NAYPYITAW — A spokesman for the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) on Sunday denied reports that State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would be retiring any time soon.
"There are reports that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would retire. I didn't say that. I said she would be able to retire soon if party members worked hard. It is what she always says. But it doesn't mean she will retire soon," U Myo Nyunt told The Irrawaddy.
He made the remarks following media reports that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who also chairs the NLD, told members of her party’s Central Executive Committee (CEC) on Saturday that she would like to stand down if possible.
The meeting in Naypyitaw was just a social gathering and political issues were not discussed, U Myo Nyunt said.
"It was just a casual conversation. It has been a long time since she last met with CEC members. And as [vice president-elect] U Win Myint is about to take the top job, we had a social gathering with old and new executives," he said.
The military-drafted 2008 Constitution bars government officials from being involved in party politics, so the social gathering was therefore legal, the spokesman added.
"She must remain the leader of the country, considering her influence and caliber. It is not because we don't sympathize with her [considering her age and workload]. But she should hold an important role in the country as long as she is alive, and I believe she will," said NLD lawmaker U Nay Myo Tun, who represents Yangon Region's Htantabin Township.
"She said she was old and would like to retire as a way of giving her party members friendly encouragement to work harder," he added.
The 73-year-old was too exhausted to speak during a trip to Australia last week and spent most of her time there in bed, said NLD CEC member U Win Htein, who visited her in Australia.
"Far from chatting with her, she was sick in bed because of jet lag. She had to cancel her speech, and the meeting with the Australian chief minister," U Win Htein told The Irrawaddy.
The Union Parliament approved more than 6.4 billion kyats (US$7.8 million) for the Ministry of Transport and Communications to monitor the internet for people who use it to "harm the stability" of the country. The Social Media Monitoring Team was formed with the approval of the Union government in February to identify those who instigate political instability on the Internet and social media.
Tuesday (March 20)
The Union Parliament passed the draft Union Taxation Law 2018, agreeing that a separate law would be required for taxation on income from unidentified sources. According to the law, anyone with a minimum annual income of 4.8 million kyats is liable to pay income tax.
Wednesday (March 21)
Lower House Speaker U Win Myint resigned from his post shortly after President U Htin Kyaw's sudden departure the same day, prompting speculation that he will be Myanmar's next president.
Thursday (March 22)
U T Khun Myat, an ex-lawmaker of the Union Solidarity and Development Party was elected as the Lower House speaker, and U Tun Aung aka U Tun Tun Hein of the National League for Democracy as the deputy speaker. Having stepped down as president before serving his full term and without citing ill health, outgoing president U Htin Kyaw is not entitled to a pension or gratuity, according to lawmakers.
Friday (March 23)
U Win Myint, who resigned as the Lower House speaker on Wednesday, and U Thaung Aye of Pyawbwe Township were nominated to be vice-president. U Win Myint was elected as the third vice-president, one of the three to then be voted the next president.
Kyaw Kha: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we discuss the latest developments in Myanmar's peace process. Vice-chairman Ko Myo Win of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF), and political and ethnic affairs analyst U Than Soe Naing join me for the discussion. I'm The Irrawaddy Burmese edition chief reporter Kyaw Kha.
U Than Soe Naing, which stage has Myanmar's peace process reached? Considering the fresh clashes, is it reversing or has it stalled?
'If an Ethnic Group is Excluded, We Can't Say the Peace Process is Complete'The peace process appears stuck and at risk of giving up hard-won gains. Dateline Irrawaddy discusses what needs to be done to turn the momentum around.
Than Soe Naing: For the time being, it is fair to say that the peace process has stalled. The [third session of] the Union Peace Conference—21st Century Panglong—has been put off three times now. The government said that it would be held in early May, but the preconditions have not been fulfilled. There is a big hurdle facing signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) holding national-level political dialogue. This problem has not yet been solved. And as long as this problem remains unsolved, there is no way the third session of the 21st Panglong Conference can be held. I don't know whether I would call this stalled or in reverse, but clashes are still going on between the Northern Alliance and the military. Overall, the peace process is stalled rather than making progress, and there is a need for greater efforts.
KK: Ko Myo Win, why do you think has this happened?
Myo Win: The peace process is broad, and there are two main parts — cooperation between NCA signatories and the government on implementation of the NCA, and secondly, negotiations between non-signatories and the government, as total inclusiveness is vital for the peace process. Assessing both parts, (progress has) not been satisfactory, but has stalled, as U Than Soe Naing has assessed. The implementation of the NCA has stalled, and so has the communication and negotiation between NCA non-signatories and the government. But then, it is notable that the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) recently signed the NCA, which had already been signed by eight ethnic groups. The peace process is based on the NCA. But signing the NCA is not the end. It is just a step to solve political problems through dialogue.
KK: You belong to an NCA signatory group. As everyone knows, there are obstacles to implementing the NCA for the time being. What are the major hurdles?
MW: There are three parts to implementing the NCA. The first is to make sure no more clashes happen. The Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee (JMC) was formed to handle this. Another part is the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC), which is responsible for holding the Union Peace Conference. The third part concerns implementation of plans during the period from the ceasefire to the peace conference, which has not yet been done. There are problems with all parts. Even two years after forming the JMC, not all the provisions of the NCA have been implemented, such as deployment of troops and designation of territories. Because of this, there were clashes with the RCSS [Restoration Council of Shan State], and more recently with the KNU [Karen National Union]. This shows that the JMC can't still be implemented according to the NCA. When there are military problems, political problems also arise since they impact each other. When there is political trust and agreement, there will be military trust. But, there have still been no significant results in the political dialogue.
KK: What is the cause of this? Is it the problem of the military or the government or the ethnic armed groups?
MW: It depends on various factors. Mainly, the political landscape had changed since the 2015 election. Under the U Thein Sein government, the government and Tatmadaw were considered to be the same entity. But under the government of the National League for Democracy (NLD), they are not on the same side. There is also a problem with relations among the ethnic armed groups. Under the U Thein Sein government, ethnic groups formed the NCCT [Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team] and SDs [Senior Delegations] to hold talks with the government. After the NCA was launched, the ethnic armed groups could be divided into two groups — NCA signatories and non-signatories. They were further divided into the bloc of eight NCA signatories, and UNFC [United Nationalities Federal Council] and the Northern Alliance. So, there are different blocs among the ethnic armed groups. This is also a problem for the peace process.
KK: Talking of the peace process, we can't leave out the FPNCC [Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee] led by the UWSA [United Wa State Army]. What are the barriers for them to join the peace process?
TSN: The FPNCC rejected signing the NCA, saying it would take a different route from the NCA. This has made it difficult for both the government and Tatmadaw to continue the peace process. Zhao Guo-ann, the head of the UWSA delegation to the second session of the Panglong Conference, said that they would take a different path because the NCA signatories had experienced troubles and they did not consider the NCA as comprehensive.
