Saturday, January 27, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Despite clash, Richardson says Suu Kyi remains Myanmar’s best hope

Posted: 27 Jan 2018 02:51 AM PST

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remains Myanmar’s best hope for change, veteran U.S. mediator Bill Richardson said on Friday, days after he got into a fight with the Nobel laureate and quit an international panel advising her government on the Rohingya crisis.

Richardson said Daw Aung San Suu Kyi – whom he described as a long-time friend – had developed a “siege mentality” in her position as Myanmar’s State Counselor, the country’s civilian leader, but added that Western governments should continue to engage with her.

“The relationship with the West, with human rights groups, with the United Nations, with the international media is terrible,” he told Reuters by phone from New Mexico on Friday.

“And I think Aung San Suu Kyi has brought this upon herself, the constant disparagement of the international community, which I think can be helpful to her … She seems isolated. She doesn’t travel much into the country. I think she’s developed a classic bubble.”

Richardson said he resigned from the advisory board on Wednesday, during its first visit to troubled Rakhine State, saying it was conducting a “whitewash”. Suu Kyi’s office said on Thursday her government had asked Richardson to step down and accused him of pursuing “his own agenda”.

Myanmar government said on Friday it did not want discuss the details of the exchange between Suu Kyi and Richardson any further.

Around 688,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled from Rakhine to Bangladesh in recent months to escape an army crackdown following insurgent attacks on security forces.

“I think the Myanmar military is to blame a lot and the only person that can turn them around, I believe, is Aung San Suu Kyi, and she should start doing that,” said Richardson, a former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations under President Bill Clinton who has also worked as a mediator with North Korea.

Richardson said he had informed the U.S. ambassador in Yangon and the State Department of his intention to resign but had not sought their guidance.

Richardson said that before his trip to Myanmar, he spoke to U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, who visited the country in November. “He called me and gave me a briefing on his visit and that was all,” he told Reuters in a separate television interview.

A State Department spokesman said he could not immediately confirm details of Richardson’s contacts.

FURIOUS ARGUMENT

A statement on Thursday from the nine remaining members of the advisory board said they met this week “with open minds” and rejected Richardson’s criticism that he feared the panel would be used as “a cheerleading squad”.

Richardson said Suu Kyi’s response at a Monday night dinner was “furious” when he brought up the case of two Reuters reporters, who were arrested on Dec. 12 on suspicion of violating Myanmar’s Official Secrets Act.

“She was very angry with me when I raised releasing the journalists, giving them a fair trial,” he said.

“She was upset when I said there should be an investigation of the mass-graves issue, that they had to increase their international support for the treatment of the Rohingyas, the terrible refugee crisis. She exploded. She was very unhappy, and it shows that she didn’t want to hear frank advice.”

Her office said it would not be commenting further on the exchange.

“We already published a statement and also the advisory board published a statement. The judge will decide whether the journalists committed the crime or not. It is Contempt of Court. Even in America, they wouldn’t involve themselves in a case while the case is ongoing in a court hearing,” said U Zaw Htay, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s spokesman.

Reporters Wa Lone, 31, and Kyaw Soe Oo, 27, had worked on Reuters coverage of the crisis in Rakhine.

Richardson said it was important for Western governments, the United Nations and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to enter into a new dialogue “to try to help each other, not to keep fighting each other” before any thoughts of new sanctions on Myanmar.

“What we don’t want is to have Aung San Suu Kyi just listen to ASEAN countries, China or Russia. They need engagement with the West. We’re all former friends. She needs to change, and perhaps the West needs to give her another chance and not impose sanctions.”

Myanmar’s armed forces have been accused by Rohingya witnesses and human rights activists of carrying out killings, rapes and arson in Rakhine in a campaign senior officials in the United Nations and United States have described as ethnic cleansing. Myanmar rejects that label and has denied nearly all the allegations.

Bangladesh and Myanmar agreed earlier this month to complete the voluntary repatriation of all the refugees. The remaining members of the advisory board on Wednesday toured temporary camps the government has set up for returnees.
Richardson said he did not believe conditions were yet right for the repatriation process to begin.

“I believe that the Myanmar government has emphasised speed instead of systems,” he said. “There’s been too much emphasis on quick results rather than assuring that safety is guaranteed.”

The post Despite clash, Richardson says Suu Kyi remains Myanmar’s best hope appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

A Look Back at the Murder Trial of U Ko Ni

Posted: 26 Jan 2018 11:54 PM PST

Ahead of Monday's first anniversary of NLD lawyer U Ko Ni's death, The Irrawaddy has compiled several of its past stories about his murder trial along with related editorials, commentaries and more.

Govt Investigates U Ko Ni's Assassination

Burma's government says it is investigating the assassination of prominent Muslim lawyer and NLD legal advisor U Ko Ni.

Third Suspect Named in U Ko Ni Assassination Plot

The President's Office says suspect Aung Win Khaing, a former army Lt-Col, allegedly offered to pay his brother 100 million kyats to murder U Ko Ni.


Daw Aung San Suu Kyi Breaks Silence on Assassination of Legal Advisor U Ko Ni

'Losing someone like U Ko Ni is such a deep loss for the National League for Democracy' says the State Counselor in a rare public appearance.

Police Chief: Assassination of U Ko Ni Was Driven by 'Personal Grudge'

At authorities' press conference, home affairs minister Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe says that it is highly possible that extreme nationalism fueled the grudge.

Burma Army Denies Involvement in U Ko Ni's Assassination

The Burma Army was not involved in the murder, even though ex-military officers are suspected of being behind the conspiracy, says Gen Mya Tun Oo.

New Suspect Revealed in U Ko Ni Murder as Case Goes to Court

Aung Win Tun is accused of harboring one of the alleged co-conspirators following the shooting of the NLD legal adviser.

Trial Begins for Men Charged in Prominent NLD Lawyer's Assassination

Rangoon's Northern District Court commences examination of the assassination of lawyer U Ko Ni.

Examination of Murder Charges Begins in U Ko Ni Assassination Trial

The gunman and three alleged co-perpetrators are being charged in Rangoon under Article 302 of the Penal Code for homicide.

Lawyer in U Ko Ni Murder Calls for Naypyidaw Arrest Warrant in Search for Fugitive

In Rangoon's High Court, U Nay La requests an arrest warrant for suspect Aung Win Khaing be issued in Naypyidaw, where he was last seen.

Court Rejects New Arrest Warrant in U Ko Ni Murder Trial

Rangoon's High Court refuses to issue a new arrest warrant in Naypyidaw for fugitive Aung Win Khaing, where he was last seen.

Court Orders Police to Re-Examine Fugitive in Ko Ni Murder Trial

Police will renew a search for a key figure in the high-profile murder of the NLD legal adviser, last seen in Naypyidaw.

Police: No New Leads in Locating Fugitive in U Ko Ni Murder Investigation

Police tell Rangoon's northern district court that they are no closer to finding suspect Aung Win Khaing and do not anticipate an arrest soon.

Conspirator in U Ko Ni Killing Still At Large

Aung Win Khaing, one of the main suspects in U Ko Ni's assassination, is still at large with police staying silent about progress in their search for him.

Daughter of Assassinated Lawyer Testifies

A Yangon court examines the 20th witness in the murder trial: U Ko Ni's eldest daughter.

Court Accepts CCTV Footage in U Ko Ni Murder Trial

A total of 73 photos, along with the footage captured by 196 security cameras, is presented to the judges.

Court Accepts News Article as Evidence at U Ko Ni Murder Trial

The defense objected to the inclusion of the article, about a 2017 press conference by the Home Affairs Ministry on the findings of its investigation into the prominent lawyer's assassination.

Brother Defends Accused Mastermind of NLD Lawyer Assassination in Court

Fugitive Aung Win Khaing will emerge to clear his name, co-conspirator Aung Win Zaw says.

A Hero to Remember

U Ko Ni was a fearless fighter who spoke up for his views, and he was a strong force in the democratic movement.

Almost a Year After NLD Adviser's Murder, Key Suspect Still at Large

Friends and colleagues of U Ko Ni say the Constitution may be hindering the arrest of his assassination's suspected mastermind.

Where are the Assassins?

Rumors and questions around the death of U Ko Ni continue to run rampant as the authorities fail to bring his killers to justice.

