than the current government. The military aspect is very important in how fast and what can be achieved in a peace process.

The Myanmar peace process involves the Tatmadaw and many ethnic armed groups, it is unique.

Yes, it is very unique.

So how we could move forward to achieve peace quickly or in a certain period of time?

Well, to be honest I don't think you can move quickly. I don't believe any of the actors now are in a hurry. I think it serves them well to try and get the best they can out of the deal. Because they know when they agree to something, they will not be going back. Because if they do, it looks like they themselves caused the problem to the peace process. So you have a number of actors, who are hoping to strengthen their positions, sometimes by using other bigger armed organizations to support them; others who are hoping they can get what they want based on previous experience. But I don't see the peace process, regardless of how many meetings or peace conferences are held moving that quickly. I don't believe Tatmadaw sees significant changes next year. But I think we will see a lot more dialogue. Whether that dialogue is positive, I doubt it will be in the beginning. There are a number of actors who I think still remain in the pre-2012 mindset. As long as that exists, progress will be slow.

What do you mean by a number of actors are left with this [pre-2012] mindset, are they from both sides of the negotiation or one side?

To be honest, I think the military is happy with the position that they have. And also they are happy that there are divisions within the armed ethnic organizations, because it serves their purposes more than it does the armed ethnic organizations. So in that regard, that is why the peace process is unlikely to go quickly, because the Myanmar military at this moment in time does not necessarily feel that it has to put that much effort into it because it is allowing the government to run the peace process. So whereas the Myanmar military is prepared to watch the NLD-led government negotiate, it probably knows nothing substantial would happen soon. For them it is win-win. For the ethnic people, not so much.

What were challenges for you in finalizing this book? Although the sub-title says that they are papers from 2015 to 2017, you said you spent more time than that.

To be honest, the challenges are that there are a lot of minds being changed when it comes to what people want. That is not strange because we all make the same changes in our daily lives, let alone as something as serious it is. The process has become too administrative; there have been too many meetings and those meetings often say the same thing. They always end with "Well, we cannot agree to anything, until we go back and speak to our leaders." And then that requires another meeting that leads us to say, "Well actually, we are going to issue a statement." But the statement is the same like the one four months ago. So for me that's the most … odd part of it. Do you see what I mean? If you reduce the number of people involved, the faster things can get done. But with this, because there are so many different negotiations and negotiators, it is difficult for everyone to find common ground.

In terms of the many people participating, how could we promote inclusiveness, including integrating civil society members into the process further?

You have to ensure that the civil society actors are involved in the political dialogue. We cannot not include them. Obviously, the environmental section of the community has to be involved, the gender issue has to be taken into account. But before that happens, I think, you set out the guidelines for what you want. And then you go forward. If you invite everyone to the same meeting, whether you are deciding on military issues, whether you are deciding environmental issues, gender issues, and a number of different important aspects of the future society for the country, it has to be taken into account, the more people you invite the more divergent the outcome would be. So I think that's the important part of the process.

If you had to describe in one word the current Myanmar peace process, what would it be?

Complex!

In your book, I also noted your comments about the Arakan Army and other groups. As you know, the Rakhine state issue is currently drawing a lot of attention. What do you think [about the Rakhine state situation; with the involvement of the Arakan Army and Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army]; ARSA was proposing a ceasefire and hinted they want to be in the NCA process? Clearly there is no acceptance by the government and other [non-state armed] groups. What is your opinion?

ARSA will never ever be part of the peace process. Never! There is no legitimacy for them whatsoever. Even as an organization they are not legitimate. They can never be. If you look at similar conflicts in Burma, they are not following the same pattern. The situation in Rakhine State, I think, it is going to get worse next year, but not because of ARSA, primarily probably because of the Arakan Army. They may seek a confrontation with the Chin National Front and Arakan Liberation party. At the moment, the Arakan Army seems to be shifting its operations back to Rakhine State, that's probably not good for Rakhine State.