Though the FPNCC talked about a different political approach to the NCA, their approach is 70 percent the same as the NCA. They would attend the 21st Century Panglong Conference and participate in political dialogue.
KK: But without signing the NCA.
TSN: Yes, that is the problem. They don't oppose the NCA, but would take a different approach. They also want to participate in the 21st Century Panglong and hold national-level political dialogue as stated in the NCA roadmap. So, we can't say they are totally against the NCA. But we all understand that not opposing the NCA is different from accepting the NCA. But the problem is that NCA non-signatories are barred from attending the 21st Century Panglong Conference. This has caused problems for the Wa and for Mongla [National Democratic Alliance Army]. They didn't participate in negotiating, drafting or signing the NCA. But, they had already signed a Union-level ceasefire agreement. That Union-level agreement is enough for a ceasefire, and the NCA is another step for peace. But, as NCA non-signatories they are not allowed to join the peace process, which has created a problem for the FPNCC.
KK: Now NCA signatories like the RCSS, Arakan Liberation Party [ALP], and New Mon State Party [NMSP] have had troubles in holding public consultations prior to the national-level political dialogue. As the national-level political dialogue could not be held, the 21st Century Panglong has been put off several times. What is the likelihood of the 21st Century Panglong Conference being held without political dialogue? Signatories will have nothing to discuss at the Panglong Conference if the political dialogue is not held.
MW: That's why I said there is a need to review the negotiation process. There are different negotiation methods in the peace processes used by international countries. And we have to adopt a method that fits our country. Maybe you have noticed that the Northern Alliance expressed their stance in the second session of the Panglong Conference. Their negotiation method is simple: Only ethnic armed groups and the government can hold political dialogue, and there is no national-level political dialogue [to be organized by ethnic armed groups in their regions as stated in the NCA]. Political parties will not be involved. The talks will be between the ethnic armed groups and the government only. Then any agreement will be submitted to the Union Parliament for approval. Then, they will amend the [2008] Constitution as necessary. This is the negotiation method proposed by the Northern Alliance. But according to the NCA, national-level political dialogue must be held with the participation of the public, and the results will be sent to and discussed by the working committee of the UPDJC, and then the Union Accord will be signed. But what has happened is the peace process is now stuck over the negotiation method. The problem is not yet about political disagreements over federalism and democracy, but still about how the political negotiations should be held. The problem is still about the process and not yet about the substance. Nothing has been discussed yet, and the process is stuck in disagreement over negotiation methods. Frankly speaking, I think there is a need to review how the political negotiation should be held.
KK: As everyone knows, the peace process has failed to make progress under the NLD-led government as was expected. Given the current situation, the trend is not good. What preconditions are needed for the peace process to move forward smoothly? For example, agreement between the military and the government or tripartite talks? What do you think?
MW: First of all, it needs the clashes to end. It needs trust to be built with both NCA signatories and non-signatories. Political dialogue will not be successful without trust. Clashes break out as trust is being built. For non-signatories to sign the NCA, first of all, they must have trust in the NCA. But as U Than Soe Naing has pointed out, even the NCA signatories are reviewing the implementation of the NCA. It is worse for NCA non-signatories. The most important thing is the clashes must end, and the government must negotiate thoroughly to halt the clashes. After the clashes stop, political agreement on the NCA must be strictly and systematically implemented. The pledges made during negotiation for the NCA must be fulfilled. The problem is that agreements on the NCA have not yet been implemented.
KK: What is the precondition for peace process to make progress under the NLD-led government?
TSN: The peace process has stalled as NCA signatories are not satisfied with the implementation of the NCA. What is more important is we need to find an opportunity to hold talks with the FPNCC. As I've said, they don't oppose the NCA, but they want to participate in the 21st Century Panglong. And we need to create a setting for them to join the peace process. Restriction won't work. No matter which group is excluded, the peace process will never end. Especially, if an ethnic group is excluded, we can't say the peace process is complete. [The military] is still clashing with five ethnic armed groups in northern Myanmar. We need to remove all those obstacles that restrict them from joining the peace process. The FPNCC said they would meet the government together as a group. But the government insists it will only meet them separately. It is not a political problem, but a problem of negotiation method. If [the government] can change that, talks can be held with the Wa and Mongla as well as the KIO [Kachin Independence Organization]. For that to happen, first of all, there must be a ceasefire. Military operations and clashes must halt. The key to this is a frank discussion between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is leading the peace process, and Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, who is the chief of the Tatmadaw. I think there are problems with the national-level political dialogue because there is no frank discussion between them. The national-level political dialogue is a mandatory part of the NCA. But when political dialogue is held, the Tatmadaw has raised objections in several places, and then general administration departments have followed suit. Public consultations are a mandatory step. Without them, [the discussions at the 21st Century Panglong] are meaningless. But there are doubts and mistrust about implementation of the NCA. And it is the responsibility of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to handle them. If the two discuss those issues frankly, I believe the way the peace process is being implemented now can be changed so that it can move forward.
YANGON – The move by Myanmar's de facto leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to help a former militia leader with a shady past grab the position of lower house speaker caused political analysts to rub their eyes in disbelief and stoked a heated public debate on social media after the results of the secret parliamentary vote become known on Thursday.
Yesterday morning, the lower house held an election for its vacant speaker seat after the incumbent, U Win Myint, resigned in order to contest the presidential post along with the two vice presidents, former Lt. Col Myint Swe and Henry Van Thio, following U Htin Kyaw's resignation from the country's top official post on Wednesday.
Up until the last minute, senior members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) were telling some local publications that central committee member U Tun Tun Hein, a lower house MP from the Naung Cho constituency in Shan State, deserved the House speaker's post.
However, when the NLD parliamentarians submitted two nominees to the Lower House's patron, U Tun Tun Hein's name was not on the list, while deputy speaker U T Khun Myat, an independent representing Kutkai constituency in Shan State, and U Thaung Aye of Pyaw Bwe constituency in Mandalay division were.
Surprisingly, the NLD lower house MP Daw Khin San Hlaing had nominated U T Khun Myat for the job, while not so surprisingly, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the National League for Democracy's main political rival, had pushed its man, U Thaung Aye.
With the support of the NLD's parliamentary majority, U T Khun Myat thus was named the new house speaker, while U Tun Tun Hein was elected to the deputy house speaker position. The Irrawaddy has learnt that several NLD lawmakers published status posts on their Facebook accounts that were harshly critical of the nomination of U T Khun Myat rather than publicly express their points of view.
Who is U T Khun Myat?
U T Khun Myat, a Christian ethnic Kachin also known as Jeffery, was born in 1950 in Kutkai Township in Shan State. According to his parliamentary record, he earned a Bachelor of Law degree from the University of Distance Education in Yangon and was employed as an interim part-time lawyer in 1975.
