Monday, April 9, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Reporter’s Notebook: Up Close and Personal in Post-Conflict Northern Rakhine State

Posted: 09 Apr 2018 06:36 AM PDT

YANGON – I was among 14 local journalists who joined a two-day government guided tour of northern Rakhine's Maungdaw district last week following accusations from international rights groups that the government was orchestrating a campaign to bulldoze the remnants of Rohingya settlements in the area to clear evidence of official wrongdoing.

The authorities scheduled a media tour of several villages including Pan Taw Pyin Muslim village, located on the outskirts of Maungdaw, the Hla Phoe Khaung refugee reception camp, and Inn Din village, where two Reuters reporters exposed mass graves, as well as Taung Pyo Let Wei town. All these villages had been previously visited by diplomats and foreign correspondents.

As usual, district officer U Ye Htut fielded questions from journalists at his office on Saturday and said that about 10 villages had been bulldozed to make way for construction of new settlements and border police regiments, while 13 village tracts out of a total 93 villages in the whole district remained intact following the late 2017 violence. But he did not provide a breakdown of how many of these were Arakanese or Rohingya villages.

Elderly Muslim men from northern Maungdaw’s Ngan Chaung village come out to meet local reporters on Sunday.(Photos: Moe Myint/ The Irrawaddy)

The UN has described the army's campaign against the Rohingya as a textbook example of ethnic cleansing while international rights defenders have called for high-ranking officers from the Myanmar military to be brought before the International Criminal Court.

U Ye Htut claimed that some Muslim villages such as Ngan Chaung, Kyae Taw Pyin and Nga Sar Kyu in northern Maungdaw had not suffered arson attacks and that the residents in almost all of them had been living peacefully despite the violence that erupted in the area.

Some reporters demanded to be taken to those locations as a matter of clarification, however the government administrative department official took them to see only one village, Ngan Chaung, which is about 27 kilometers from of the district's urban center. They were not, however, allowed to visit Nga Sar Kyu village, which is situated on the same route and only about 4 kilometers from Ngan Chaung village.

Modest houses being constructed for internally displaced persons in northern Maungdaw.  (Photos: Moe Myint/ The Irrawaddy)

Condition of remaining Rohingya villages

We saw an infantry checkpoint (Light Infantry Battalion No. 535) near Maung Hna Ma village on Sunday morning. I visited that village alone after the Oct. 9 attack in 2016 and observed that within a few months farming had been revived and commodities were being sold again in the market but it had been razed in the late 2017 violence and no one was living there now.

We then arrived at Ngan Chaung village, which is home to a decades-old white Muslim mosque that sits between two freshwater lakes. The atmosphere was completely silent as our motorcade pulled up there. Some elderly and male Rohingya came out to greet the vehicles. There were noticeably no women among the group.

Reporters were allowed to interview different sources for 10 minutes, and to take photographs. Most of the residents, however, were reluctant to speak with the journalists as the government officials, police and special police branch officers were close by photographing them.

"I can't talk freely here," a villager said. "We are terribly frightened and trapped here. We are being restricted from visiting other villages."

The village once had a population of about 5,300 residents but nearly 5,000 have now fled to neighboring Bangladesh amid fear they will be detained by security forces. Some of the 700 Rohingya still living in Ngan Chaung said they had decided to stay because it had been their home their whole lives.

An ethnic Mro woman walks toward newly constructed buildings in northern Maungdaw’s Kha Maung Seik town.(Photos: Moe Myint/ The Irrawaddy)

"I grew up here and this is my native place. Why should I flee to another country as I have done nothing wrong?" said one man who asked to remain anonymous.

Another Muslim man complained that he was arrested by border police for visiting neighboring Kyae Pin village without a recommendation letter from his village head and fined about two lakhs (200,000 kyats).

The Irrawaddy asked the Rohingya village head, U Thin Ko Ko, about the detention claim and he denied it happened. A few days later he acknowledged, however, that everyone in the village is required to have a travel permit, regardless of whether the villagers had their own proper tri-fold card, or national verification card (NVC). Multiple Muslim sources from Maungdaw described the villagers' situation in the surrounding urban areas as being similar to house arrest.

In fact, NVC holders were granted freedom of movement in Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships in early 2017. During the trip, a district administrative officer proudly told the journalists that NVC cardholders were even allowed to travel to Yangon to apply for a passport.