What do you think of the current situation in Myanmar as military engagement is happening in the north, northeast and western part of the country? Are we going back to history in this conflict cycle?

You are right, to a degree. There are number of issues that should have been finished. With the Arakan Army and their philosophy, I don't think their philosophy is a philosophy of finding Rakhine or Arakan nationalism, I think it is a bit more than that. That's why I think the Arakan Army poses a serious threat next year to the peace process, because it is not going to be the Kachins, or the UWSA [United Wa State Army] that would be a threat to the peace process. It would be a smaller group who do not really have a fundamental outlook on what they want. If you remember, the Arakan Army did not have a political wing when they were formed. They did not set a political agenda until the Kachins told them you have to have a political goal. The Arakan Army for me will be the flashpoint for the peace process next year, because they don't seem to have legitimacy. They weren't created out of legitimacy, and if they try and pose one in Rakhine state, then that will be serious.

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Ethnic Groups Say Time Has Come To See Detailed Plan For Federal System

Posted: 12 Dec 2017 04:17 AM PST

It is time for the Myanmar government and the military to tell the country's  ethnic groups exactly what type of federal system they can expect to be part of in the future, leaders of the groups said on Tuesday.

The Ethnic Nationalities Affairs Center (ENAC) held a book launch today at Yangon's Green Hill Hotel, where representatives of the ethnic groups discussed the issue with an audience of about 100 people.

The book, which is an updated conference report outlining federal policies grouped under 11 themes, was released on Tuesday by ENAC, a group working to support the peace process between the armed ethnic organizations and the Myanmar government.

The book is intended to provide suggestions to the government and the military to use in building a federal system.

“You cannot just say we will give you a federal system, because that is very general,” said ENAC director Zo Tum Hmung.

If the armed ethnic groups know in detail what type of democracy they will get, the national peace process can move forward, he said.

The book focuses on the sharing of power between the states and the central government under a federal system.

Political power is not enough enough for the state governments. They should have power to collect tax as well,” Zo Tum Hmung said.

The right to collect tax is a prerequisite for any state to develop, he said. But, looking at the ethnic states, they are very poorly developed, as they did not have the right to raise revenue via taxation. At present, only the central government has the power to collect tax.

The ENAC report recommends that states should get 70 percent of tax collected locally, with the other 30 percent going to the central government.

"Some people may think the central government should get more than 30 percent, but there are many alternative areas where the central government could raise taxes such as from property, trading and other activities," said Nai Pon Nya Mon, deputy executive director of ENAC.

ENAC had done workshops in many ethnic states including those with armed groups, and with political parties and civil society organizations (CSOs) in different townships. It found many were in agreement on sharing tax revenues based on a 70/30 split between the states and the central government.

Myanmar has effectively been in a state of civil war for over 60 years, especially in the ethnic states, which has left many of them poor and undeveloped. The book suggested the central government give states such Chin and Rakhine five years to develop without asking for any share of tax revenues.

“Chin state is the poorest. The second is Rakhine,” said Zo Tum Hmung.

"The central government should share more revenue with the Chin as we are poor," he said.

The time has come for the government and the military to listen to the voices of the ethnic people if they wanted to solve the political conflicts in the country, the ethnic leaders said.

"It is a disease,"said Sai Nyunt Lwin, secretary of the Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD), who also spoke at the press conference.

"This disease has spread to the mainland now. It is time to take medicine to treat this ailment (meaning the central government should listen to the ethnic groups)."

The heads of the states and divisions know what they need to do to promote reform in their areas, the ENAC officials said. But, they do not currently have the legal backing to do it. That power rests with the central government.

ENAC project officer Nai Banya Mon gave as an example the case of a copper mine in Letpadaung in Salingyi Township, Sagaing Region.

The central government approved the mine project despite the opposition of local people.

“If the regional government had power, they may know how to solve this problem. But, this project was approved by the central government, so they could do nothing,” he said.