From 1990 to 2010, he served as director-general of the Office of the Attorney General while leading the People's Militia in Kutkai Township under the supervision of the military's North-East division commander. According to some accounts, the militia is still active in the region.
U T Khun Myat was also a member of the 2008 constitution-drafting board and a member of the 2008 constitutional referendum commission, the same year that Tropical Cyclone Nargis caused devastation throughout much of the country, and killed more than 10,000 people.
U T Khun Myat contested the 2010 election on the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) ticket, as an executive member in northern Shan State, and secured a lower house seat while the NLD boycotted the poll on the grounds that the electoral laws were unjust. He was also chairman of the Committee on Bills in the lower house, a body that was empowered to make draft legislation and amend or repeal outdated laws, and which assisted former lower house speaker Thura U Shwe Mann.
As a former militia leader, U T Khun Myat allegedly oversaw opium fields in several areas under his group's control in northern Shan State, including Marsong, Kampapo and Mankaw, Hpapyae, Kyankar, Loingo, and Loinang, In a Shan Drugs Watch report in 2011, U T Khun Myat was dubbed one of the modern druglords in parliament who had allegedly entered the illicit trade following the retirement of the notorious warlord Khun Sa in Shan State.
U T Khun Myat was also a shareholder in Myanmar Mayflower Bank (MMB), which was accused of laundering money for narcotics traffickers and was shut down by the military government in 2005. According to some reports, his militia forced civilians to vote for his ballot in the 2010 election.
Thura U Shwe Mann, centre, looks towards NLD leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, while U Win Myint, second left, and U T Khun Myat, second right, pose for a photo before their meeting at the Lower House of Parliament in Naypyitaw on Nov. 19, 2015. (REUTERS)
The power behind the throne
Despite the serious nature of the allegations, U T Khun Myat twice won parliamentary seats, in the 2010 and 2015 elections. His fate changed drastically in late 2015 when his political patron, the former lower house speaker Thura Shwe Mann became embroiled in a toe-to-toe fight for influence against former president U Thein Sein and was purged from the party due to the internal divisions the power struggle was causing.
Thura Shwe Mann then appears to have become a close ally of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as the opposition party won a landslide victory in the 2015 general elections. He was appointed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as the head of the Commission for the Assessment of Legal Affairs and Special Issues in February 2016. And then, during the formation of the union cabinet and parliaments, Thura Shwe Mann recommended the State Counselor appoint T Khun Myat to be deputy house speaker of the lower house.
During his final press conference as lower house speaker in January 2016, Thura Shwe Mann acknowledged that he had helped Daw Aung San Suu Kyi secure a private meeting with ex-dictator Than Shwe in December 2015. He also confirmed that he had recommended the NLD nominate U T Khun Myat for the deputy house speaker's post and expressed his view that the nominee deserved the post as he had successfully accomplished many assignments in parliament and worked for years at the Attorney-General's Office.
U T Khun Myat also appeared at that event but declined to talk to The Irrawaddy. He was later quoted in other publications as denying the allegations that he had been involved in the drug trade. His appointment was also the talk of the town among political observers back then as well.
When U T Khun Myat was elected to be House Speaker on Thursday, some political observers concluded that Thura Shwe Mann was again acting behind the scenes. However, some senior NLD members claimed that the move was a part of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's national reconciliation efforts and positive for the peace process.
Why did the NLD pick U T Khun Myat?
Similarly, the NLD lawmakers revived the old line they had used in early 2016 that the decision was made in the interests of "national reconciliation". Newly replaced deputy speaker U Tun Tun Hein, who also belongs to the NLD, trotted out this line in response to reporters' questions on Thursday.
"We are implementing national reconciliation and peace," he said. "It is our election manifesto as well. I see no contradictions in this move in the NLD's compromises to the public."
Daw Khin San Hlaing, the NLD central executive committee member who submitted the nomination, told reporters that her party decided to pick U T Khun Myat as he had previously completed a five-year term under Thura Shwe Mann and has been working alongside former lower house speaker U Win Myint – who was nominated as vice president on Friday—and had gained much experience in those two years that could be helpful in handling legislative mechanisms.
"Whatever, we have chosen him and I hope he will follow our party's policies, guidelines and principles as well," she said.
The Irrawaddy contacted several NLD lawmakers including regional legislators on Thursday, however most were reluctant to express their personal opinions and simply repeated the party line that "the leaders chose the best." Yangon division legislator U Kyaw Zeya said it was the "right decision" and argued that the decision to pick an independent lawmaker such as U T Khun Myat rather than a party member suggested that the party didn't have a quality candidate to fill the post.
Nay Phone Latt, a lawmaker from the Yangon parliament, expressed concern about whether U T Khun Myat could perform as effectively as U Win Myint as he was not a member of the NLD party steering committee.
U Pe Than, a lower house lawmaker from the Arakan National Party (ANP), echoed Nay Phone Lat's opinion that his selection could create challenges for the NLD in the near future.
"I think no matter what, he will not oppose Daw Suu or U Shwe Mann," he said.
MP U Pe Than said he believed that it was highly possible U Shwe Mann had suggested U T Khun Myat for the speaker position but that the final decision was made by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. However, he also noted that the NLD had several qualified legislators in the parliament who were no less capable than U Win Myint.
Judging the qualifications of a politician based on parliamentary work experience is questionable in this case. If, as the NLD senior members argued, U T Khun Myat was the most suitable person based on his experience, then why were the previous vice president Henry Van Thio and the military-appointed vice president U Myint Swe not deserving of the presidential post, as they had almost two years of prior experience?
How come public debate?
Meanwhile, netizens publicly criticized the election of a former militia leader as speaker o the house, which is the higher chamber in the legislature, and it is a key intermediary position between the parliament and the ruling NLD party. Political analyst Yan Myo Thein called the NLD's choice an insult to its voters. He updated his status on his Facebook wall asking, "Where have our votes gone?"
He predicted that none of the elected MPs from the NLD would dare to criticize this centrally made decision despite the grand words uttered by some parliamentarians in the post-election period, including from some political prisoners who won seats in the parliament.
He questioned why voters should now have faith in NLD MPs as they are struggling to build a genuinely democratic country. He stated that he was confused by the NLD's promotion of an ex-USDP politician to the house speaker post, as the holder also serves as an essential member of the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC).
The NDSC comprises 11 members: the army permanently occupies six seats, including its appointed vice president (1) U Myint Swe and another five seats for the NLD-appointed president, vice president (2) Henry Van Thio, lower and upper house speakers, as well as the foreign affairs minister, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, respectively. But now the NLD has handed a certain vote to a former USDP politician.
"Voting in support (of U T Khun Myat) by the civilian elected NLD MPs in the lower house is the ugliest thing ever," Yan Myo Thein wrote on his Facebook account.