Rohingya out, tribes in

Along the highway of northern Maungdaw Township, we repeatedly witnessed burned-out sites, dry betel nut trees, piled-up coconut timber, the dug-up roots of raintrees, skinny dogs, villages that had been recently bulldozed to make way for new border police regiments or for new villages and a few Rakhine villages with police stations.

Our group was also brought to meet 60 families who had recently fled from Bangladesh's Bandarban hills district to Kha Maung Seik town's Oh Tan village, which is 53 kilometers from Maungdaw. Some modest brick houses have been built on the top of burned Rohingya villages while some of the displaced 43 Hindu households are now encamped near Mayu Mountain.


Minority Mro people from Bangladesh take refuge near a stream at Kha Maung Seik town.(Photos: Moe Myint/ The Irrawaddy)

Some of the ethnic Mro from the Bangladesh side can speak Arakanese. U Pun Num, a 40-year-old father of four, was one of them. He explained the Mro are officially recognized as Bangladesh citizens and have national identity cards but can't read the Bangla dialect.

The tribespeople subsist by means of shifting cultivation and farming in the hill tract region and are predominantly Buddhist. Reports about the Rohingya exodus in late 2017 have created hostilities between the Chackma and Mro and neighboring Muslim villages, as it was widely believed in majority Muslim Bangladesh that the Mro were the same as the Buddhist Arakanese and responsible for the plight of the Rohingya.

"Although we were not physically assaulted, it could happen one day and I felt we were not safe there," U Pun Num said.

To reach Kha Maung Seik village, the tribespeople had trekked for six days from Bandarban district and did not see any border guards near the frontier fence on either the Bangladesh or Myanmar side. According to Kha Maung Seik town authorities, the newly constructed houses are intended for the tribespeople.

Border crossings and citizenship claims could turn out to be the most complex part of this issue. During the trip, immigration officers told reporters that they couldn't issue citizenship cards to ethnic Mro who came from Bangladesh. But, meanwhile, the government has been constructing buildings for the new arrivals.

The authorities' position on this matter is obviously questionable, given the NVC holders or displaced Rohingya are restricted from travelling and even going shopping in downtown areas while the new arrivals from Bangladesh are allowed to move freely within the area.

The clear lack of law enforcement in the region could also fuel distrust between the Muslim and Buddhist communities. I have travelled across southern and northern Maungdaw and seen many unlawful activities being carried out by uneducated villagers, such as the looting of the burned remains of Muslim villages and the cutting down of trees for lumber. None of this is new in the conflict zone, and has been happening since September 2017.

A couple of days after we arrived back in Yangon from Maungdaw, an ethnic Mro woman was hacked to death by unidentified men near a Muslim village where eight Mro villagers were searching for plants to cook. Some Hindu sources told The Irrawaddy that the Mro entering the burned-out site was the cause of the incident.

The post Reporter's Notebook: Up Close and Personal in Post-Conflict Northern Rakhine State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

KIA Raids Tatmadaw Base, Claims to Detain More than a Dozen Troops

Posted: 09 Apr 2018 05:33 AM PDT

More than a dozen Myanmar Army (Tatmadaw) troops, many of them badly injured, were briefly detained by the Kachin Independence Army when the latter raided a Tatmadaw base in Hpaka Township on April 6. The ethnic army released them after they themselves came under attack by two Tatmadaw helicopters, according to local sources.

The KIA attack was launched at 2 am according to the KIA. At some time after 5 am they seized the base, reportedly wounding some Tatmadaw troops.

"Our KIA troops raided their base. We were able to take control of the base, but we do not yet know the number of casualties," said Colonel Naw Bu, a spokesperson for the KIA.

The KIA raid on the Tatmadaw's Battalion 86 was launched under the command of the ethnic army's Regional Operations Command 2 based in Tanai Township, according to Col. Naw Bu.

The KIA seized dozens of guns from the Tatmadaw, including artillery pieces, as well as ammunition during their raid on the base. The Tatmadaw's Colonel Aung Aung was seriously wounded in the raid and reportedly died after the KIA left the area.

Video footage of the raid circulated on social media shows a large number of KIA troops milling about after apparently having overwhelmed the Tatmadaw base, many of whose troops appear gravely wounded.