The post A Look Back at the Murder Trial of U Ko Ni appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

This Week in Parliament (Jan. 22-26)

Posted: 26 Jan 2018 07:31 PM PST

Monday (Jan. 22)

In the Lower House, Mawkmai Township lawmaker U Sai Ngao Hseng Hein asked the government if it planned to adopt a universal and systematic garbage disposal and collection system for the country. U Aung Myint Tun, a member of the Naypyitaw Council, replied that municipalities lacked the funds to establish proper waste management systems. The council member added that the government should treat waste management as a national health issue and cooperate with municipalities.

The Upper House voted down a proposal from Daw Htoot May of Rakhine Constituency (11) to teach four key English-language skills beginning from Grade 9 at government schools. Though English is a compulsory subject for students from primary to matriculation levels at government schools, students' general English skills are still low, argued the lawmaker. The Union education minister responded that his ministry has been reforming its teaching methods and designing new English textbooks so that students can acquire all four skills to an acceptable level.

Tuesday (Jan. 23)

The Upper House agreed to debate a proposal by U Pe Chit urging the government to recognize the conservation of Myanmar's shrinking natural resources as a national duty. The lawmaker alleged that the Mines Ministry doesn't even know how many rubies from the gem-rich town of Mongshu are being smuggled out of the country, and that it is failing to take action against mining companies that don't pay taxes.

Wednesday (Jan. 24)

U Han Zaw was sworn in as the new construction minister by the Union Parliament, which also approved the president's proposal to obtain a 5 million euro package of soft loans and grants from Unicredit Bank of Austria to fund public projects.

The package has a term of 25 years. Of the total, 15 per cent is a grant and 85 per cent is to be reimbursed with no interest, according to lawmakers.

Thursday (Jan. 25)

In the Lower House, lawmakers debated and approved a proposal from Dr. Aye Min, a lawmaker from Yangon's Kayan Township, to recognize civil servants with a record of outstanding performance with awards and entitlements such as overseas trips for recreation and study.

Friday (Jan. 26)

In the Lower House, lawmaker U Sai Thiha Kyaw of Mongyai Township asked whether Parliament would cover the cost of constructing offices for lawmakers in their constituencies, along with providing funds to run the offices (paying for clerks, furniture, utilities, etc.).

Dr. Hla Moe, secretary of the Parliamentary Rights Committee, replied that lawmakers may fund new offices out of their own pockets as the Parliament still cannot finance this. Dr. Hla Moe added that most lawmakers open offices on their own.

Due to the budget deficit, the Parliament for the time being is unable to fund offices for lawmakers in 330 constituencies, he said.

The post This Week in Parliament (Jan. 22-26) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

A Year after U Ko Ni’s Assassination, Still No Answers

Posted: 26 Jan 2018 07:20 PM PST

Nearly a year on, we are no closer to finding out whose orders Kyi Lin was following when he gunned down U Ko Ni, a prominent legal adviser to National League for Democracy leader and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at Yangon International Airport on Jan. 29, 2017. To mark the anniversary, The Irrawaddy revisits this article from February 2017 reflecting on the political implications of the killing.

The brazen killing of prominent legal advisor to the National League for Democracy and its leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi not only sent shock waves through the country, but also a signal: you could be next.

Will we find out who really killed U Ko Ni? The assassin, Kyi Lin, who was caught just minutes after the killing, has a long criminal record and is believed to be a hired gunman. Under former President Thein Sein's government, thousands of criminals were released from prisons under several amnesties and Kyi Lin was one of them.

Since last week, a manhunt has been underway and several unidentified people have been summoned and interrogated by law enforcement regarding potential connections to U Ko Ni's killing. Some suspects have been put under surveillance, but police have remained tight lipped. The public has unleashed criticism and anger toward the authorities; this is a high profile case and security forces will be held accountable if they cannot find any hard evidence linking suspects to the murder.

The President's Office announced on Friday that police had apprehended another reported conspirator, Aung Win Zaw, in Hpa-an, Karen State, on Monday after he had fled from Rangoon. Myanmar Now reported that he is a former military officer who was kicked out of the army for breaking martial laws. He was also involved in the smuggling of Buddha statues and spent a jail term with Kyi Lin in Mandalay's Obo Prison.

Sources said that police are still hunting for a 50-year-old man named Myint Swe, who may have allegedly hired Kyi Lin to shoot the lawyer.Conspiracy theories abound, but if powerful figures were involved in the killing, some speculate that the mastermind behind the murder will never be brought to justice.

On Monday, Jan. 30, the office of the Burmese President, U Htin Kyaw, said in a statement that the attack had been carried out to undermine the country's stability, suggesting a political motive. Lawyer U Ko Ni had been trying to write a new Constitution to replace Burma's existing military-drafted one.

It is not certain whether Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was in agreement with his proposal. But political observers have said that it was U Ko Ni who came up with the bold proposition to create the position of State Counselor for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who was barred from the Presidency.

It remains worrying that more than one week after U Ko Ni's killing, neither police and security forces nor the government—which has strongly advocated for adherence to the rule of law—has held a press briefing on the incident.

The army published a brief press release on Jan. 30 and sent a Rangoon regional commander to meet U Ko Ni's family members. But public criticism and frustration have mounted as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has refrained from making any public statement, let alone from sending condolences to the lawyer's bereaved family. Inside sources have said that she was shocked by U Ko Ni's death and has instructed her aides, as well as officials in the home affairs ministry, to investigate the killing and bring the culprit to justice.

Former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan, who has visited Burma twice in recent months in his capacity as head of the Arakan State Advisory Commission, urged authorities to carry out an investigation as quickly as is possible.

It is now known that U Ko Ni received death threats before he was killed. It is likely that his assassins followed him and studied his social media page, where he often posted pictures from his overseas visits.

As U Ko Ni and a government delegation returned from a two-week trip to Indonesia, Kyi Lin was believed to have been tipped off as the delegation disembarked the plane. He was waiting at the gate as U Ko Ni arrived to see his family. So it is assumed that the assassin was told minutes in advance of U Ko Ni's movements—passing through immigration, the baggage claim and the arrivals gate. Kyi Lin then executed his deadly mission.
It is very unlikely that he could have acted alone.

It is still unknown how Kyi Lin acquired the nine-millimeter pistol used to kill U Ko Ni. News reports have said that an ex-convict was approached by Aung Win Zaw to kill a foreign diplomat, but no details further details on this point are currently known. The ex-prisoner told local media that he had turned down the offer.

Political pundits have speculated that assassins were told to kill U Ko Ni in broad daylight so as to create fear and to send a message. Some extreme elements with vested interests in the country and its politics have been mentioned as suspects. But if they are themselves powerful figures or have close ties to other such individuals in the country, then history suggests that the family of U Ko Ni will not likely see the mastermind of the murder apprehended and sentenced in accordance with the law. In this fragile transition, justice is not guaranteed.

Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy.

The post A Year after U Ko Ni's Assassination, Still No Answers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon’s Challenges Looking Forward

Posted: 26 Jan 2018 07:07 PM PST

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss to what extent the Yangon government and regional lawmakers have improved the life of residents in Yangon, Myanmar's biggest city, over the past two years, as well as future challenges and how they will be handled in 2018. Yangon regional lawmakers U Kyaw Zeya and Ma Kyi Pyar join me for the discussion. I'm Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.

Yangon's Challenges Looking Forward

Yangon's Challenges Looking ForwardThe Irrawaddy discusses how the regional government should proceed to improve the lives of locals in 2018.

Posted by The Irrawaddy – English Edition on Friday, January 26, 2018

It is fair to say that Yangon has a lot of problems. The population is large. It has almost been a dead town for the past several decades. As far as I'm concerned, today's Yangon has a lot of problems such as traffic congestion, transportation and municipal laws, recovery of public spaces, capacity of the government, development projects, and so on. What is the most pressing issue that should be handled in 2018?

Kyaw Zeya: The government tried to solve the traffic problem soon after it took office. We raised objection to two flyover projects, respectively at North Okkalapa and Parami, which were initiated by the previous government, because we believed that they would not ease the traffic congestion. A new public transportation system along with a traffic control tower was then introduced. It has been more than one year since then, but the system has barely solved the traffic congestion. In my township, street vendors have faced a lot of difficulty, and it is worse for street vendors in downtown areas like Kyauktada, Lanmadaw and Pabedan. These are only a few of many problems.

KZM: Ma Kyi Pyar, what do you think are the most pressing issues to handle for the interests of the people?