Ko Thiha Thwe, a journalist who contributes op-ed and political analyses to local publications, pointed out that the move had many potential risks for the NLD and a few potential benefits. He predicted one possible advantage of selecting U T Khun Myat as house speaker was that it might decrease partisanship in the parliament and legislative matters might pass more smoothly. However, the NLD's choice also implies it does not have many quality politicians in the party. Moreover, it could be concluded that the NLD politically had surrendered some legislative power.
"It could also damage the confidence and sap the spiritual strength of NLD loyalist MPs."
Speculation is mounting that the imminent arrival of a new president will be accompanied by a shakeup of the moribund cabinet. Will U Htin Kyaw's successor choose more able replacements for currently non-performing ministers? To put it simply, will the new president put the right people in the right places? The government's new direction and vision for the economy will also be closely watched. So expectations will only increase.
Many theories have emerged on the reason for U Htin Kyaw's sudden departure. But pundits and political insiders say it had long been in the works; it was never his desire to serve as president for a long period, and he only accepted the position at the direct request of his former schoolmate, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Almost certainly with an eye on the elections in 2020, senior leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi have decided it is time to shake up the government and inject some new blood.
In a brief interview with local media at Parliament on Friday, First Lady Daw Su Su Lwin revealed that U Htin Kyaw had not expected to spend too much time in the presidential palace, and had expected to vacate the throne before long. Does this mean the National League for Democracy leaders were under the illusion that amending the Constitution would be possible in the first year of its administration?
U Htin Kyaw lived simply, without political ambition and untainted by any hint of corruption. Unlike some of his predecessors, he refrained from seeking personal gain from his position, as is common practice among Myanmar's infamous politicians and generals. In reality he was not a very active president, treating the role as largely ceremonial. After all, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had informed us all that she would be above the president.
President U Win Myint?
If he is elected, former political prisoner U Win Myint will be Myanmar's 10th president. Like U Htin Kyaw, he is a decent person who is both apparently free of corruption and a loyalist to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Unlike U Htin Kyaw, U Win Myint was not educated overseas and has had less exposure to the outside world, but he is known to be a quick learner and highly adaptable.
U Win Myint's history of butting heads with the Myanmar Army's representatives in Parliament as House speaker could complicate his relations with the military's top brass. The 2008 Constitution would grant him full executive and presidential powers. If he should seek to exercise this power, he will be forced to confront Army generals who wield significant political and economic power.
Most importantly, assuming Daw Aung San Suu Kyi gives him her blessing, he will wield more power within the administration, in contrast to U Htin Kyaw's approach of not intervening.
Many people, including those in business circles, are expecting a major shakeup in the cabinet, with serious implications for the performance of the government and the business sector. It will also be interesting to see the degree to which U Win Myint involves himself in the country's ongoing peace process.
The U Shwe Mann Factor
The current administration comprises a mix of ministers who were handpicked and appointed by the ruling party, and others nominated by U Shwe Mann, another ally of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
U Shwe Mann (second from right), U Win Myint (third right), Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing (fourth right) and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi (seventh right) attend the Martyrs' Day commemoration at Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's residence in Yangon in July 2016. (Photo: Yawai Nwe Inn ma / Facebook)
The powerful general was the No. 3 official in the former regime and served as House speaker. He was named head of the then-ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party in 2013 but was purged from the position in 2015 due to tensions between himself and then President U Thein Sein, and was ultimately ejected from the party in 2016. Under the NLD-led administration U Shwe Mann served in a new role as chairman of the new Commission for the Assessment of Legal Affairs and Special Issues. He retains several key political allies.
One of these is U T. Khun Myat, the Kachin politician and former militia leader in Northern Shan State who has become the new Lower House speaker. Was a deal done between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Shwe Mann? Perhaps. U T. Khun Myat was a USDP lawmaker until his resignation from the party last year. Since then he has served as an independent.
Several cabinet members, including U Kyaw Tint Swe, minister for the Office of the State Counsellor, also served under the former repressive regimes, working with top brass including Senior General Than Shwe, General Khin Nyunt, General Maung Aye and General Shwe Mann. With the exception of U Shwe Mann, they have all retired.
The appointment of these ministers close to the U Shwe Mann faction created tension and unhappiness among NLD politicians.
In the coming weeks, we can expect to see further changes in the national leadership — including, hopefully, in the Cabinet. All eyes will be on the arrival of new faces and the jockeying for position among power factions. As the country continues its slide — real or imagined — toward "failed state" status, precisely who will benefit from these changes is an open question. Stay tuned.
YANGON — A new exhibit at The Secretariat is aiming to inspire a new generation of artists by screening a few classics from Myanmar cinema stretching back to the 1950s over the next few weeks.
“The Art and Influence of Myanmar’s Film Heritage,” curated by arts collaborative Pyinsa Rasa and Save Myanmar Film, opens Saturday at the historic Secretariat building in downtown Yangon.
"We would love to show Myanmar’s film heritage to the young generation. We hope that they can get a true taste of Myanmar film from the golden age from this event and discover what Myanmar film's identity is," said Ko Thaiddhi, co-founder of Pyinsa Rasa and the Wathann Film Festival.
"The new generation of filmmakers and artists can also get some inspiration after watching theses old and creative films," he added.
Organizers will screen three movies, each from a different decade of Myanmar film: Yadanarbon, from 1953; Tender are the Feet, from 1973; and Thingyan Moe, from 1985. Each screening will be preceded by a related musical performance, including a traditional Myanmar orchestra and pop songs.
"In organizing a history of film like this, we can’t leave out the A1 Film Company, because it played an important part in Myanmar’s film history. So we will screen A1 Film’s Yadanarbon, directed by U Tin Maung, the first week, and the Gitameit music group will perform Yadanarbon's theme song before show time," Ko Thaiddhi said.
The exhibit will start with a 5 p.m. showing of Yadanarbon on Saturday, followed by daily screenings of the film at 2 p.m. until March 31.
Ko Thaiddhi hopes the exhibit will allow audiences to share in the joy and creativity of generations of artists, and that a new generation can look back at their predecessors for inspiration in order to forge a cultural identity of their own.
Tickets are 2,000 kyats for locals and 10,000 kyats for foreigners.
CHIANG MAI, Thailand – The U.S. Embassy in Yangon honored two Myanmar women and one local organization with its annual Women of Change Award on Thursday, recognizing the "incredible work" that they and so many women are doing to advance the rights of all people in the country.
The 2018 recipients were the Karen Women's Organization (KWO); Daw Aye Thinzar Maung, an executive committee member of the Myanmar Federation for Persons with Disabilities; and Dr. Thet Thet Mu, the deputy director general for health information at the Ministry of Health and Sports. They were honored for their expertise in diverse fields including public health, women's leadership, and the rights of indigenous people and people with disabilities.