The leaders of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) and the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA) endorsed the book's 11 sections on how to build a better federal structure.

“If the government accepts our suggestions and discusses them at the upcoming Panglong conference, the peace process can move forward,” said Zo Tum Hmung

There are two paths that lead to reform in the country. One is to fight for rights inside Parliament. The other is to include the rights battle within the peace process. But, the peace process is almost dead in the country, speakers at the book launch said.

Myanmar has now moved into the second generation of reform, with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government succeeding the U Thein Sein administration. But, the current government still has not mentioned what type of democracy it will give the ethnic groups.

As for the federal system, there is still no plan ready to be implemented despite two reformist governments taking power.

"We do not see any progress toward a federal system from the two governments," said Zo Tum Hmung.

Mother Tongue Study

Separately, ENAC said all ethnic children should have the right to study in their mother tongue, noting that Mon State had implemented such a program that could serve as a test case.

There are more than 100 ethnic Mon schools run by the Mon National Education Committee and ENAC is working with the MNEC to help implement similar mother tongue programs for other ethnic groups.

The group said the central government needed to provide funds for such studies, including to the MNEC, which faces dire financial difficulties running its own school system.

"All Mon students are citizens of Myanmar. The government should provide a budget for their study," Nai Pon Nya Mon said.

In Chin, there were no Chin ethnic national schools, according to Zo Tum Hmung.

Under the military regime, ethnic people could not study in their mother tongue. But, since the political reforms began, the government has provided some small space for ethnic people to provide services supporting native language studies.

However, many of the ethnic teachers teaching mother tongue studies faced delays in getting paid, and some ethnic leaders complained the government did not do enough to support these programs.

The post Ethnic Groups Say Time Has Come To See Detailed Plan For Federal System appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Sanctions Unlikely to Affect Gems Industry

Posted: 12 Dec 2017 04:11 AM PST

NAYPYITAW — Possible sanctions on Myanmar's jade and gems are unlikely to have a noticeable impact on the country, said local gems dealers, as Myanmar sells many of its rubies and sapphires to China, India and Thailand.

In response to Myanmar Army counter-insurgency operations in northern Rakhine that saw more than 600,000 Rohingya Muslims flee to Bangladesh since late August, some American luxury jewelry retailers have boycotted gems from Myanmar, posing challenges to Myanmar's gems industry.

"Our country only opened very recently. There is not much difference between being sanctioned or not. Sales did not increase after sanctions were lifted [by the US in September last year]," said vice-chairman U Myint Han of the Myanmar Gems and Jewelry Entrepreneurs Association.

"For example, if we record sales revenue of $583 million, gems only count for $3 million. The rest comes from jade," he added, as Myanmar's jade is mainly exported to neighboring China through border trade.

French luxury gem retailer Cartier recently announced that it would boycott gems from Myanmar.

US company Tiffany & Co stopped buying rubies from Myanmar in 2003 when the US Congress enacted a law that banned the importation of products from Myanmar. The ban included a loophole that allowed dealers to import gems from Myanmar if they were cut and polished somewhere else.

In 2007, Cartier boycotted buying gemstones mined in Myanmar in response to a military crackdown on protestors demanding democracy.

Daw Khin Ohn Myint of Bawma Gems Co in Myanmar's ruby-rich Mogok said Myanmar has no direct market with western buyers and boycotts will have limited impact.

"Jade is mainly bought by China and international buyers buy from China," said Daw Khin Ohn Myint who called the boycotting "not unusual."

Myanmar held its 54th annual gems emporium in August this year, selling 518.824 million euros (690 million USD) worth of 5,197 gem and jade lots under an open tender system.

Director-general U Khin Latt Gyi of the Ministry of Mines said, "Gems dealers want to legally sell their products. So our ministry organizes gems emporiums twice a year, and mostly Chinese buyers come and buy."