Kyi Pyar: We have worked for the interests of the people over the past two years. But there might have been some weakness in the procedures. The issue that must be handled in 2018 is municipality, because Yangon's city municipality is responsible for 33 out of 45 townships in the Yangon Region. There is also the Yangon Region municipality. We have two municipal laws. We are going to change the municipal law concerning 33 townships in Parliament. This law is critically important. It will be a milestone for the NLD [National League for Democracy]. If the law is flawed, it will be a milestone marking the poor reputation of the NLD. And if the law serves the interests of the people, it will be the milestone marking its good reputation. There are two parts – even if the law is good, we'll have to see if the capacity is strong enough to effectively enforce it, and to what extent the public interests will be taken into consideration. If it can serve the interests of the people smoothly, most of the problems facing Yangon will be solved.

KZM: What are those problems?

KP: All the problems in Yangon are related to municipal law. From birth to death, it is all concerned with the municipality. We used to have the feeling when we saw someone in municipal uniform that they would not provide good service. But working with them now, I have noticed that many of them are cooperative. But they are still far from serving the interests of the people. The top leadership is mainly responsible for this, I think.

KZM: What do you mean by the top leadership?

KP: I mean the Yangon mayor and four appointees along with those elected to the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC). There are more than 20 departments in the YCDC. If they can work well with the heads of those departments and those departments can effectively enforce the law and manage staff at different levels, this will help fight corruption. It is also important that individual officials take initiative. The most important thing is in regards to grease money. We must change the public perception that municipal officials need to be paid to get things done. If this can be changed, this will give the party [NLD] some credit, and also please the people in 2018. So, this is very important.

KZM: U Kyaw Zeya, you are the secretary of Yangon's finance, planning and economic parliamentary committee. There are high-rise projects and historical and cultural heritage sites that need to be conserved as well as public spaces that need to be reclaimed. Under the previous government, public spaces were confiscated by the government, the Tatmadaw and some private companies close to the government. There were many public spaces rented for business purposes rather than for public recreation. What will be done about that this year?

KZY: There have been delays in amending the municipal act. Previously, Singapore copied the municipal act of Yangon, and I heard that we will now copy the municipal act of Singapore. [Foreign] experts came and asked the YCDC if they wanted to turn Yangon into a cultural heritage town or a real commercial capital. The population of Yangon is expected to increase to 10 million in the future. There is a lot of vacant land in Yangon. They asked the YCDC how they would like to utilize those lands and public spaces and said they would give recommendations based on their ideas. Authorities still can't answer that question, I think.

KZM: The municipal law is the most important one. But what else can be done before the law is amended?

KP: There are certain things that are being done at the moment. We lawmakers were allowed to ask questions and submit proposals as of the second regular session of the regional Parliament. The first proposals we submitted were about garbage disposal and traffic congestion. The regional government is handling both of these.

Garbage is one of the major problems in Yangon. Lawmakers of all of the six downtown townships signed and submitted a letter to the Yangon mayor about the garbage problem. We also discussed it in Parliament. The Yangon municipality as well as the people and the NLD party are undertaking garbage cleanup campaigns. We lawmakers also cooperate with them to systematize the disposal of garbage.

But as you know, it is difficult to change a habit that is entrenched. Also, the human waste collection system in Yangon has problems. I asked a question about this during a previous session of Parliament. The government said it was trying to change the whole system with the assistance of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). So, these works are in progress, which is good for the people.

But as I've said, the government fails to solve the problem of street vendors. I submitted a proposal about it to Parliament. I didn't mean that they should be removed, but I said authorities should take the time to systematize street vending. Our term is five years, and it may take three years or more. But, my proposal was approved at once and street vendors were moved to the new place immediately. Some of the procedures were quite unsystematic. YCDC, as a government department, will do whatever it is instructed to do by its upper level, and they may not bother to think about how to make adjustments to plans. As I foresaw this, I had had intense debate about it. If you ask me if the plan works, it doesn't. And I am sorry about the 1.8 billion kyats that were spent to move the vendors of four townships [to the new night market]. I feel bad because it is fair to say this project was not successful.

At the same time, I am thankful for the successful cases. The Yangon mayor and municipal officials mostly fulfill our requests for help. But to initiate projects without long-term plans is just wasting public funds. It is we lawmakers who have to directly engage with people on the ground. Both street vendors and people complain to us about their troubles.

KZM: Ma Kyi Pyar, you are a member of the regional government's guarantees, pledges and undertakings vetting committee in Parliament. How is the committee monitoring the pledges and guarantees of the regional government regarding these examples? Do you think they can do it? Do they take full responsibility?

KP: Mainly, our committee vets whether the regional government fulfills the lawmakers' proposals. We found that the government can fulfill most of the proposals because most of them are about building roads and bridges. So, the regional government fulfills them. It simply asks for a budget [from the Union government] for those things and builds them. But I want the government to put more emphasis on policies. Roads are easy to give, and the government just needs to allocate the budget for them.

Our government has three years before its term expires. After three years, there may be a new government. We may remain as lawmakers or there may be new lawmakers. Anyway, if a firm policy is in place, no matter who comes to power, people have nothing to worry about.

Speaking of proposals, let's talk about public spaces, since that might interest the people. It is important to note that the government has granted permits to use public spaces for other purposes even after the regional Parliament approved a proposal about [maintaining] public spaces. We've received a lot of complaints about it. Looking at the dates of the permits, they were issued in 2017, under the NLD government. Permits were issued to use lakes and sportsgrounds for other purposes. Even if we can't solve the old cases, we should not issue new land grants. We have to handle these complaints.

KZM: Why has that happened?

KP: Our committee members take trips to investigate complaints, and take back some public spaces. It is unacceptable that such things happen to the extent that people file complaints. Another thing is that we still can't handle permits for 232 land plots, more or less, that were issued during the power transfer. I have asked a question about it in Parliament in order to check their legality. We want to solve this through government-parliament cooperation. But, we still can't do that.

KZM: By that you mean the government is less responsive?

KP: We lawmakers very much want to change, and I believe they also do. But they have a lot more difficulty than us, and we understand their difficulties. They have to operate within the existing bureaucracy. And in certain cases in which they need to cooperate with the Union government, the minister gives one order, the director, another, and the permanent secretary, a completely different one. However, I'd like to urge the regional government to push through certain things when possible.

KZM: At the NLD's central executive committee meeting last year, the party's senior leader U Aung Kyi Nyunt said the NLD was facing three major dangers, and one of them was bribery. He meant that there was a danger of NLD members being bribed by rich and privileged elites, especially businesspeople. He warned of that. Are there links [between government officials and businesspeople] to grant land permits for public spaces?

KP: It is mainly about the land use policy in the municipal laws.

KZY: The Yangon mayor said at Parliament that the Yangon municipality has to consider social relations [regarding land grants]. This speaks for itself. You can draw various conclusions from this remark. If the opposition party draws conclusions from it, it will have even more meanings. In fact, we made a proposal about public spaces and it has been approved by Parliament. But, the government fails to fulfill its pledge.

KZM: How many land use permits were granted?

KP: We've mainly received complaints from Thaketa and Mayangone. And we're handling them. We don't know about what is happening in other places. We only know the cases when someone files a complaint with us.

KZM: Speaking of U Aung Kyi Nyunt's remark, he warned NLD party members about the danger of being bribed. He also talked about the haughtiness of some party members. Will you comment on this?

KP: We inevitably have to engage with businesspeople to a certain extent. Most of the country's money is in the hands of so-called cronies. We need to work together with them as best as we can. Given the current situation in Myanmar, it is impossible to improve the economy without them. Businesspeople tend to see things through their business eyes. So, those holding political posts need to consider this wisely.

The government might have a lot of difficulties and a lot of things to consider. We'll cooperate with them, and the government should also talk to us about its difficulties. We are close like brothers and sisters. Only when the government and Parliament push together, will we be able to achieve success in most of these areas.

KZM: There must be checks and balances between Parliament and the government, but at the same time, they should support each other. Speaking of national politics, things are not very encouraging. There are conflicts in Rakhine State and clashes in Shan State. Overall, developments are not good. What is your assessment of Yangon politics?

KP: Looking at Yangon alone, it is far from the issues you have mentioned. If you ask Yangon residents, they don't know much about it. They know a little bit about Rakhine State because there are Rakhine people as well as a high number of Muslims in Yangon. But speaking of the peace process, Yangon is far from the conflict areas, and Yangon's politics are not as bad as that of those areas.

But then, problems arose as undemocratic things emerged in Yangon's politics. For example, the ban on protesting in downtown areas has drawn criticism from the media. We should rely on the media as the Fourth Estate of the country. And at the same time, the media should have ethics.

Yangon's economy is important. If Yangon's economy collapsed, the national economy might also collapse. Politically, there are not many complications in Yangon. But its politics are largely connected with the economy.