US Ambassador Scot Marciel said in a press release that this year's recipients "took risks to do things that were controversial, difficult or dangerous: they stood up for under-represented communities; and they solved problems creatively."
The award recipients told The Irrawaddy that this recognition of civil society groups would help to make more people aware of their efforts and encourage others to stand up for change in Myanmar.
KWO representatives Naw Hser Hser (left) and Naw Wahkushee Tenner pose with the organization's award. Photo: KWO (supplied)
Naw Wahkhushee Tenner, a member of the KWO's standing committee, said, "This award gives us more strength and encourages us to continue supporting gender equality, indigenous people's rights, women's participation in the peace process and federal democracy in Burma. We will continue to stand against crimes committed by the Burma [Myanmar] Army and fight for the rights of everyone."
An ethnic Karen women's group formed in 1949, the KWO operates from a base on the Thailand-Myanmar border and is dedicated to empowering women. It pushed for increasing women's role in decision-making within the Karen National Union (KNU), and has been a strong voice for gender equality and indigenous people's rights.
The US Embassy statement reads, "We commend the KWO for their brave stance against the violence against all civilians in Rakhine State and throughout Myanmar. The KWO fights for the rights of all people, not just the Karen." The embassy cited the KWO's criticism of the Myanmar military's persecution of minorities. In a statement released in September last year, three weeks after the Aug. 25 militant attacks in Maungdaw and Buthetaung townships, the KWO condemned "Burmese [Myanmar] military actions against Rohingya civilians."
Naw Wahkushee Tenner told The Irrawaddy on Friday, "We would like to encourage women's groups and CBOs/CSOs [community based organizations/civil society organizations] that are working on indigenous rights to continue fighting for women's rights, indigenous people's rights and equality, and to help to end abuse and impunity by the military and stand against atrocity, speak up for the oppressed and fight for the rights of everyone, regardless of their faith or background."
Disability rights advocate Daw Aye Thinzar Maung was recognized for her role in raising public awareness about equal access to education and job opportunities for people with disabilities. According to the 2014 census, Myanmar has about 2.3 million disabled people, or 4.6 percent of the total population.
Daw Aye Thinzar Maung was born fully abled but was later diagnosed with a disease that caused her to lose her sight. She worked as a trainer with the Association of Myanmar Disabled Women’s Affairs (AMDWA) before becoming a leader in MFPD.
Women of Change Awardees are seen with US Ambassador to Myanmar Scot Marciel. (Photo: US Embassy in Myanmar.)
She did not expect to be recognized with such an award — the first of its kind ever given to a disabled person in Myanmar — saying, "I am glad to accept this recognition."
"It is not only for me," she told The Irrawaddy. "It gives me a chance to speak up for all other disabled persons, and it could bring further support for people with disabilities," she said, adding,
"More public awareness is still needed in Myanmar in terms of education and job opportunities."
The embassy said Dr. Thet Thet Mu was being honored for leading the "use of quality health data for evidence-based policy and decision making." It cited the fact that in 2015-16 she led the first-ever demographic and health survey (DHS) to fully reflect Myanmar's geographic and ethnic diversity.
The US Embassy first awarded the Myanmar Women of Change Award in 2017. There were six recipients last year: Mai Mai of the Kachin Youth Organization; Daw San San Maw of the Myanmar Red Cross; Naw Ei Ei Min of Promotion of Indigenous and Nature Together; Daw Hla Hla Ye from the Legal Clinic Myanmar; Dr. Khin Chit of the Ministry of Health and Sports; and Daw Yi Yi Cho of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation.
YANGON — Myanmar's Lower House elected its former speaker, U Win Myint of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD), as vice president on Friday, paving the way for a vote on the country's next president following U Htin Kyaw's sudden resignation from the post on Wednesday.
Parliament will elect a new head of state from among Myanmar’s three vice presidents next week.
Constitutionally, Myanmar needs to have three vice presidents elected by the Lower House, the Upper House, and appointed military lawmakers from both chambers.
U Myint Swe, a former lieutenant general, has been Acting President since U Htin Kyaw's departure. He was elected vice president by military lawmakers in March 2016, when the NLD came to power. His official position is vice president 1.
U Henry Van Thio is vice president 2, elected by the Upper House at the same time that U Htin Kyaw was elected president by the Lower House.
U Htin Kyaw was elected president of Myanmar by the Presidential Electoral College, a body made up of lawmakers from both chambers and the military, on March 15, 2016.
On Friday morning, Lower House members nominated two candidates for vice president — U Win Myint and U Thaung Aye of the opposition Union Solidarity and Development Party.
During a secret ballot in the afternoon, U Win Myint was voted in with 273 votes to U Thaung Aye’s 27.
U Win Myint had submitted his resignation as speaker soon after U Htin Kyaw's resignation was announced on Wednesday, prompting speculation that he would become Myanmar's next president.
If the speculation proves true, U Win Myint, a senior NLD member, will be Myanmar’s 10th president since the country’s independence in 1948.
The 67-year-old is believed to be one of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's favorites among fellow senior NLD members. He became the Lower House speaker in February 2016, after the NLD won the 2015 general election.
During his time in the Lower House, the former lawyer was known for his strict discipline. He did not tolerate discussions that were off topic during parliamentary meetings. Even union ministers were not free from his stern warnings, not to mention lawmakers, including those from the military.
Pyin Oo Lwin — A district court in Pyin Oo Lwin Township sentenced a child rapist and murderer from Madaya Township to the death penalty.
“He [the offender] admitted that he raped and killed a girl and the court sentenced him in line with the law,” explained Daw Htay Htay Maw, a Pyin Oo Lwin District court spokesperson.
Ko Phyo Htet Aung, 23, was arrested on Feb. 13 after raping and killing a 2-year-old girl from Mway Kadoseik village, some five miles from Madaya Township, Pyin Oo Lwin District, Mandalay Division.
The girl's parents left her at her grandmother's house on Feb. 13 while they went out to collect firewood but found her missing when they returned. The girl was found later that day unconscious in a banana plantation on the outskirts of the village after she had been raped. She died at the hospital.
Ko Phyo Htet Aung was apprehended by locals and handed over to police, who detained him on charges of rape and murder.
"The crime that Ko Phyo Htet Aung admitted to was so brutal and inhumane that the court decided to give him the death penalty," explained the spokesperson.
However, the court said the sentence can be appealed to a higher court within seven days.
“The case interested the public because the victim was a minor. As a lawyer for the victim's family, I think the court did the right thing by setting this precedent for sentencing in rape cases," said U lawyer Wai Phyo Maung Maung.
Since the death penalty has not been practiced in the country for decades, lawyers said that whether the culprit is killed or left to rot in prison will be decided by the law (upon appeal if that course is taken), as well as prison laws and regulations.
Madaya locals led by the parents and family of the victim signed a petition and staged a protest days after the child died, urging the authorities to issue death sentences to rapists, particularly child rapists.