He and another assistant director however declined to comment on the impact of the Rakhine issue on Myanmar's jade and gems industry.

Myanmar is currently holding another jade and gems emporium in Naypyitaw that will sell 190 gem lots and 6,685 jade lots. More than 2,000 Chinese buyers, 19 Thai buyers and three buyers from Macao have come to the emporium, while only a Canadian buyer has registered to attend.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Almost a Year After NLD Adviser’s Murder, Key Suspect Still at Large

Posted: 12 Dec 2017 04:07 AM PST

YANGON — As a human rights and constitutional lawyer, U Ko Ni helped others find justice. But for U Ko Ni himself, justice remains elusive.

This coming January will mark the one-year anniversary of his tragic death at Yangon International Airport, where he was shot at close range in broad daylight. But 11 months after his death, Aung Win Khaing, the suspected mastermind of the assassination, is still at large. A statement issued by the President's Office said the former lieutenant colonel is believed to have hired gunman Kyi Lin to shoot U Ko Ni.

The ex-army officer vanished into thin air after the killing. Four other suspects have been on trial for several months, and as of last week 65 of 80 witnesses have testified. The motive for the murder, according to the national police chief, was a "personal grudge;" he said the alleged conspirators were "resentful" of U Ko Ni's political activities.

With the murder trial having dragged on now for nearly a year without the main suspect, longtime friends and colleagues of U Ko Ni expressed their disappointment with the Home Affairs Ministry — which controls the country's police force — for its failure to arrest Aung Win Khaing.

"They are not doing their job properly. It disappoints me to see the main suspect is still at large," said U Kyee Myint, a lawyer who cofounded the Myanmar Lawyers Network five years ago with U Ko Ni.

The police announced in June that they had no new information about Aung Win Khaing and would not be able to arrest him soon despite the fact that he was last seen in Naypyitaw a few days after the killing.

"Why is the Home Affairs Ministry so ineffective?" U Kyee Myint said.

According to Myanmar's controversial 2008 Constitution, the ministry that controls the country's police force is to be run by the military.

U Ko Ni was the legal adviser for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party. The 65-year-old lawyer was believed to have conceived of her current position — state counselor — so that she could serve as the country's de facto leader despite being constitutionally barred from the presidency.

The Muslim lawyer was critical of the military-drafted Constitution, which guarantees the military 25 percent of the seats in Parliament and control of the government's three most powerful ministries: defense, border affairs and home affairs. He actively lobbied for the amendment of the charter, one of the NLD's main goals and yet to be realized.

U Ko Ni is believed to have been drafting a new charter at the time of his murder, having decided there was no point trying to amend the 2008 Constitution since any changes to it require more than 75 percent of the votes in Parliament. Many people believe the NLD adviser paid the price for his plans. If true, the Constitution he sought to replace is casting a shadow over his own case.

Robert San Aung, a human rights lawyer and longtime friend of U Ko Ni, said the case was unusual because most of the suspects are former military men. He said that might make the police reluctant to arrest Aung Win Khaing, given that the military runs the Ministry of Home Affairs, which controls the police. (Of the five murder suspects, three are ex-army officers; Aung Win Khaing held the highest rank among them.)

"The police chief doesn't seem to use his full authority," said Robert San Aung, who is representing a taxi driver who was killed during his pursuit for the gunman who shot U Ko Ni.

"It would be easier to bring him [Aung Win Khaing] to court if the police force were not under the ministry," he said. "To make it happen, the only way is to amend the Constitution."

Police Colonel Shwe Thaung, who heads the national police force's Criminal Investigation Department, was not available for comments on Tuesday.

U Nay La, the lawyer representing U Ko Ni's family in the case, told The Irrawaddy that the motive for the assassination could be made clear if Aung Win Khaing were in court.

"We would learn more about who is behind the case," he said.

U Nay La said police were doing a poor job of investigating the murder but declined to elaborate because the case was ongoing.