Another thing is that Yangon should set the example of democratic norms for the whole country. Taking a look at the whole country, there is a lot of cause for concerns. But we're trying as much as we can. We don't expect the worst scenarios because we are doing the best we can.

KZM: U Kyaw Zeya, how do you assess Yangon's politics including the Yangon regional government, Parliament, major political parties and businesspeople?

KZY: Grassroots people make up the majority in Yangon. There are better job opportunities in Yangon than other regions and states. So people from other areas including Irrawaddy and Bago regions come to Yangon. Politics is about public affairs. The grassroots people are not that interested in the Rakhine issue. What they are interested in is the squatter problem.

We took the office, stating that we would accommodate the squatters. Our election declaration also adopted a policy to provide decent housing, in consideration of their human dignity for those who don't have houses because of natural disasters or economic hardship. It is almost two years now, and we still can't implement this. If we could solve the squatter problem as we have targeted, this would earn credit for both the government and Parliament. I'd like to urge the government to do it.

KZM: How would you envision Yangon city and Yangon Region as the regional lawmakers?

KZY: I'd like to see it as a boomtown without compromising our religious and cultural identity. I have been to Shanghai and Taiwan. They use rivers well. At night, rivers are illuminated with lights and are quite beautiful, and people cruise. We still can't do that on the Yangon River. We have Shwedagon Pagoda, which is in Phayagyi Ward. There is a square in front of the pagoda.

The Yangon regional government has organized New Year's Dhamma talks at the square. But then, I saw foreigners drinking beer and gazing at the Dhamma talks from the restaurants in the adjacent area of the square. I feel bitter about it. I have talked about it in Parliament. This is the cost of development. I told the government that though [foreign-imported] liquor is banned in Yangon, you can buy wine or liquor or anything else. I don't want our cultural identity to be compromised.

KP: I would like to keep Yangon as the commercial hub. But Yangon has a lot of things of great historical value, so it is also important to maintain it from that perspective. For example, there are a lot of historic places in Kyauktada and Pabedan. Those must be conserved. We would like to welcome new satellite town projects but there must be transparency. Those projects must provide job opportunities for residents. Yangon Region needs big activity that can result in an economic boom. This is also connected with the national economy of Myanmar.

We want Yangon to be expanded in a transparent manner in the interests of the people. Another important thing is Yangon residents should be able to earn their livelihoods with peace of mind. I don't mean everybody should be well off. But, they should all be free from hassle in earning their livelihoods. For example, street vendors should have places to sell conveniently and do good business. For taxi and bus drivers, I no longer want to hear them complaining about traffic congestion. Even if Yangon can't become very rich, I really want to see people leading a fairly easy life in Yangon.

KZM: Ma Kyi Pyar, U Kyaw Zeya, thank you for your contributions.

The post Yangon's Challenges Looking Forward appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Friday, January 26, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Rakhine Advisory Board Member Denies Richardson’s Departure Affects Panel’s Credibility

Posted: 26 Jan 2018 06:52 AM PST

YANGON – The resignation of Bill Richardson from the Advisory Board for the Committee for the Implementation of the Recommendations on Rakhine State will not tarnish the panel's credibility, board member Roelof Petrus Meyer said on Thursday.

Myanmar's de facto leader, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi established the board in December. Comprising five high-profile international figures and five local experts, it is chaired by former Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai and tasked with advising the implementation committee led by Social Welfare Minister Dr. Win Myat Aye.

The board nominees conducted a meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on Jan. 22. Vice president U Myint Swe and Union Minister Dr. Win Myat Aye also attended. During the meeting, Richardson tried to raise the issue of two Reuters reporters who have been detained in connection with their coverage of events in Rakhine. However, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi refused to discuss the issue, saying it was outside the scope of the advisory board's mandate.

The next day, Richardson, a former US ambassador to the United Nations and a long-time ally of the state counsellor, did not join the board as it left on a trip to Rakhine State. Richardson left Myanmar on Jan. 24 and issued a statement announcing his resignation from the board. In the statement he voiced his concern that the board would become a "cheerleading squad and whitewash for government policy."

Surakiart and three other board members — Urban Ahlin, a Swedish parliamentarian; Armenian-British doctor and Labour politician Prof. Lord Derzi of Denham; and Meyer, a former South African defense minister — returned to Yangon from Rakhine on Thursday.

Meyer took questions from journalists at the Chatrium Hotel in Yangon. He said, "I think Mr. Richardson was a little bit in a hurry to make that statement and it's unfair. And like our statement said, it is not a legitimate statement by him."

The State Counsellor's Office released a statement on Thursday evening regarding Richardson. It described his intent as "not to provide advice based on recommendations of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State chaired by Dr. Kofi Annan, but to pursue his own agenda."

Recently appointed Deputy Information Minister U Aung Hla Tun told reporters in Naypyidaw on Friday that Richardson had raised an issue that was beyond the commission's mandate, and pointed out that the trial of the two reporters could only be dealt with by the president. Attempts by others to intervene could be tantamount to contempt of court, the deputy minister said.

"Nobody should use this case for their personal advantage, such as to seek popularity or publicity," said U Aung Hla Tun, who added that putting pressure on the government in connection with the two detainees could be "counterproductive".

Some local observers have criticized Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for appointing international experts to advise on the Rakhine crisis, saying the cost is too high. They point to the case of Richardson, whose appointment has backfired by fuelling international criticism of the state counsellor. She has experienced sustained international condemnation in recent months regarding her perceived silence over the exodus of Rohingya refugees from northern Rakhine's Maungdaw District following military operations there. The UN described the military offensive as "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing."

Richardson also accused Daw Aung San Suu Kyi of disparaging UN and human rights workers, INGOs as well as the international community. Addressing that serious accusation, Meyer said his board completely understands the essential role of the international community and the UN in addressing Rakhine State's complex problems and pointed out that Richardson's comments represented his personal views.

"That's the observation of one individual and we don't need necessarily agree with it," he said.

Meyer, when asked whether Richardson's resignation hurt the team's credibility, especially in the eyes of the international community, said, "Not at all." He added, "I think it's clear from the points that we are raising in the last paragraph of the recommendations [in the board's first statement] that we made to the implementation committee that we are quite serious, very serious [about] what needs to be done."

The Advisory Board's statement urged the government to allow UN humanitarian work in conflict zones and access to media as soon as possible. He said the commission would provide free and frank advice to the implementation committee and was confident in its ability to address the Rakhine issue.

The Myanmar and Bangladesh governments initially agreed to start repatriating Rohingya refugees on Jan. 23, but the process has been delayed. The Myanmar government has announced that temporary camps are ready to accept verified returnees, though none had arrived as of Jan. 26.

The Advisory Board members visited several camps in Maungdaw and described their establishment as a positive step that would facilitate the refugees' safe return.

Meyer said, "It's quite clear that there is an effort being made and hopefully that will encourage people to come back."

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Safe but Stuck — Life Inside a Rohingya Refugee Camp

Posted: 26 Jan 2018 04:51 AM PST

COX'S BAZAR, BANGLADESH — Standing on a hilltop, Mintu Chandra Dey a local volunteer at the Balukhali Rohingya refugee camp, was waving a bamboo pole topped with a red flag.

He was trying to draw the attention of a train of people to show them the right path to makeshift shelters that had been built at the far end of the Balukhali refugee camp.

The Irrawaddy has learned that more than 25,000 new refugees have arrived at the camp since a repatriation deal was signed on Nov. 23. The signal from the torn flag seems at odds with the official story that the two countries are almost ready to start repatriating hundreds of thousands of Rohingya who fled Myanmar following a military crackdown against Muslim insurgents in Rakhine State in August last year.

The exodus from Myanmar continues. This group arrived in Naikkhongsori first. Assisted by the UNHCR, they will move into waiting shelters.(Photo: Tuhin Islam)

There are now more than 655,500 Rohingya Muslims who have taken refuge in the southern tip of Bangladesh, mostly in 12 makeshift campsites in Cox's Bazar's two sub-districts of Ukhiya and Teknaf.

The land on which the Balukhali camp sits was forest a few months ago. While Google Maps still shows a green undulating landscape, the bare hilltops now sport a forest of colorful flags of the many different countries supporting a huge aid intervention.

As far as the eyes can see are densely populated makeshift dwellings built on land that has been hurriedly cleared of vegetation, leaving the area vulnerable to mudslides on rainy days.

On entering the camp, it is apparent that it is more organized than any of the slums in Dhaka in terms of keeping it free of garbage and with an apparently well-established drainage system, thanks to the management of the national and foreign aid groups.