"We are satisfied with the court's decision. I believe that other parents won't have to suffer as we have in the future," said U Hlaing Zin Myo, the victim's father.
In February, two rape cases against children under five years old were recorded in Mandalay, while children under 13 were also raped and killed in Yenangyaung, Minhla and Yangon.
According to statistics from the Ministry of Home Affairs released on Feb. 15, the number of reported rape cases of children under 16 has risen by more than 200 over the past year.
Amid the rise of campaigns calling for the death penalty for child rapists, a mob gathered at a police station in Mandalay to confront the police and urge them to hand over an alleged child rapist.
While visiting Inle Lake a few weeks ago we had the opportunity to experience the nightlife of Nyaung Shwe, the main town by the popular tourist destination, and found it to be better than we had expected. There are a lot of bars, pubs and karaoke joints and a night market as well.
Nyaung Shwe is a busy city in the day time but all the roads fall quite by the early evening.
That didn't deter us, however, and by night we were ready to find the best spots to relax and have a drink after a long day touring Inle Lake.
We started with the Nyaung Shwe's Night Market, which was a 10-minute walk from our hotel. The weather was lovely and cool.
While there were few people in the streets, the night market was busy with vendors offering a wide variety of food including Shan noodles, hot pot and grilled foods. Next to the market we found a fun open bar called 'Peter Tapas and Grill'.
The bar is easily recognizable thanks to a caricature of the owner's head that sits in front. There weren't many guests at the time we arrived, because it was still early and they had set up few tables.
Some tables are designed with big tanks while small tanks are used as chairs. The fancy bar plays electronic dance music, which put us in an energetic mood.
A grilled food vendor in the Nyaung Shwe Night Market takes an order from a tourist/ Zaw Zaw/ The Irrawaddy
The waiter came quickly to take our order; the pub doesn't distribute individual menus but you can find a big one in front of the bar. A drinks menu listed all the cocktails on offer and the prices.
The waiter said their Nyaung Shwe Big Bowl is popular but our group consisted of only three people and I had just ordered their signature cocktail—a gin-based drink called the "Inle Lotus" (2000kyats).
The bartender didn't take too much time to whip up the drink and I got my glass. The cocktail was a little strong — you could probably get drunk after three drinks — but the taste was otherwise excellent.
The bar allowed patrons to bring in food from out side and my friends ordered porksticks from the night market.
The cocktails were cheap, ranging from 2000 to 5000kyats. The bar also has special seasonal cocktails like an avocado margarita, strawberry mojito and fresh juices a swell.
As for food, they offered only grilled meat and vegetables, but at reasonable prices. After an hour, we left the Peter with no regrets and headed off to find more adventure, as the night was still young and it was too early to go back to our hotel.
Visitors enjoy the food and drink at the night market/ Zaw Zaw/ The Irrawaddy
My friend from Nyaung Shwe recommended the 'Pub Asiatico' as our next stop.
If you want to forget about your whole morning on the water and visiting the lake side villages, this is the place to go. The Asiatico was designed and decorated to a very high standard with the owners obviously putting in a lot of effort into the decor.
The pub has three floors, each with a different look. Customers can spend a lot of time at this quiet pub and its great roof top bar enjoying the view of the setting sun.
The pub plays dance music and also has a pool table. I wandered the place to inspect all its floors, which are decorated with a mix of local things like trishaws and old tanks.
From the long menu,we ordered their famous 'Hawaiian Pizza' (9000kyats), which came with a crunchy crust, fresh toppings and a good tomato sauce. The pizza was solid although habit more expensive than at other restaurants in Nyaung Shwe.
And I ordered Gin Tonic from their wide range menu and the taste was perfect.
Tourists take in the funky atmosphere of the One Owl Grilled Bar/ Zaw Zaw/ The Irrawaddy
Our last stop of the night was another of the town's famous restaurants, 'One Owl Grill,' which is about a further 10-minute walk from 'Pub Asiatico'.
The bar is famous for its skewers, while the location is good and the atmosphere friendly and relaxed.
A bartender from Peter Tapas and Bar makes a cocktail/ Zaw Zaw/ The Irrawaddy
But the bar was a little small and it had only a few tables. Nevertheless, the shop lived up to its name and was full of owl paintings, photos and art pieces, even in the bathroom.
The menu was not particularly extensive but the quality was quite good. We ordered 'Chicken Mix Skewers' (5800 kyats) and 'Red Owl' beer cocktails, which were made of beer, strawberries, lime and tamarind. I really liked these and had two to ensure I'd get a good sleep. The staff was pretty helpful and friendly.
The shop is popular with foreigners and has a good atmosphere. Prices are also very reasonable.
While there are other cool pubs in the area, such as Ginki Nyaung Shwe, Chillax Bistro, Minthamee Bar and Bistro, The French Touch, we decided the One Owl Grill was a good place to end our excursion into the nightlife of Nyaung Shwe.
The interior decoration of PubAsiatico'/ Zaw Zaw/ The Irrawaddy
At this point, it was around 9:30pm and most of the bars close around 10pm, except for 'Pub Asiatico', which stays open until 11pm. That's one of the big differences compared with Yangon nightlife but we were not disappointed as we had had enough.
And if you need more entertainment and are with a group of friends, you can always buy a couple of beers and return to your hotel to bring a close to the evening.
SINGAPORE — Global tech giants including Facebook and Twitter on Thursday expressed concern about a possible Singapore plan to bring in a new law to tackle the threat of fake news, saying sufficient rules are already in place.
Officials of Facebook, Twitter and Google attended a parliamentary hearing on how to counter the threat that Singapore said it was particularly vulnerable to due to its size, its role as a global financial hub and its ethnic and religious mix.
They were among 79 people asked to speak in Parliament over the eight days set for the hearing.
The wealthy city-state is among the countries looking to introduce legislation, so far unspecified, to rein in fake news, a trend that has stirred concern that such laws could be used to exert government control over the media.
“We do not believe that legislation is the best approach to addressing the issue,” Alvin Tan, Facebook’s head of public policy for Southeast Asia, said in a written submission.
“Singapore already has a variety of existing laws and regulations which address hate speech, defamation and the spreading of false news.”
Singapore ranks 151 among 180 countries rated by the World Press Freedom Index of Reporters Without Borders, a non-government group that promotes freedom of information.
Lawmakers in the United States and Europe have called for probes into how Facebook allowed Cambridge Analytica to access data on 50 million users and use it to help the election campaign of US President Donald Trump.
Expressing the view that social media networks were not capable of regulating themselves, Singapore’s law minister, K Shanmugam, questioned Facebook official Simon Milner over how “one of the world’s most competent firms” could have breached users’ trust.
“Right now, it doesn’t feel like it,” Milner, the firm’s Asia policy chief, responded. He conceded failure to be upfront about the breach of user data, saying, “We had a moral obligation to do it [notify our users].”