"All we want is that action be taken against those who are guilty according to the law. But we are more interested in why the assassination happened," he said.

The Irrawaddy's Tin Htet Paing contributed reporting.

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Yangon Restricts Drones for Security Reasons

Posted: 12 Dec 2017 04:03 AM PST

YANGON — Yangon Region's general administration department has banned drone flying for security reasons in areas in 16 townships where local and international aircraft operate.

The recent order was issued after drones flying in the approach path to the runway at Yangon International Airport disturbed airplane traffic, the order stated.

With bird strikes reportedly forcing emergency aircraft landings in past years, the order added that drone collisions could result in dangerous situations despite airport security measures.

The drone/unmanned aircraft vehicle (UAV) prohibited areas include North Okkalapa, Dagon Myothit (North), Dagon Myothit (East), Insein, Shwepyithar, Hlaing Tharyar, Mayangone, Hlaing, Kamayut, Kyimyindaing, Sanchaung, Bahan, Seikgyikanaungto, Mingaladon, Hlegu and Htantabin townships.

Violators of the order would face fines or one month to six months imprisonment or both under Article 188 of Myanmar's Penal Code.

"It is acceptable as the safety risk is high. But it will be better to have legislation on using drones [instead of issuing restrictions in certain areas]," said Ko Nyana (aka Phoe Lone), the owner of MAVS aerial drone shooting services, rental and sales center.

He said that if drone legislation were prescribed, it would benefit the state, as drones are being used for government projects, mapping and surveying more so than for private use.

So far, drones fly in unrestricted areas with the permission of local authorities and police after registering with the Ministry of Transport's Department of Civil Aviation (DCA).

The country's landmark Shwedagon Pagoda also banned UAVs from flying over the famed pagoda or its grounds.

Two foreign journalists from Turkish state broadcaster TRT World and two Myanmar citizens were detained by police for attempting to fly a drone near Myanmar's Parliament in Naypyitaw on Oct. 27 amid tension raised between Myanmar and Turkey over the Rohingya crisis.

The four were sentenced to two months imprisonment on Nov. 10 under the country's Aircraft Act and are still facing trial under the 2012 Export and Import Law for illegally bringing the drone into the country and Section 13(1) of the Immigration Act.

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Contentious Telecoms Law Still Used to Stifle Dissent Despite Amendments: FEM

Posted: 12 Dec 2017 01:48 AM PST

YANGON — The controversial Article 66(d) of Myanmar's Telecommunications Law is still widely used by authorities to stifle dissent despite a recent amendment, according to a report by Free Expression Myanmar (FEM), a non-governmental human rights defender and promoter.

FEM released its report titled '66 (d): No real change' at Pansuriya Art Gallery in Yangon on Monday, claiming that the government’s amendment of the article in August 2017 has not brought any significant change.

"This article should have been scrapped, but it was only amended. This report highlights with facts and figures that this article is still used [by authorities] as a tool even after its amendment, as well as looks at the situation of freedom of expression in Myanmar," Maung Saungkha, a poet who has been campaigning for the repeal of the law, told The Irrawaddy.

Over the past two years, Article 66(d) has been used by those in positions of power to punish those who try to hold them accountable, and the government amendment of the article has had no perceptible impact on this, said FEM.

The report was prepared by FEM and its partners Myanmar ICT for Development (MIDO) and a research group on Telecommunications Law. It analyzes the complaints filed under Article 66(d) before and after amending the article.

"We've said clearly that Article 66(d) is unnecessary because there is already Section 500 of the Penal Code. The defamation charge in the telecommunications is too broadly defined. Unless and until Article 66(d) is scrapped, any changes to the law will not suffice," said Maung Saungkha.

Nine new cases were filed under Article 66(d) even after changes were introduced to the law August, according to the report, which covers two years' time from November 2015 to November 2017.