Along the web of pathways within the camps, people carry on with their daily lives, collecting and transporting aid supplies, hauling wood and other miscellaneous bundles, sitting by shops, and buying and selling goods.

Collecting relief supplies from different stations is one of the main jobs for camp dwellers.(Photo: Tuhin Islam)

Sahidul Amin, who along with his wife and seven children fled Myanmar after Aug. 25, was busy making a bamboo door for their makeshift room. Asked how he was faring, he said: "It feels good to be here."

Further questioned on whether he wanted to go back to Rakhine State, he quickly replied: "No, no, no. People are still coming."

"They [Myanmar people] will kill us if we go back again. We don't want to go even if our Muslim brothers [a reference to Bangladeshis] try to kill us right here. Right now there is a peace though."

While talking with Amin, another refugee who gave his name as Abu Taiyab appeared. Formerly a fisherman in Rakhine State and the father of four, he appeared more open to returning. "If they provide us with citizenship rights we will go back home," he said.

Alongside a pathway in the camps, a little notice advertised the broadcast of a Barcelona versus Real Madrid football match in three different languages — Burmese, English and Bengali — scheduled for 2 a.m.

The flyer was attached to the wall of a flimsily built shop selling tea, coffee, biscuits, betel leaves and so on. On top was a huge solar panel with a large battery that powered a television set. Inside the shop, which was bigger than many of the others around, were rows of wooden chairs.

Shop owner Mohammad Karimullah said he had been a merchant back in Myanmar so he continued to ply his trade here. "I started with 1,000 takas. Sales are slow though — only 400 to 500 takas a day," he added.

In front of the shop, some workers were making a shanty for newcomers. Karimullah said the workers are typically paid TK150 to 200 per day. "The wage is low," he said.

With a shop owner named Mohammad Karimullah.(Photo: Tuhin Islam)

There are a number of schools and Madrasas scattered throughout the camp, nearly all are full of children. The sound of chanting from the Quran can be heard often. Children in the schools were seen learning math by counting from one to 10.

Mohammad Mia, 22, a local volunteer at the Daskinayan Child Learning Center-1, said a total of 111 children were being taught in three shifts a day at this one center. "Here we teach up to second grade," he said.

A new road connecting the Balukhali and Kutupalong camps is under construction. Microbuses ferrying aid workers and administrators shuttled in and out. Excavators were engaged in leveling hills to smooth the ride. Large areas are fenced off inside the camps for UNHCR officials.

"This area is for office space for the UNHCR," said Jafarullah, 25, a Rohingya refugee who has become a volunteer watchman for the UN refugee agency.

Demanding punishment for the massive crackdown in Rakhaine state, Mohammad Anos, a Rohingya refugee who serves as a community volunteer, said "we had no other way but to flee here to save our lives."

There are many such fenced-off areas that have been set up to support the aid workers.

Two adjacent bridges made of bamboo and wood span a tiny river that runs through the camps, allowing passage for pedestrians and bicycles.

Saker, 12, returns to his family after collecting already-prepared food and warm clothes from a distribution point in Balukhali-2 Camp.(Photo: Tuhin Islam)

Although the camps look settled and supplied with sufficient aid, it remains a stressful environment.

The agony of the Rohingya people here has been deepened by internal clashes, killings, and outbreaks of disease, which are considered everyday happenings.

Repartition Efforts and Contradictions

Amid the ongoing crisis, a much more detailed plan for the repatriation of the Rohingya refugees was announced by the Bangladesh-Myanmar joint working group on Jan. 16, as part of the deal signed on Nov. 23 last year.

According to the agreement, Bangladesh would create five transit camps on its side of the border, while Myanmar would build two similar camps in its side. The treaty allows for the return of refugees who fled to Bangladesh since October 2016.

Myanmar has initially agreed to take back 1,500 refugees a week with both governments committing to complete the return of all the Rohingya refugees within two years if possible.

The initial steps have won some praise. But questions were raised as well.

Local people at Cox's Bazar noted that if Myanmar took back 1,500 refugees per week it implies only 78,000 refugees would be repatriated in 52 weeks. What then would happen to the rest of the refugees?

Dainik Cox's Bazar, a local newspaper, published a report on Jan. 23 claiming that there had been no safe and sustainable repatriations following similar crises in 1978, 1992, and 2005.

It recalled that more than 4,000 Rohingya refugees verified by Myanmar in 1992 hadn't been taken back despite pledges from Myanmar to do so.

It also noted that Myanmar had begun building around 625 houses over an area of 125 acres in Foyekhong to house returning Rohingya refugees.

Meanwhile, the beginning of the gradual repatriation of the more than 650,000 Rohingya refugees, which was supposed to have started on Jan. 23, has been delayed due to complications.

Human Rights Watch 23 issued a press release earlier in January urging the suspension of the repatriation. "Rohingya refugees shouldn't be returned to camps guarded by the very same Burmese forces who forced them to flee massacres and gang rapes, and torched villages," said the organization's Asia director, Brad Adams.

Shirin Akhter, a communications officer at the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Dhaka told this correspondent that the Rohingya are still coming. "We received 150 more Rohingya people yesterday [Thursday]," he said.
According to news reports, the Rohingya refugees have staged at least five rallies in different campsites since Dec. 9 to bring attention to an eight-point list of demands including equal citizenship rights in Rakhine State. Without these demands being met, they said they wouldn't go back home.

The camps sit on around 3,000 acres of land divided into 20 blocks. The aid efforts and security have been coordinated by the local district administration. At least 93 local and foreign NGOs operate in the Ukhiya and Teknaf refugee camps.
According to a reliable source, the administration recently deemed some NGOs to have been engaged in inappropriate activities and urged them to ensure accountability among themselves.

The NGO Bureau subsequently banned some 12 NGOs from the camps for what it said were improper activities. Outside of the camps, there have also been demonstrations by local groups in favor of repatriation of the Rohingya.

Though locals have welcomed the repatriation deal and have praised the humanitarian efforts by Bangladesh, they seem to be unhappy with the agreement at the government level.

Cox's Bazar Civil Society President Abu Morshed Chowdhury Khoka told journalists that the Myanmar people, Buddhist monks and the army in Rakhine State should be bound by commitments to their Muslim neighbors.

He urged both countries to agree to a United Nation's peacekeeping mission to support a sustainable repatriation.
Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner Mohammad Abul Kalam told this correspondent over the phone on Jan. 23 that the repatriation effort was ongoing.

He said that before starting on the main task of repatriating the refugees a list would need to be compiled on the basis of family ties and then it would be coordinated at the village and regional levels.

"We have been doing our best," he said.

A document called a Verification Form for Residents of Myanmar obtained by this correspondent reads, "I apply to return and live in Myanmar voluntarily without any threat and encouragement. If permission is granted to me to enter Myanmar, I will abide by the existing laws of Myanmar."

Potential returnees are also required to provide some other essential documents such as card numbers, photos and lists of everything believed to have been destroyed in their torched Rakhine homes.

However, the local volunteer Mintu Chandra Dey, reached by phone while filing this story on Friday, said he continues to guide new arrivals along the pathways to the Balukhali shanties on a daily basis.

Nure Alam Durjoy is a Dhaka-based journalist contributing to The Irrawaddy.

The post Safe but Stuck — Life Inside a Rohingya Refugee Camp appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Hit by Half the Total of Last Year’s Quakes in January

Posted: 26 Jan 2018 04:24 AM PST

Myanmar was hit by almost half the number of earthquakes it saw last year in January 2018 alone, according to the Department of Meteorology and Hydrology (DMH).

"There have been 34 earthquakes so far. They struck western and northwestern Myanmar and Phyu, and some of them were aftershocks. The one with the highest magnitude registered 6.0 on the Richter scale," assistant director Dr. Yin Myo Min Htway of the Seismology Division of the DMH told the Irrawaddy.

Myanmar experienced 32 inland quakes and 2 offshore quakes in Myanmar waters in the Andaman Sea in January while it was rocked by about 70 earthquakes in 2017 including 69 inland quakes and one offshore one, according to the official.

Frequent tremors at the beginning of the year were aftershocks of the earthquake that hit Phyu, it was learned.

As the DMH has installed better seismometers, almost every earthquake was recorded precisely, according to Dr. Myo Thant, vice chairman of the Myanmar Earthquake Committee.

An earthquake with a magnitude of 6.0 hit the northwestern area of Phyu Township in Bago Region on the morning of January 12, triggering aftershocks.