A total of 13 soldiers including Col Aung Aung appear wounded and lying on the ground. Many of the wounded soldiers appear to have lost a lot of blood.

A medic is seen treating a wounded Tatmadaw soldier.

The KIA reported that a Myanmar Army helicopter later lunched a strike on its personnel as they were treating the Tatmadaw's wounded, so they left the area. The KIA said it did not know the fate of the wounded soldiers it was forced to stop treating.

"We injected them [with medicine] and treated their wounds. We told them that their friends would come to pick them up soon. So we told them to stay there and we left," said Col Awng Jar from the KIA's Battalion 6.

Col Awng Jar led the raid on the Myanmar Army base.

The base housed 24 Tatmadaw troops. At least eight soldiers were killed in the attack, but the KIA has suppressed the casualty count, sources within the KIA said.

Even a local ethnic Kachin man reported that eight Tatmadaw soldiers were killed, and three others detained by the KIA.

The Ministry of Defense and the Tatmadaw released no statements regarding the attack.

The KIA last week announced they would launch guerrilla attacks and plant landmines against the Tatmadaw in the Hukawng Valley. They warned illegal mine workers in the area to leave by April 10.

According to Col. Naw Bu, no fighting was reported Monday in Tanai Township, which has been another conflict flashpoint. However, fighting there is expected to escalate soon as the Tatmadaw has recently deployed more troops to the area and continues to launch attacks against the KIA.

The Tatmadaw attacked KIA-held Mansi Township on April 1-6 according to local ethnic Kachin. No fighting was reported there in the past few days.

Several rounds of peace talks between the Tatmadaw and the KIA have been held in recent years. However, they have been halted since February, when the KIA issued a statement listing conditions for further peace talks with the Tatmadaw.

Similarly, the Tatmadaw asked the KIA to withdraw at least three battalions, including Battalion 14, which was in the Tanai area, and Battalion 12 and Battalion 27 in the Mansi Township area. However, the KIA refused to withdraw, leading to sporadic clashes in these areas. It eventually withdrew from the Battalion 14 base.

More than 100,000 people remain displaced from their homes after a 17-year ceasefire between the central government and the KIA collapsed in 2011.

The post KIA Raids Tatmadaw Base, Claims to Detain More than a Dozen Troops appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

YCDC Approves Reservoir Safety Plan for Controversial Mega Project

Posted: 09 Apr 2018 04:49 AM PDT

YANGON—The city's municipal body has given permission to the developer of a controversial high-rise project to implement its proposed safety measures for a reservoir next to the project site.

Yangon City Development Committee gave the green light to Zaykabar Company, the developer of the Myayeik Nyo Royal Project, on Friday to sink bored piles and add water seals as a precautionary measure to protect the 92-year old service reservoir from damage that might be caused by construction of the US$500m project.

The approval followed a decision at a Yangon government cabinet meeting on the same day after the company submitted safety plans signed by relevant engineers.

Daw May May Thwe, a YCDC committee member, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the permission also included approval for the construction of a three-story on-site office building and a retaining wall nearby to prevent landslides in the neighborhood.

"They are allowed to go ahead with their proposed safety plans for the reservoir, office building and retaining wall. Nothing else," she said.

Slated to be completed by 2020, the Myayeik Nyo Royal Project is now in the beginning phase and comprises the construction of 12 buildings with heights ranging from 382 feet to 412 feet. In one corner of the project's 13-acre plot lies a reservoir that distributes water to Yangon's 16 downtown townships.

Residents who live near the construction site are opposed to the project because they fear that damage to the 20-million gallon reservoir could result in their neighborhood being flooded and cause water shortages across the city.

Both the Yangon government and YCDC suspended the project in March and again last week until the developer could come up with a safety plan for the reservoir following media reports—including The Irrawaddy's— about the residents' concerns.

Located in one of Yangon's prime areas in Bahan Township, the project is named after the now-defunct Myayeik Nyo Hotel, which was run by Myanmar tycoon U Khin Shwe, who is also chairman of Zaykabar Co., one of Myanmar's largest construction companies. The project contractor is China State Construction Engineering Corporation Ltd (CSCEC).

Once covered with dense vegetation, the project area was known as Mount Pleasant during the British colonial days. Many mansions belonging to high officials, including the Mayor's Residence and the Mayor's Guest House (both are on heritage list) and the residence of the manager of Chartered Bank, were located there.