According to the report, there were a total of 106 cases—11 filed in the time of the Union Solidarity and Development (USDP) government and 95 under the National League for Democracy (NLD) government.

The report said that 51 percent of complainants were closely related to authorities such as government officials, political parties and the military, and 23 percent of complainants directly represent the government as government officials, including ward administrators and police officers.

"Article 66(d) was not amended as we wanted, in a way that complies with international norms. I would call it a so-called amendment," said Daw Zarchi Oo, a member of Pen Myanmar.

In early 2017, 22 civil society organizations teamed up in their advocacy efforts for the reform of the Telecommunications Law and the termination of Article 66(d).

The amendment approved by Parliament in August requires prosecutions under the law to be conducted directly by the "defamed" individual, rather than by a third party, unless that party has been granted legal power by the individual. It also allows for bail to be granted to the defendant.

The maximum prison sentence was also cut to two years from three. However, the law's most contentious clause, which broadly prohibits the use of the telecommunications network to "extort, defame, disturb or intimidate" remains in place.

The FEM Myanmar report said that 93 percent of complaints were about defamation, and if defamation were precisely defined in Article 66(d), at least two-thirds of the complaints should have been rejected.

The report also called for scrapping the article and decriminalizing defamation in Myanmar's Penal Code.

FEM was established in May 2017 by a group of human rights defenders leading a new civil society coalition to challenge the repressive Telecommunications Law and the notorious Article 66(d).

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Myanmar to Delay Law That Would Have Allowed More Foreign Investment

Posted: 11 Dec 2017 10:06 PM PST

YANGON — Myanmar will delay a long-awaited reform that would open the door further to foreign investment, two officials told Reuters, a move likely to disappoint cash-starved businesses amid growing doubts over the management of the economy by the country's leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

The postponement of the corporate reform, which would have allowed foreign companies to take up to a 35 percent stake in Myanmar companies, will likely deal a fresh blow to investor confidence in Aung San Suu Kyi's administration.

Economic reform is a key goal for her to complete Myanmar's democratic transition after decades of isolation under military rule.

The delay underscores the daunting challenge facing Aung San Suu Kyi, whose promise of a reformist government that would attract foreign investment is under threat.

Some aid to Myanmar is already being withheld and investors are concerned that the sanctions that long hobbled the country's economy will be reinstated over its treatment of its Rohingya minority.

A Myanmar companies law, which could bring much-needed foreign capital to the country after decades of mismanagement by the former military junta, was approved last week by President Htin Kyaw without a commencement date specified.

Aung Naing Oo, head of Myanmar's Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA), told Reuters the authorities may not be ready to implement the new rules until as late as August 2018, after bylaws were prepared and a company registry that he said was vital to enforcement was completed.

"We really want to implement the law as soon as possible but there are many things for us to do," he said, declining to elaborate what bylaws were needed. He said the government would make sure implementation would be no later than Aug. 1. "We have to make sure the reform is on the right track."

Myo Min, director of DICA, said the authorities needed up to eight months to "work on the guidance and operating manual" for the country's first modern online registry, an initiative driven by the Asian Development Bank to electronically revamp the country's company registry to boost transparency.

The law includes a first set of modern corporate governance regulations, in some parts replacing rules made over a century ago, to bring the country's business regulatory framework closer to international standards.

At issue is a clause that allows foreigners to take up to a 35 percent share in local companies, which would give local businesses access to a larger capital pool and open up the door for mergers and acquisitions in sectors that are in urgent need of an injection of cash from banking to property.

The delay of the much-anticipated reform comes as Suu Kyi faces criticism that she has neglected economic reforms. Growth in both foreign investment and gross domestic product have slowed since her National League for Democracy took office last year in one of the region's poorest countries.

Htay Aung, president of the property-to-trading conglomerate Sakura Trade Center, said putting off implementation of the law "was bad for business as it will bring delays and extra costs, which result in losses."