With a higher potential for earthquakes of magnitude 7.0 and above along the Sagaing Fault, it is important to be prepared for earthquakes instead of just worrying about them, Dr. Myo Thant said.

"People are killed or injured not because of earthquakes but because of buildings. It is vital for people to check whether their buildings can withstand earthquakes. Preparedness can reduce damage and causalities during an earthquake," he added.

It is essential to understand how to respond in an earthquake and to know where the safe places to go are, said U Saw Htway Zaw, vice chairman of the earthquake committee.

"It is necessary to know whether one's house is safe or which part of the house is safe and which part is unsafe. People should consult with seismic experts for their safety," he said.

Myanmar was rocked by a number of earthquakes on January 25, including two striking Myanmar waters with magnitudes 5.9 and 5.8 respectively, one registering 3.7 near Tachilek in Shan State and another one with magnitude 4.5 near Kalay in Chin State, according to the DMH.

The earthquake registering 5.8 on the Richter scale, which struck 5 miles northwest of Taikkyi on March 13, 2017, caused damage and injuries and was the highest magnitude in Myanmar that year.

The post Myanmar Hit by Half the Total of Last Year's Quakes in January appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Travel Restrictions in Karenni State to Ease Soon

Posted: 26 Jan 2018 04:19 AM PST

YANGON — The national government has tentatively lifted tourist travel restrictions on parts of Karenni State once entirely off limits to visitors for security reasons, according to the Karenni State Directorate of Hotels and Tourism.

The government agreed to lift the restrictions earlier this month, though an official order has yet to be issued.

“Tourists were allowed to visit only Loikaw in the past. Prior permission had to be sought for visiting Demoso. Now restrictions have been lifted on some areas where tourists were completely prohibited,” directorate chief U Lin Zaw Htut told The Irrawaddy.

Tourists can now visit the villages of Panpet and Tanilale in Demoso Township and the towns of Bawlakhe, Hpasawng and Mese along a local trade route connecting Myanmar to Thailand.

Most of Karenni State was once controlled or contested by ethnic armed groups.

Foreigners were finally allowed to travel to Loikaw by the previous administration of U Thein Sein. Later on, tourists were allowed to travel to Panpet and Tanilale with prior permissions from authorities as part of efforts to boost community-based tourism.

"Tourists had to seek prior permissions from the state government to visit these places three to five days in advance. Some foreigners who wanted to visit them as soon as they arrived could not do so. So we asked authorities to lift the travel restrictions. Travel restrictions were in place in the past because the state was not peaceful" U Lin Zaw Htut said.

While domestic tourism to Karenni State has been on the rise lately, foreign visitor numbers remain low.

The Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), one of Myanmar's many ethnic armed groups, has signed ceasefire agreements with the state and union governments, but it has yet to join the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).

"Security conditions in the state have improved. Although disputes arise between them [the KNPP and authorities], there has been no fighting. The KNPP has also told local residents that they would not disturb local or foreign tourists and that they could travel freely. The group said it wanted to see tourist development," said U Thein Lwin of the Union of Myanmar Travel Associations (Karenni).

U Soe Htwe, chairman of the Hoteliers Association (Karenni Zone), said the request to lift the travel restrictions was submitted to the vice president's office.

"The travel ban that restricted foreigners for many years was lifted after State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi visited the state. The application for official permission was submitted on Jan. 22. The vice president will hold a meeting on the permission on Jan. 26. Official permission will be granted soon," he said.

The association says tourists were annoyed by delays in getting the travel permits and a ban on overnight stays.

"Now tourists can visit the areas any time. They can spend the night there. Local people can entertain them with traditional dances and songs while selling their local products. Their livelihoods will improve as their income increases," the chairman said.

Tourist arrivals in Karenni State in 2016-17, with a new NLD-led government in power, rose 65 percent year-on-year.

U Htay Aung, a veteran tour guide, expects those numbers to rise further once the KNPP signs the NCA and more parts of the state are opened up to visitors.

"Many places in the state are still restricted for foreigners. Take Htekho in Hpruso Township and Dawtamagyi in Demoso Township. Tourists like these destinations very much. The situation will improve once the KNPP has signed the NCA," he told the Irrawaddy.

U Lin Zaw Htut said negotiations are also underway to open a border gate between the state's Mese Township and Thailand's Mae Hong Son Province. Authorities have already made field trips to the site.

"About 3 million tourists visit Mae Hong Son every year. They will visit here when the border gate opens. It was supposed to open in Karenni State in January but only 50 tourists visited on the day of a friendship tour between the foreign ministries of the two countries. The border gate will open soon," he said.

Karenni State hosted 16,000 local tourists in 2016 and 34,000 last year. It also hosted 6,300 foreign tourists in 2016 and 9,000 in 2017.

Translated from Burmese by Myint Win Thein.

The post Travel Restrictions in Karenni State to Ease Soon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NLD Lawyer’s Loss Still Felt One Year Later

Posted: 26 Jan 2018 03:24 AM PST

YANGON — U Ko Ni, the prominent Muslim lawyer who represented countless families and individuals for more than four decades, would have never imagined that he would become the center of a high-profile criminal case. He was shot at close range in broad daylight by a gunman on Jan. 29 last year and his death became one of the most talked about incidents in news. He was 63.

The reason behind his assassination is still unclear, while Monday marks one year since the tragic event.
The National League for Democracy (NLD) legal advisor was also a constitutional expert who had long lobbied for the drafting of a new national Constitution as the current charter was drafted by the military and criticized as undemocratic. Many speculated that his agitation for constitutional change was the reason he was killed. While the motive for the murder has never been satisfactorily explained, according to the minister for home affairs, it was a "personal grudge" on the part of the arrested suspects, who he said were "resentful" of U Ko Ni's political activities. However, many suspect the involvement of more powerful people eager to put an end to the reform efforts of the prominent NLD lawyer.

The Katha native came to Yangon in 1971 to study law at Yangon University. Born to a poor family that couldn't afford to pay for his studies, he had to work for his tuition fees. He became a lawyer in 1976.

The author of several law-related books under the pseudonym Maung Ko Ni, he was praised by veteran Myanmar journalist and prominent author Maung Wuntha for constantly fighting injustice. He once wrote that U Ko Ni reminded him of Perry Mason, a fictional defense lawyer in the detective stories of best-selling American author Erle Stanley Gardner of the 20th century. The main difference between the two men would be their specializations—Perry Mason handled criminal trials and U Ko Ni mainly worked on civil suits, Maung Wuntha said.

The Certificate of Schuman Award given to U Ko Ni by the European Union in Myanmar after his death last year. (Photo: Myo Min Soe/ The Irrawaddy)

U Ko Ni is survived by his wife and three children. Ma Yin Nwe Khaing, 34, is the eldest one.

Her last conversation with her late father U Ko Ni was about cherries. Ma Yin Nwe Khaing was at the Yangon International Airport to pick him up as he returned from Indonesia. Her uncle drove her to the airport and she brought her nephew with her. After her father exited the gate, he told her that he bought some cherries from Indonesia for his great-nephew that he would love, as they were not sour. "He has never eaten cherries before, has he?" her father asked her.

Everything happened in an instant. Outside the terminal, she was talking to her uncle over the phone, saying that they were ready to get into the car. She heard a pop and saw her father fall onto the pavement, holding her nephew. As a doctor, her first instinct was that her father had an acute stroke. She didn't think that the loud noise she heard was the gunfire that killed her father, even when she saw blood coming from his head.

"I have never seen a gun or a shooting in my life, so I couldn't relate these two things," Ma Yin Nwe Khaing recounted why she didn't recognize the sound of gunfire.

The slender woman recalled her father's murder a year ago as a "great shock" to her. Yet, she dealt with the incident calmly.

"I quickly accepted that it was finished. Whoever did it, it was a reality that he was gone," she said. "But someone just died and what next? How am I going to handle this case?" she shared how she was calming herself down right after her father was murdered.

The death of her father was, she said, the loss of "everything" to her.

"No words can describe such a loss. [A father] is irreplaceable. Everybody can understand this feeling, I believe," she said.

Ma Yin Nwe Khaing, the eldest child of U Ko Ni, poses for a portrait at the Laurel Law Firm office. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing)

A Man of Principles

Like other Muslim children, Ma Yin Nwe Khaing addresses her father as "Papa." She remembers that her father U Ko Ni always wore a serious face and never showed intimacy to his family. He never scolded or shouted at her or her siblings either, but they were afraid of him because of his seriousness.