In February, the Mayor's Residence was demolished during site clearing process to make way for the project.

The post YCDC Approves Reservoir Safety Plan for Controversial Mega Project appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Tatmadaw Kills Indigenous Karen Community Leader, Local Groups Say

Posted: 09 Apr 2018 04:03 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — An indigenous Karen man from Ler Mu Plaw village in Karen State's Papun district was shot dead by the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) on Thursday afternoon, according to local villagers and aid groups.

Fighting between the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and the Tatmadaw has flared recently in the Ler Mu Plaw area, despite both sides being signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). Amid a persistent military standoff, some 2,300 villagers who were earlier forced to flee the area dare not to go back to their homes, as they claim the Tatmadaw has taken control of their villages.

Saw O Moo, 42, a community leader and father of seven, was reportedly shot dead while on his way home on April 5. He was driving a motorbike when he came under fire. A friend who was riding on the back of the motorcycle managed to flee the attack and survived, said a member of the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network, citing local villagers.

"The villagers returned to the scene on April 6 and saw both the body and the motorbike, but were unable to approach them as [the villagers] came under fire," said Saw Soe Doh, a spokesman for the Mutraw (Papun) Emergency Assistance Team.

He said villagers went back to the area again on Saturday and Sunday but could not retrieve the body, as soldiers were stationed nearby.

"Atee [Uncle] Saw O Moo was a good person," Saw Soe Doh told The Irrawaddy, adding that the slain man was a leader of the Mutraw (or Papun) indigenous Karen community and an advocate for indigenous Karen rights, including land and forest governance as well as peace for the Mutraw people.

The Mutraw Emergency Assistance Team was formed by members of a Karen community organization and other local groups on March 12 to help villagers displaced from the Ler Mu Plaw area, following fighting between the KNLA and Tatmadaw in early March. The clashes were triggered by the Tatmadaw's deployment of troops to the area.

The team has been providing medicine, food and shelter for IDPs. Saw O Moo worked for the team, providing peer support to villagers.

"We want his body back," Saw Soe Doh said. Villagers and relief workers are convinced he is the shooting victim, as he never returned home and would never get lost in the area, they say.

In a statement, the Mutraw Emergency Assistance Team urged President U Win Myint and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi "to take immediate measures to protect the displaced villagers and ensure the safety of our humanitarian workers."

Their statement reads: "The murder of an innocent humanitarian aid worker by the Burmese Army seriously violates not only human rights but also the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA)."

The Karen National Union, the political wing of the KNLA, said the Tatmadaw should halt its project to rebuild an old road that was abandoned in 2008 until trust can be restored between the two sides.

Karen civil society groups said the Tatmadaw breached the ceasefire pact by moving troops across agreed ceasefire boundaries. As a consequence, they say, some 2,300 local villagers have been displaced.

The post Tatmadaw Kills Indigenous Karen Community Leader, Local Groups Say appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Peace Process Steering Team Form Panels to Hold Informal Talks With Gov’t

Posted: 09 Apr 2018 01:35 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — The peace process steering team (PPST), which comprises the leaders of the signatories of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), on Friday formed two teams to hold informal talks with the government on political and security issues.

Padoh Kwe Htoo Win, the vice chairman of the Karen National Union (KNU), will lead the informal
team on the political sector, said Salai Thla Hei, coordinator of the peace process working team under the PPST.

Padoh Saw Roger Khin, also from the KNU, will lead the informal team on the security sector.

Salai Thla Hei told The Irrawaddy that the informal negotiation teams will try to meet with the government later this month after Thingyan, the Myanmar New Year holiday, which runs from April 13-17.

On April 5-6, the NCA signatories met in Chiang Mai, Thailand to discuss the current political situation, the peace process, and the upcoming 21st-Century Panglong Peace Conference (UPC).

The Tatmadaw's ongoing clashes with EAO signatories and the inability of the latter to conduct national-level dialogues have raised questions over the NCA and caused non-signatory EAOs to doubt the process.

The standoff between the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and the Tatmadaw continued after fighting broke out in Papun district of Karen state last month over the Tatmadaw’s continued presence in the area, where it is rebuilding an old road. Talks between the two armies to resolve the issue have not yet been held.