He added, “As I understand it, there was not a legal obligation.”
Milner questioned the premise that a legal framework could be used to decide whether information was fake news, however.
“How do you define … what is a deliberate online falsehood and what is not? We are skeptical about that.”
Microblogging site Twitter also shared concerns about Singapore’s plans.
“No single company, governmental or non-governmental actor should be the arbiter of truth,” said Kathleen Reen, Twitter’s director of public policy for Asia Pacific.
BEIJING/SHANGHAI — China urged the United States on Friday to “pull back from the brink” as President Donald Trump’s plans for tariffs on up to $60 billion in Chinese goods brought the world’s two largest economies closer to a trade war.
The escalating tensions between Beijing and Washington sent shivers through financial markets as investors foresaw dire consequences for the global economy if trade barriers start going up.
Trump is planning to impose the tariffs over what his administration says is misappropriation of US intellectual property. A probe was launched last year under Section 301 of the 1974 US Trade Act.
Responding the US import tariffs on steel and aluminum that went into effect on Friday, though announced by Trump earlier this month, China unveiled plans to levy additional duties on up to $3 billion of US imports including fresh fruit, wine and nuts.
“China doesn’t hope to be in a trade war, but is not afraid of engaging in one,” the Chinese commerce ministry said in a statement on Friday.
“China hopes the United States will pull back from the brink, make prudent decisions, and avoid dragging bilateral trade relations to a dangerous place.”
In a presidential memorandum signed by Trump on Thursday, there will be a 30-day consultation period that only starts once a list of Chinese goods is published.
That effectively creates room for potential talks to address Trump’s allegations on intellectual property theft and forced technology transfers.
Trump said he views the Chinese as “a friend,” and both sides are in the midst of negotiations.
The inevitable fall in demand from a full-blown trade war would spell trouble for all the economies supplying the United States and China.
Feeling the chill, MSCI’s broadest index of Asia-Pacific shares outside Japan dropped 2.4 percent, tracking a large overnight fall in Wall Street shares, but perceived safe havens such as government bonds gained.
“The upshot is that today’s [US] tariffs amount to no more than a slap on the wrist for China,” Mark Williams, chief Asia economist at Capital Economics, wrote in a note. “China won’t change its ways. Worries about escalation therefore won’t go away.”
Williams estimated that the $506 billion that China exported to the United States drove around 2.5 percent of its total gross domestic product, and the $50-60 billion targeted by the US tariffs contributed just around 0.25 percent.
Trump, however, appears intent on fulfilling election campaign promises to reduce China’s huge trade surplus with the United States.
“The American and Chinese governments should resolve existing trade frictions in a way that averts a trade war and promotes open markets and fair economic exchange,” said AmCham Shanghai President Kenneth Jarrett.
“As our members increasingly tell us, however, the current trading relationship is neither open nor fair. It is time for China to take remedial action and show that it is a true partner in global trade.”
“Drawing its Bow”
Alarm over Trump’s protectionist leanings mounted earlier this month after he imposed hefty import tariffs on steel and aluminum under Section 232 of the 1962 US Trade Expansion Act, which allows safeguards based on “national security.”
That measure had not targeted Chinese imports alone.
On Friday, the Chinese commerce ministry said China will levy duties on up to $3 billion of US imports in response to the steel and aluminum tariffs, which appeared modest by comparison to the US penalties.
“With the restrained response, China hopes Trump can realize his errors and mend his ways,” said Xu Hongcai, deputy chief economist at the China Center for International Economic Exchanges, a Beijing think tank.
“If we really want to counter, the strongest response would be to target soybean and automobiles. This would hurt the US,” said Xu. “China is drawing its bow but not firing. We still have some cards to play.”
In retaliation for the US tariffs on steel and aluminum, China is considering levying an additional 15 percent tariff on US products including dried fruit, wine and steel pipes and an extra 25 percent duty on pork products and recycled aluminum.
China has assembled a list of 128 US products in total that could be targeted if the two countries are unable to reach an agreement on trade issues, the ministry said.
The commerce ministry said China would implement the measures in two stages: first the 15 percent tariff on 120 products including steel pipes and wine worth $977 million, and later the higher 25 percent tariff on $1.99 billion of pork and aluminum.
US wine exports to China last year were $79 million, according to data from the US Wine Institute, which represents Californian wine makers.
The Chinese list also included close to 80 fruit and nut products. US exports of fruits, frozen juices and nuts to China amounted to $669 million last year, and it was the top supplier of apples, cherries, walnuts and almonds.
PHNOM PENH — Forty-five countries called on Cambodia on Wednesday to reinstate the main opposition party, release its jailed leader and ensure a July general election is free and fair.
A statement on the human rights situation in Cambodia read by New Zealand on behalf of a group of 45 countries, including the United States, Germany, Australia and United Kingdom, said previous optimism had been “replaced by deep concern” regarding a decline in civil and political rights in Cambodia.
The statement, which was read to the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva, urged Cambodia’s government to reinstate the opposition Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) and all elected members.
Dozens of opposition lawmakers were banned when Cambodia’s Supreme Court dissolved the CNRP last year in a ruling that was widely condemned by the international community.
That decision followed the arrest of CNRP leader Kem Sokha last September. Kem Sokha has been charged with treason, accused of colluding with Americans to overthrow the Cambodian government. He denies the charges and the U.S. embassy in Phnom Penh has also denied the accusation.
Kem Sokha faces 30 years in prison if convicted.
Prime Minister Hun Sen has ruled Cambodia for 33 years.
He is a former Khmer Rouge cadre who defected from the genocidal group and helped drive it from power in 1979, and is credited with helping Cambodia achieve economic growth, but has been criticized for his crackdown on critics and the media.
“We call on the Royal Government of Cambodia to take all measures necessary, before it is too late, to ensure that the 2018 elections are free, fair and credible,” the statement said.
“We are particularly concerned about the conditions under which opposition leader Kem Sokha is being detained following his arbitrary arrest: he is reportedly in isolation, without adequate access to health care, subjected to intrusive observation, and other conditions, such as constant light.”
“We call for the immediate release of all political prisoners, including Kem Sokha.”
The group raised concerns about a government crackdown on freedom of expression that has extended to independent media and non-governmental organizations.
Government spokesman Phay Siphan said Cambodia won’t comply with demands made by foreign countries.
“We are equally members of the United Nations,” Phay Siphan told Reuters. “This is a violation of Cambodia’s sovereignty.”
“We will hold elections according to what Cambodians want, based on Cambodian laws,” he added.
BANDUNG — A spate of mysterious attacks on Islamic clerics, schools and mosques in Indonesia in recent weeks has ramped up tensions as the world’s most populous Muslim-majority country heads into provincial elections and a presidential poll next year.