Working as an assistant lecturer at the Yangon University of Nursing, she feels thankful to U Ko Ni for being a supportive father throughout her career pursuit and never forcing any of his children's decisions.
She still remembers what he told her when she said she wanted to be a doctor.

"He said there were two professions in which other people's pressures become our own; doctor and lawyer. He told me he had no objection if I could deal with this for my entire life, but that I would be responsible for my choice," she recalled.

"He talked very little but trained us imperceptibly on how he wanted us to be," Ma Yin Nwe Khaing said. "For me, he was a man of principles," she added.

Ko San Naing, U Ko Ni’s confidant, poses for a portrait at the Laurel Law Firm office. Despite more than 20 years of knowing U Ko Ni, they never had a picture taken together, Ko San Naing said. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing)

Father Figure

Ko San Naing, U Ko Ni's confidant for more than 20 years, shares Ma Yin Nwe Khaing's loss. Ko San Naing first met U Ko Ni on Nov. 27, 1995, when he came to U Ko Ni to work at his law firm because he couldn't focus on his studies after his mother passed away. Since that day, Ko San Naing never quit that job. To him, he said, U Ko Ni was a father figure.

"He gave me parental love and treated me like his own son when I was hungry for that after my parents died," Ko San Naing said. He devoted his time to U Ko Ni and the two became so close that he even consulted U Ko Ni for advice regarding his relationship. He once brought his girlfriend to U Ko Ni to introduce her.

He still remembers how U Ko Ni's face turned red when he failed his final year exam in university.

"He said pointing at a stick, 'if you fail again next year, I don't even say this to my children—look at that! I will really hit you with that. I am serious,'" Ko San Naing said with a laugh. When he finally passed the exam, U Ko Ni held a celebration for him.

"Since I lost both of my parents, he was my only attachment," Ko San Naing said with tearful eyes. "Now that he is no longer with us, I don't even know what to do here at the law firm. I feel so empty."

Even though the two had known each other for 22 years, he said, they had never taken a picture together.

Continuing His Fight For Justice and Equality

The tall figure who was always seen wearing a pair of glasses on a chain was also the legal advisor to the country's ruling National League for Democracy (NLD). Though U Ko Ni was a constant advocate for law enforcement and justice, justice has not been served for him even a year after his death.

The trial has been ongoing for 10 months for Kyi Lin and three other suspects accused of involvement in the assassination. However, former lieutenant colonel Aung Win Khaing, who is also on the police's wanted list as a main conspirator behind the assassination, is still at large. Police told a Yangon court in June that they had no new leads in locating the fugitive. The court has finished examining nearly all of the 80 suspects to date.

U Ko Ni's colleague U Khin Maung Htay and his close friend U Nay La are the two lawyers who are trying to get justice for his assassination.

U Nay La, a close friend of U Ko Ni and one of the lawyers who represents the slain lawyer’s family in his murder trial. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing)

U Nay La had known U Ko Ni since 1973 when they were both law students at Yangon University. U Ko Ni graduated from the university two years earlier than him but both did their internships at the office of acclaimed lawyer U Ko Yu. After their internships, they taught private law classes together for about three years while struggling to start their careers.

While U Ko Ni continued teaching for many more years, U Nay La quit in 1982 and focused on handling lawsuits. They sometimes coincidently had to work on the same case representing different sides in court, but they remained good friends outside of the courtroom.

"Though we keenly confronted each other inside the courtroom for our respective clients, we never discussed our suits outside," U Nay La said.

They stayed connected throughout their careers. As per NLD leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's instruction, the two helped establish the Independent Lawyers' Association of Myanmar, aiming for judicial reform in the country.

"I never thought I'd be working on my friend's murder case," U Nay La said.

"I accepted the case without hesitation when all of his law firm colleagues asked me to coordinate the case because it was not merely the case of U Ko Ni but of the whole legal community."

"If he were still alive, I believe, he would not be satisfied with what I have done in his case," U Nay La said.

If U Ko Ni's death impacted many people, there is no exception to his colleague U Khin Maung Htay. He attended U Ko Ni's law class after he was released from prison in 1977. Since becoming a lawyer in 1980, he said, U Ko Ni helped shape his career as a mentor. In 1995, the two cofounded Laurel Law Firm with another senior lawyer and collaborated on many suits since.

U Khin Maung Htay, a colleague of U Ko Ni and one of the lawyers who represents the slain lawyer’s family in his murder trial. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing)

"He treated people equally. We were teacher and student, colleagues, and friends," U Khin Maung Htay said. "But he didn't like our teacher-student relationship. He said we were both lawyers and should be regarded as colleagues."

"Losing him was like losing a big brother who always had my back. I will never get his help again," he said, adding that he misses U Ko Ni terribly whenever he faces difficulty working on suits.

U Ko Ni managed to succeed in his law career despite the discrimination he faced just for being a Muslim, U Nay La said. "Our struggles were nothing compared to his even though we both were poor when we were in university," he explained.

Even though Buddhist nationalists always singled out his faith to attack him, U Ko Ni was a very liberal-minded Muslim who regarded himself as a Myanmar citizen.

"He always encouraged people to keep a 'Myanmar citizen' attitude regardless of their different ethnic backgrounds," U Khin Maung Htay recalled.

Growing up, Ma Yin Nwe Khaing never heard her father blame a different faith or religion. He taught his children to respect every religion and that the fundamentals of every religion are the same, she said.

"If someone is not a good person, it is not about his or her faith but merely about the person," she said was what her father used to teach his children.

When asked what kind of result she expects from her father's murder trial, she responded immediately that she wants "law enforcement," which her father constantly talked about until his death.

"Law must be enforced. It is important not only for me but also for our country," she said.

Tin Htet Paing is a freelance journalist and photographer based in Yangon. She previously worked at The Irrawaddy as a reporter for three years.

The post NLD Lawyer's Loss Still Felt One Year Later appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

YHT Founder Wins India’s Padma Award for Public Affairs

Posted: 26 Jan 2018 02:59 AM PST

YANGON — Myanmar's well-known historian and founder of the Yangon Heritage Trust (YHT) Dr. Thant Myint-U has been named on Thursday as a recipient of India's Padma Shri award in the field of public affairs.

The Padma awards, one of the highest civilian honors given by India's government, are announced annually on the eve of Republic Day.

The awards are conferred in three categories: Padma Vibhushan, Padma Bhushan and Padama Shri. This year, there are total 85 Padma awardees: 3 Padma Vibhushan, 9 Padma Bhushan and 73 Padma Shri.

Padma Shri, the fourth highest civilian honor, is given for distinguished contribution in various fields including arts, education, medicine, public affairs and industry.

Ten individuals from ASEAN countries have been chosen in this year's Padma Shri, aimed to promote India's ties with the bloc.

As founder of the YHT, Dr. Thant Myint-U has sought to preserve Yangon's architectural legacy. A grandson of the third United Nations secretary-general U Thant, he has also held numerous United Nations (UN) positions.

He is also the author of four books including Where China Meets India: Burma and the New Crossroads of Asia.

He said he is deeply honored by the very unexpected award.

"India has always had a special place in my heart since I was very young.  As a student of history I've long appreciated the deep ties this country has had with the civilisation across the Bay.  At Cambridge I focused on the study of British India and for my books India has been a big part. One of the best things I ever did was travel around India for two months in the mid-1990s, a trip I'll never forget," he told The Irrawaddy via e-mail.

"I hope in at least a small way this award will help further strengthen what are already very good relations between India and Myanmar."

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Coral Reefs Get Sick from Plastic Waste: Study

Posted: 25 Jan 2018 10:32 PM PST

OSLO — Billions of bits of plastic waste are entangled in corals and sickening reefs from Thailand to Australia’s Great Barrier Reef, scientists said on Thursday.

The trash is another pressure on corals, already suffering from overfishing, rising temperatures caused by climate change and other pollution.

In the Asia-Pacific region a total of 11.1 billion plastic items — including shopping bags, fishing nets, even diapers and tea bags — are ensnared on reefs, the scientists wrote in the journal Science.

They projected the numbers would rise by 40 percent by 2025 as marine pollution gets steadily worse.

The plastic increases the likelihood of disease about 20 times, to 89 percent for corals in contact with plastics from four percent in comparable areas with none.

Trash may damage the tiny coral animals that build reefs, making them more vulnerable to illness. And bits of plastic may act as rafts for harmful microbes in the oceans.

Scientists were shocked to find plastic even in remote reefs.

“You could be diving and you think someone’s tapping your shoulder but it’s just a bottle knocking against you, or a plastic trash bag stuck on your tank,” lead author Joleah Lamb of Cornell University told Reuters.