Meanwhile, the Shan, Mon and Rakhine signatories have yet to implement national-level dialogues, with the third session of the UPC scheduled to be held next month.

A lack of informal talks between the government, Tatmadaw and the ethnic armed organizations is one cause of the failure of the peace process, according to some stakeholders.

"For the remaining three years, the peace negotiators on both sides need to hold more informal talks to help the formal negotiations to go smoothly," said Padoh Kwe Htoo Win, who recently spoke to The Irrawaddy.

Under the two-year-old National League for Democracy-led government, the peace process has not made much progress, struggling to reach its aims of achieving genuine peace and a federal union. On the positive side, two more groups – the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) – signed the NCA last month. Also, at the second UPC session in May last year, the Union Accord Part 1 was established. The accord agrees on 37 basic principles for a federal state. Despite these achievements, peace negotiations have almost disappeared.

According to some stakeholders close to the government, while the Peace Commission is formally chaired by Dr. Tin Myo Win, an aide to State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, in practice ex-generals lead both the negotiations and the commission, as the chairman is seen as incompetent to lead such negotiations.

The stakeholders share the view that the NLD government's aim to achieve a democratic federal union is good, but its implementation has been weak compared to the previous government led by then-President U Thein Sein. In peace negotiations launched under U Thein Sein starting in late 2011, informal, closed-door meetings were used to help move the process forward.

The stakeholders feel that the process will not achieve its goals within the desired time frame unless the terms of the negotiations are reconsidered.

Padoh Kwe Htoo Win, who has been involved in peace negotiations since 2011, agreed that the many challenges and difficulties facing the process had kept it from achieving its goals.

"We have many stakeholders, and we have different perspectives. Although we have a common goal to build a democratic federal union, our approach may not be the same. Thus we are trying to negotiate on that," he added.

The post Peace Process Steering Team Form Panels to Hold Informal Talks With Gov't appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rakhine Parliament Says No to Rohingya Resettlement in Southern Maungdaw

Posted: 08 Apr 2018 11:47 PM PDT

SITTWE, Rakhine State — The Rakhine State Parliament on Friday approved a proposal to urge the union government not to resettle non-citizen Muslim refugees in southern Maungdaw Township.

Lawmaker U Tun Aung Thein, of Buthidaung Township, introduced the proposal to Parliament on Tuesday in consideration, he said, of national sovereignty, the security of the area’s mostly Buddhist ethnic Arakanese, and the rule of law.

Some 700,000 Muslim Rohingya have fled Rakhine for Bangladesh since militant attacks on security outposts in the north of the state in late August triggered a massive military and police crackdown on the area’s Muslim communities.

In November Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed to start repatriating the refugees on Jan. 22, but the process has been delayed.

Lawmakers discussed U Tun Aung Thein's proposal on Friday and approved it after there were no objections.

"The minority Arakanese people and other tribes have fled their homes because of overwhelming fears. The whole area has fallen to the hands of non-Myanmar citizens," said U Tun Aung Thein.

"Under such circumstances, resettlement of non-citizens in southern Maungdaw can harm sovereignty in the future. Locals have also released statements against resettlement of Bengalis in southern Maungdaw, and we must heed their desires," he added.

Most people in Myanmar refer to the Rohingya as Bengalis, implying that they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. Most have been denied citizenship even after generations in Myanmar.

Lawmakers on Friday also objected to the government's plan to establish eight Rohingya villages in southern Maungdaw as part of the repatriation process, arguing that illegal immigrants and terrorists could easily reach the area by sea.

"It is like opening a welcome center for illegal immigrants and terrorists to establish Bengali villages in southern Maungdaw because it is adjacent to the sea. The government should be especially aware that a mistake at this time could result in a big mistake that can't be compensated in the future," said lawmaker U Aung Win, of Myebon Township.

Major Aung Zin Than, a military appointee to the state Parliament, also spoke against establishing Rohingya villages in southern Maungdaw, where there is no border fence.

Rakhine State Planning and Finance Minister U Kyaw Aye Thein said he had no reason to object to the lawmakers’ discussion but asked them to recognize the international pressure the union government was under regarding the Rohingya.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Rakhine Parliament Says No to Rohingya Resettlement in Southern Maungdaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Venerating the Past, Traditional Costume Fever Grips Thailand

Posted: 08 Apr 2018 11:27 PM PDT

BANGKOK — Business is booming for Siri Seatea’s traditional dress shop in Bangkok.