The company is seeking $100 million in overseas financing for a condominium development in Myanmar's commercial hub, Yangon. "Foreign investment will be postponed and local businessmen will be disappointed."

'Missed Opportunity'

Investors have been waiting for the corporate reform, which was initiated by the former military-backed government in 2014. It establishes guidelines on how a company is run and governed, removing outdated rules on share transfers and offering greater protection to shareholders.

But Chris Hughes, a lawyer with Berwin Leighton Paisner in Yangon who was commissioned to draft the rules, said it was a "missed opportunity" for Aung San Suu Kyi's administration.

"I can't see a compelling economic reason or policy behind the delay. It seems more driven by technology or administrative factors."

William Greenlee, managing director at law firm DFDL in Yangon, said the business community would struggle with the delay.

"International investors are watching and it's wins like this that create a buzz and can materialize into a profound and sustained increase in foreign investment," he said. "The euphoria will quickly turn to disappointment if it's not implemented quickly."

Aung Naing Oo of DICA said there would be no negative impact on investment. "Investors always need to take some time before they invest," he said. "So this actually is the time for investors to make preparation to invest in Myanmar."

The Asian Development Bank, which gives financial and technical assistance to Myanmar, said "it is ultimately the government's decision when the law comes into force" and declined to comment further.

The post Myanmar to Delay Law That Would Have Allowed More Foreign Investment appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week

Posted: 11 Dec 2017 09:33 PM PST

Mar Mar Aye | Dec. 13

Myanmar's legendary singer Mar Mar Aye will perform as she celebrates her 75th birthday.

Dec. 13, 7 pm. National Theater. Tickets 5,000 kyats to 30,000 kyats at NoBody (Yankin Center, Junction Square) and call center 1876 and 09-420245065.

Reason to be Idiots | Dec. 16

Two famous rock bands, Reason and Idiots will be rocking together at Kandawgyi Hmaw Sin Kyun.

Dec. 16, 6 pm. Kandawgyi Hmaw Sin Kyun. Tickets between 9,000 to 20,000 kyats at 09-977009157, 09-455573442.

Moh Moh: Simply Acoustic | Dec. 16

Soulful singer Moh Moh will perform solo as well as duets with Myo Kyawt Myaing, Wai La and Phyo Pyae Sone.

Dec. 16. 7:30 pm. Mercedes Showroom near 8th Mile, Pyay Road. Limited tickets between $50 and $150 at 09-32105660.

Challenges for Business Enterprises in 2018 | Dec. 17

Myanmar's renowned economists will talk about the challenges facing business enterprises in 2018 in a panel discussion. Registration here.

Dec. 17, 9 am to 12 pm, UMFCCI Building, No. 29, Min Ye Kyaw Zwar Road, Lanmadaw Tsp. Free admission.

Book Sale | Dec. 14-17

A book sale will be held to commemorate the 97th anniversary of Yangon University.

Dec. 14-17, 9 am to 5 pm. Yangon University.

Property and Household Products Sale | Dec. 15-17

Property and household items will be sold at special discounts at this event.

Dec. 15-17, 9 am to 5 pm. Minder Groung, U Wisara Road.

Song to the Moon | Dec. 15

This concert of all Czech classical music features works by well-known Czech composers.

Dec. 15, 7 pm. Sule Shangri-La Hotel. Free Admission. 

Trees in the Heart | Dec. 1-28

This art exhibition features tress from the perspective of Nilar Tun.

Dec. 1-28. Eternal Art Gallery. Yuzana Garden Housing.

Landscapes | Dec. 16-20

Ba Htay Kyi features dozens of landscape paintings at this solo exhibition.

Dec. 16-20. Studio Square Art Gallery. Maha Bandoola Park Street (Upper Block).

In My Memorial | Dec. 15-19

This art exhibition is about Min Zaw Aung's surrealist paintings.

Dec. 15-19. Bo Aung Kyaw Art Gallery, Bo Aung Kyaw Street.

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