Intelligence and Islamic officials believe that political forces are behind what they describe as a shadowy “black campaign” designed to whip up fear that Islam itself is under siege under the leadership of President Joko Widodo.
In one town near the capital, Jakarta, a mosque manager was stabbed and a religious scholar received an anonymous letter warning that 10 clerics would be killed. Videos of what police say are fake attacks on Muslim clerics and schools have also been distributed on social media, heightening a mood of unease.
The attacks on the heavily populated island of Java have come as hardline Muslim groups press for a more conservative society and decry moderate politicians, posing a threat to Indonesia’s reputation for tolerance and the democracy it won with the downfall of authoritarian President Suharto in 1998.
Indeed, there are echoes today of the panics stirred up by Suharto, which typically involved attacks on religious figures and institutions and sometimes a communist scare to discredit politicians.
Elections are due across the country in June for dozens of governors, district heads and mayors. Analysts see those polls as an opening skirmish before 2019’s battle for the presidency.
Ridwan Kamil, mayor of the city of Bandung and frontrunner to become governor of West Java province, says he has been hounded for months by hoax stories online that questioned the strength of his Islamic faith.
“If you are not a Muslim, they will label you an infidel. If you are Muslim, they will label you not Islamic enough,” Kamil said of his opponents in an interview with Reuters, declining to identify them.
“They’re trying to send a message … that the country is not safe, that the government is failing, that we need to replace the existing government. Who gets the benefit? Whoever challenges Jokowi,” he said, referring to President Widodo, whom he supports for re-election, by his nickname.
A Campaign to Sow Discord
The potency of religion as a swing factor in elections was graphically illustrated last year when the popular governor of Jakarta, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, an ethnic-Chinese Christian and close ally of Widodo, lost his bid for re-election after being accused of insulting the Koran.
An online video of him speaking had been edited to make it seem that he was criticizing the Koran when in fact he was sniping at people who use a passage of Islam’s holy book to warn Muslims against voting for non-Muslims.
Purnama’s ouster was spearheaded by the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), a hardline group that organized huge protests against him in late 2016. He was later jailed for blasphemy.
Reuters investigations into the recent attacks in Java showed that the FPI has been involved in stoking the tensions.
National police chief Tito Karnavian says the wave of violence has not been “massive or systematic”, and he blames online activists for “spicing up” anxiety among Muslims. There have only been three actual assaults and about 42 fake attacks were promoted online, he said.
Even so, intelligence officials, Islamic leaders and politicians say there is a concerted effort to sow discord through vandalism and threats to Islamic leaders, schools and mosques, reinforced through social media. Intelligence agency chief Budi Gunawan described it as a “rampant black campaign."
A leader of the Islamic Union, a mainstream organization known as Persis, was killed in the early hours of Feb. 1 by a man wielding an iron bar. Senior Persis leaders told Reuters that 22 of the group’s schools, mosques and teachers had been vandalised or received abusive phone calls since that incident.
Someone, said Persis deputy chairman Jeje Zaenudin, is trying to “provoke a reaction."
Mahmud Syaltout, deputy secretary general of the youth wing of Indonesia’s largest Muslim group, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), said NU schools and mosques have been targeted.
One man who was caught vandalizing a mosque in East Java appeared to be healthy and feigning madness, he said.
Widodo’s chief of staff, retired military chief Moeldoko, told local media someone was playing “old games," noting that deploying mentally ill people to create unrest was a tactic that harked back to the Suharto era.
Red Scare
Pressed by Widodo, the NU and another moderate Islamic group, Muhammadiyah, have stepped up grassroots efforts to combat fundamentalist movements. According to a recent survey, nearly 20 percent of high school and university students support the establishment of an caliphate rather than a secular state.
On social media, much of the blame for the recent attacks has been laid on “communists” who – critics say have been allowed to flourish under Widodo and his left-leaning IndonesiaDemocratic Party-Struggle.
The government and independent analysts have said there is no credible evidence of a revival of Indonesia’s outlawed communist party (PKI), once the world’s second-largest. The party was decimated after soldiers and Islamic vigilantes slaughtered – according to some estimates – at least 500,000 alleged leftists and their families in 1965.
Even so, Islamists, ultra-nationalists and elements of the military frequently warn of a resurgence. Analysts see the fomenting of a “red scare” as partly aimed at Widodo, a reformist and moderate who has often been falsely labeled by enemies as a descendant of communists.
Earlier this year, a homeless man, suspected of planning to attack a cleric at an Islamic boarding school in West Java, was beaten and accused of being a communist.
The man was accosted by students as he paced up and down a lane by their school near the town of Bogor around 3 a.m. on Feb. 10, said Mahmud Mukhlis, one of the students.
A pin was found inside the vagrant’s bag that a local cadre of the FPI Islamic group declared was “a symbol of the PKI," Mukhlis said. The pin, viewed by Reuters, was in fact a name tag from a high school emblazoned with an eagle, Indonesia’s national symbol.
Members of FPI filmed the assault and shared the video on social media, said Mukhlis.
Slamet Maarif, a spokesman for FPI, did not deny his group was behind the video. He said it needed to be proven that the homeless man’s “communist” plot was a hoax, and described the incident as evidence of “an awakening” of the communist party.
“The government should be following up, and not accusing the people of spreading a hoax,” Maarif said.
Muslim Cyber Army
Police have arrested about 20 members of a network of online activists for spreading fake news about attacks on religious figures across Java.
Known as the Muslim Cyber Army (MCA), the network was formed after the government shut down some of FPI’s websites and social media accounts following anti-Purnama demonstrations in 2016.
Police say they are investigating who funds and directs the MCA. FPI leaders have frequently praised the network, and have urged police to stop harassing it.
For a decade, West Java province has been ruled by a coalition of nationalist and conservative Islamic parties that support Prabowo Subianto, a former Suharto-era special forces commander who lost the 2014 presidential election to Widodo.
In that contest, Widodo was buffeted by an online smear campaign that he came from a family of communists and had Chinese ancestry. Warnings of a communist comeback are often linked to a surge in Chinese investment and workers in Indonesia, part of Widodo’s drive to revamp the country’s crumbling infrastructure.
Subianto is expected to again challenge Widodo, a moderate reformer currently riding high in opinion polls, in next year's election.
Subianto was buoyed by the victory of a candidate he backed in last year’s Jakarta governor election, but his Gerindra party’s contestant to become governor in West Java is well behind Kamil in opinion surveys.
Gerindra’s deputy secretary general, Ahmad Reza Patria, said the party had no links to the “vile and extraordinary acts” in Java. Subianto has not commented publicly on the incidents.
Bandung Mayor Kamil said he has stepped up security patrols in his city following the wave of attacks, but he is in no doubt that they are politically motivated.
“In my opinion, it is orchestrated,” he said. “It’s not just a person, but an organization trying to benefit politically through fear.”