“Out of the 30 years I’ve been running this shop, this is the peak for us,” 53-year-old Siri told Reuters as she stitched a Thai sarong for a client.

History fever is gripping Thailand and a growing number of Thais are wearing traditional dress, a phenomenon encouraged by the junta and the palace, and fuelled by a popular television soap opera.

But the trend, which began with a “winter fair” initiated by King Maha Vajiralongkorn in February, has also been criticized by some as an attempt to glorify an era of absolute monarchy and gloss over the junta’s shortcomings nearly four years after it took power.

“History has long been used by the elite to maintain their status in politics,” said Anusorn Unno, Dean of the Faculty of Sociology and Anthropology at Thammasat University.

“Right now the junta is facing new challenges from a new generation of people, so they have retreated to history to say that the past is better and more suitable for Thailand.”

Among the popular costumes are those worn during the reign of former King Chulalongkorn, known as Rama V, who ruled from 1868 to 1910 and is credited with saving Thailand from Western colonialism.

Television has also played a part.

“Love Destiny,” a soap opera set during the 1656 to 1688 reign of King Narai the Great, has taken Thailand by storm.

Many Thais are visiting the ancient capital of Ayutthaya, north of Bangkok, where scenes from “Love Destiny” take place. They pose for selfies dressed in traditional garb against the backdrop of the ruins.

Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha met with cast members this week at Government House and hailed the series as an example of the government’s longstanding policy of promoting “Thainess.”

Prayuth’s own cabinet has held some recent meetings in the traditional dress of a 19th century elite. He dressed in a buttoned up silk jacket, breeches and a wide sash.

A coup led by Prayuth in 2014 followed months of unrest as demonstrators supporting the urban middle class and military-backed elite demanded the resignation of then-Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, whose biggest following was among the rural poor.

That long-standing division shows little sign of having disappeared despite four years of military rule.

Although the junta has now promised elections for February 2019, signs of frustration over repeated delays to the ballot have prompted protests in recent weeks.

“Costume Fever”

In Ayutthaya, 80 km north of Bangkok, visitor numbers have nearly tripled since “Love Destiny” began, according to officials quoted by local media.

“It was booming since the winter fair held by our king and then this soap opera fueled the Thai costume fever,” said Chutima Wongchiangkwang, 55, a costume vendor.

Wearing traditional clothes can get you a discount at the cinema. The country’s Major Cineplex Group announced this week a buy one, get one free promotion.

Flight attendants for national carrier Thai Airways International are also dressing up in national costumes from the reign of King Rama V this month to mark the Thai New Year festival known as Songkran.

This weekend, Thais flocked to an event initiated by the king ahead of the Thai New Year festival of Songkran — which for many has become a rowdy water-soaked affair.

The palace event, over three days, aims to revive a more sedate vision of Thailand’s culture with tribute being paid to past kings, Buddhist rites and displays of folklore.

“The public is encouraged to dress in traditional Thai period costume, wear Thai clothing or polite smart casual attire,” the Thai tourist authority’s news website said. “Water guns and baby powder pasting are discouraged.”

Back at the Siriroong Ruang shop, Maneejan Srilert, 23, an employee at the Stock Exchange of Thailand, eyed a gold and red traditional skirt to wear to an office party.

“I don’t think of it as a political thing,” she told Reuters. “For me it’s just fashion.”

The post Venerating the Past, Traditional Costume Fever Grips Thailand appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Cambodia’s Former Opposition Leader Calls For Election Boycott

Posted: 08 Apr 2018 09:44 PM PDT

PHNOM PENH — Cambodia’s former opposition leader, Sam Rainsy, called on Sunday for Cambodians to boycott a general election set for July 29 if his dissolved party isn’t allowed to take part.

The Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) was dissolved by the Supreme Court last November at the request of Prime Minister Hun Sen’s government, which alleged it was plotting to take power with the help of the United States.

The CNRP and the United States have denied the allegations, which followed the arrest of current party leader Kem Sokha on treason charges over the alleged plot. He has denied the charges and called them a ploy to help Hun Sen win re-election.

“I call on all my Cambodian fellow compatriots who believe in democracy to boycott the 29 July 2018 elections if the CNRP is not allowed to participate,” Sam Rainsy said in a tweet on Sunday.