“It’s really sad,” she said.

“Corals are animals like us and have really thin tissues that can be cut and wounded, especially if they are cut by an item covered in all sorts of micro-organisms,” she said.

The scientists, from the United States, Australia, Thailand, Myanmar, Canada and Indonesia, surveyed 159 reefs from 2011 to 2014 in the Asia-Pacific region.

They found most plastic in Indonesia, with about 26 bits per 100 square meters (1,076 square feet) of reef, and the least off Australia, which has the strictest waste controls.

The link between disease and plastic may well apply to other reefs such as in the Caribbean and off Africa, and may be harming other life on the ocean floor such as sponges or kelp, Lamb said.

At least 275 million people worldwide live near reefs, which provide food, coastal protection and income from tourism. The presence of plastics seemed especially to aggravate some common coral afflictions, such as skeletal eroding band disease.

The scientists urged tougher restrictions on plastic waste. In December, almost 200 nations agreed to limit plastic pollution of the oceans, warning that it could outweigh all fish by 2030.

Co-author Douglas Rader of the US Environmental Defense Fund said better management of fisheries was the best way to strengthen coral reefs to enable them to fend off man-made threats such as more plastics.

"This is not a story about 'let's give up on corals,'" he told Reuters.

"Overfishing today is the biggest threat," Rader added.

He said nations from Belize to the Philippines were acting to regulate fisheries on corals.

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US Urges Russia and Myanmar to Reconsider Fighter Jet Deal

Posted: 25 Jan 2018 10:27 PM PST

WASHINGTON — The United States called on Russia and Myanmar on Thursday to reconsider a reported agreement for the supply of Russian fighter planes to the Southeast Asian country.

Russian media quoted the Defense Ministry in Moscow as saying this week that Russia would sell six SU-30 planes to Myanmar. The RIA news agency said Myanmar, which is also known as Burma, was interested in buying other Russian military hardware for its land and naval forces.

"We've seen some new troubling media reports that Russia intends to sell SU-30 fighter jets to the Burmese armed forces," US State Department spokeswoman Heather Nauert told a news briefing.

"The reports, if confirmed, serve as another reminder of Russia's continued efforts to arm militaries that flagrantly violate human rights," she said.

Nauert referred to the Myanmar military's treatment of minority Rohingya Muslims in the country’s Rakhine State, which had prompted the flight of 680,000 to Bangladesh.

"While the Russian Federation says it favors constructive dialogue to resolve the crisis in Burma, the reports of plans to sell advanced military technology, if true, show otherwise."

"We urge the governments of both Russia and Burma to reconsider a further buildup in arms and fully commit their efforts to finding a peaceful and stable solution to that crisis," she said.

The Myanmar military cracked down last year in the northern part of Rakhine State in response to militant attacks on security forces.

The United States previously urged countries to suspend arms sales to Myanmar in response to the crackdown.

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Justice Must Guide the Government’s Handling of Rakhine State’s Problems

Posted: 25 Jan 2018 06:00 PM PST

Close observers of Myanmar's internal issues, particularly conflict situations, will recognize a pattern in the responses to controversial events. There are two opposing narratives; one from the government, which straightforwardly asserts there has been "no wrongdoing," and another from the affected community, which bitterly rejects the actions of authorities.

The official line is systematically constructed using legal technicalities to defend the government's position. Local communities largely resort to free social media platforms to spread their first-hand accounts, sometimes backed up with hard evidence. The recent crisis in Mrauk-U, in which seven people lost their lives and more than a dozen were injured, was not a unique one. It fits into a pattern that includes the murders of teachers from Kachin, and the popular protest against the Letpadaung copper mine, in which Daw Khin Win lost her life to a police bullet. Presumably, the Mrauk-U case will lead to the same outcome: impunity and no one being held accountable.

The arrest of the rabidly nationalist politician Dr. Aye Maung and the violence in Mrauk-U have added complexity to an already complicated situation in Rakhine State. The Myanmar government is currently working to repatriate Rohingya who fled to Bangladesh in recent months. This is a very unpopular decision internally and the National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government needs to mobilize public support, particularly from Rakhine residents. This is needed to bring some stability to the region, but the different sides are not speaking the same language.

Politically, mainstream parties have not been able to make inroads in central Rakhine State, where the nationalist Arakan National Party (ANP) holds a strong position. It has never been easy for newly elected governments to impose their will. The ANP and NLD have been involved in a number of high-profile disputes, from the selection of the chief minister to, most recently, the impeachment of the NLD-appointed municipal minister. In addition to these specific conflicts, the NLD government has failed to effectively engage with the local community. Now, by arresting a popular lawmaker, it has again triggered public outrage, with two serious effects: The arrest has created a legal and political controversy, and also seen the culture of political violence spread, deeply undermining the government's mandate to uphold the rule of law.

The Rakhine public was already on edge over the arrest on similar charges a couple of months ago of social activist Ann Thar Gyi and a prominent monk. But this time, arresting another writer and lawmaker has far more significance and potential pitfalls. Charging Dr. Aye Maung with crimes against the state and treason is undoubtedly serious and requires careful consideration. Charging him with unlawful association is ironic. If you look carefully at Dr. Aye Maung's comments, they were as controversial as ever but hardly new. He is well known for his nationalist sentiment and for speaking out. The only question here is why the authorities chose to arrest him at that particular time, coinciding with a major event in Mrauk-U. Government newspapers fanned the flames with strongly opinionated pieces interpreting what constitutes treason and crimes against the state, and how those who commit them should be punished. These were reminiscent of articles published under the old military regime.

During this time of peace building and developing a democratic society, in which freedom of expression and a strong media are very important, the government's ability to ensure that freedom of expression is not arbitrarily restricted is very much in question. What would be the repercussions for the media environment if pro-establishment outlets gain the upper hand? On the other hand, reining in hate speech and ethnic nationalist sentiment by various groups is an increasingly important task. Not having full authority over security is another factor. But, to be sure, it is not enough to point the finger at individuals. We need to challenge the underlying legal and political imperatives.

Apart from the arrest of Dr. Aye Maung, the way the government handled the situation on the celebration of the 233rd anniversary of the fall of the Rakhine Dynasty, blocking permission to hold a lecture and responding violently to the mob in Mrauk-U, deserves denunciation and an independent investigation. As stated above, right after the shootings, authorities had an answer ready. Meanwhile, the people of Rakhine are upset and these emotions are ripe for manipulation. This was clearly seen in the death of the young protesters, who were vulnerable to that sort of mobilization. This should serve as a lesson, which we should not soon forget, for regional politicians who are quick to mobilize their communities with inflammatory rhetoric. This local culture of violence should not be allowed to take root. If you look at the overall picture, it is not difficult to understand the reasons behind the latent anger which finally exploded into violence. There was already serious discontent and a feeling of marginalization and exclusion from the political process. Some nationalists are going to great lengths to exploit this. Practically, it is challenging the mandate of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government to uphold the rule of law.

The two events may be linked but this does not necessarily mean the relationship is cause-and-effect. The earlier event was responsible for the ferocity of the later one. But, that should not conceal underlying grievances. Violence on the streets was transformed in the following days into a war of hate speech on social media. The division was clear between the Burman majority, who see an act of betrayal to the Union, and the Rakhine population, who believe they were simply exercising their right to observe a historical event. On that front, the government has been somewhat successful in convincing the majority – who already had an underlying dislike of Dr. Aye Maung – that it is protecting the state. Strangely, this account omits to mention the failure to control the crowd, armed only with its anger, a failure that ultimately led to the loss of seven young lives. If the two cases are not considered separately as both legal-political and violent challenges to the rule of law – not only by an angry crowd but also by security forces – then accountability will be made more difficult to achieve.

There is no space here to consider many other critical questions, including: What are the implications for other conflicts in Rakhine State, let alone for the wider peace process? How will other ethnic groups interpret this incident? Will it lead to increased recruitment for the Arakan Army, which is actively trying to increase its numbers? What are the structural factors that led to the violence? Finding answers to these questions could yield some solutions, in both the short and long terms. But whatever the questions and answers, the central theme, which is fundamental to our society, must be "justice." The ultimate question – and the one that interests me most – is how the government will find a just resolution to the legal debate over the lawmaker, whatever his background, and see that justice is done for the lives lost. Only justice can make a community feel safe and secure, and drive out irrational fears. Justice must be the key message for the people of Rakhine State.

Ye Min Zaw is a scholar of international development studies focusing on peace processes, transitional issues and Rakhine affairs.

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