The party had not previously called for a boycott and it was not immediately clear if Sam Rainsy was speaking on behalf of the party.

He resigned as president of the CNRP in 2017 but has for decades been a vocal critic of Hun Sen. He has lived in France since 2015 to avoid a series of convictions he says are politically motivated.

Sok Eysan, a spokesman for Hun Sen’s ruling Cambodian People’s Party, said Sam Rainsy’s call would have no impact.

“The CNRP is already dead by the Supreme Court’s decision,” Sok Eysan said. “Even if Sam Rainsy appeals until he dies, people no longer believe him.”

The ban on the CNRP prompted some Western countries to condemn the crackdown, cut aid, and impose visa bans on some ruling party members. But Japan provided Cambodia with a grant and loan agreement totaling over $90 million on Sunday, while saying it wanted to see a free and fair election.

“Everybody can have their own idea what is free and fair, but free is free and fair is fair,” Norio Maruyama, a Japanese Foreign Affairs spokesman, told a news briefing.

A former deputy president of the CNRP, Mu Sochua, said Cambodians expected Japan not to recognize any government that emerged from a “sham election.”

Japan is locked in a regional battle for influence with China, which is by far the biggest donor to Cambodia and has consistently voiced support for the government.

The post Cambodia’s Former Opposition Leader Calls For Election Boycott appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Not Ready For Return of Rohingya Refugees: UN Official

Posted: 08 Apr 2018 09:29 PM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar is not ready for the repatriation of Rohingya refugees, said the most senior United Nations official to visit the country this year, after Myanmar was accused of instigating ethnic cleansing and driving nearly 700,000 Muslims to Bangladesh.

“From what I’ve seen and heard from people — no access to health services, concerns about protection, continued displacements — conditions are not conducive to return,” Ursula Mueller, the UN’s assistant secretary-general for humanitarian affairs, said after a six-day visit to Myanmar.

A Myanmar government spokesman did not immediately respond to requests for comment on Mueller’s remarks.

The Myanmar government has previously pledged to do its best to make sure repatriation under an agreement signed with Bangladesh in November would be “fair, dignified and safe.”

Myanmar has so far verified several hundred Rohingya Muslim refugees for possible repatriation. The group would be “the first batch” of refugees and could come back to Myanmar “when it was convenient for them,” a Myanmar official said last month.

Mueller was granted rare access in Myanmar, allowed to visit the most affected areas in Rakhine State, and met army-controlled ministers of defense and border affairs, as well as de-facto leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other civilian officials.

The exodus of Rohingya Muslims followed an Aug. 25 crackdown by the military in northwestern Rakhine. Rohingya refugees reported killings, burnings, looting and rape, in response to militant attacks on security forces.

“I asked [Myanmar officials] to end the violence … and that the return of the refugees from [Bangladeshi refugee camps in] Cox’s Bazar is to be on a voluntary, dignified way, when solutions are durable,” Mueller told Reuters in an interview in Myanmar’s largest city, Yangon.

Myanmar says its forces have been engaged in a legitimate campaign against Muslim “terrorists.”

Bangladesh officials have previously expressed doubts about Myanmar’s willingness to take back Rohingya refugees.

Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed in January to complete a voluntary repatriation of the refugees in two years. Myanmar set up two reception centers and what it says is a temporary camp near the border in Rakhine to receive the first arrivals. “We are right now at the border ready to receive, if the Bangladeshis bring them to our side,” Kyaw Tin, Myanmar minister of international cooperation, told reporters in January.

Many in Buddhist-majority Myanmar regard the Rohingya as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. The UN has described Myanmar’s counteroffensive as ethnic cleansing, which Myanmar denies.

Asked whether she believed in government assurances the Rohingya would be allowed to return to their homes after a temporary stay in camps, Mueller said: “I’m really concerned about the situation.”

Part of the problem is that, according to New York-based Human Rights Watch, Myanmar has bulldozed at least 55 villages that were emptied during the violence.

“I witnessed areas where villages were burned down and bulldozed…I’ve not seen or heard that there are any preparations for people to go to their places of origin,” Mueller said.

Myanmar officials have said the villages were bulldozed to make way for refugee resettlement.

Mueller said she has also raised the issue with Myanmar officials of limited humanitarian aid access to the vulnerable people in the country and added, referring to the authorities, that she would “push them on granting access” for aid agencies.

The post Myanmar Not Ready For Return of Rohingya Refugees: UN Official appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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Saturday, April 7, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

A Calculated Political Shake-Up

Posted: 06 Apr 2018 08:54 PM PDT

Kyaw Kha: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! Last week, the top three leaders of the country State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, newly elected President U Win Myint and Army Chief Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing delivered addresses. We will discuss those speeches. The Irrawaddy English editor Ko Kyaw Zwa Moe and Burmese editor Ko Ye Ni join me to for the discussion. I'm The Irrawaddy Burmese chief reporter Kyaw Kha.

A Calculated Political Shake-Up

DATELINE IRRAWADDYA Calculated Political Shake-UpThe Irrawaddy discusses speeches given last week by the state counselor, army chief and new president—in light of his recent appointment.

Posted by The Irrawaddy – English Edition on Friday, April 6, 2018

We now have a new president and this shift is quite interesting. Ko Kyaw Zwa Moe, what is your view on this change?

Kyaw Zwa Moe: We can assume that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) government made such a big change after careful consideration, two years into their term. Before this, there was a lot of frustration with the performance of the NLD government, especially its ministries. The change was made in response to that feedback.

The reason U Win Myint was appointed is strikingly different from that of U Htin Kyaw. As everyone said, U Htin Kyaw was chosen as president because Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was barred from the presidency. But, it is different for U Win Myint. She chose him in consideration of the time after her era. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is over 70 years old now. She seems to have chosen someone who can handle her responsibilities when she can no longer work either because of her health or age. U Win Myint must be her favorite candidate. He has shown his caliber in Parliament over the past two years. And he was elected three times [to Parliament]. I think Daw Aung San Suu Kyi made the move considering the political role of the Tatmadaw and the political privileges given to it by the Constitution.

We are now undergoing a democratic transition. In other words, a democratic transition can be defined as a gradual reduction in the role of the Tatmadaw in politics and the administration. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, her government and the new president have made a political move based on this. We can't lose track of it.

KK: State Counselor Daw Aung San Su Kyi delivered an address on Sunday and I found an interesting point in her speech. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said that she is committed to solving the problems facing the country with collective strength. Ko Ye Ni, what does that mean to you?

Ye Ni: There are two big challenges facing the country as well as the NLD government—peace building and the Rakhine issue. She said she would overcome those problems with collective strength. By 'collective strength,' she may refer to the public support for her party, which won the election held according to the 2008 Constitution and formed the government. But I think that when she says collective strength, there are key players like the Tatmadaw, ethnic armed organizations and ethnic people. And there are other key players—such as international partners that are helping Myanmar with the Rakhine issue and the peace process. I think she means that all of them should work together toward a common goal.

KK: I also found some interesting points in the speech of the army chief in his address on the 73rd anniversary of Armed Forces Day. Ko Kyaw Zwa, did anything from his speech stick out to you?

KZM: Overall, he focused on national politics like in his previous speeches. I assess that the Tatmadaw has shown either in the past or at present that it wants to solve problems and build peace together with the current government. But at the same time, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar people and political analysts understand that the Tatmadaw definitely is not yet ready to leave the political circle. It is partly because the Tatmadaw has declared itself a patriotic armed force because it was founded by Gen Aung San.

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing still embraces that concept. So, the army has said that it will engage in national politics. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and domestic political forces understand this. But it is difficult for international partners to accept. So, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi quoted President U Win Myint, and talked about three points—rule of law and improvement of the socio-economic life of people; national reconciliation and internal peace; and the amendment of the Constitution to provide a foundation for building a democratic federal republic. So, the government has set the rule of law and socio-economic improvement of people as the top priority. It understands that constitutional reforms, which need the approval of the military leadership, will take time. The Tatmadaw has the same view, I think. The Constitution must be reformed, as it doesn't meet democratic norms, but this will take time. The Tatmadaw will take its time and continue playing a part in politics.

YN: The 73rd anniversary of Armed Forces Day is worth noting. Compared to previous anniversaries, the military spent the least amount on this one. Unlike previous anniversaries, it didn't show off its military equipment, and spent on the 'Sinbyushin' military exercise instead. This is a message that the Tatmadaw is reducing its expenditures. Another thing worth noting is that the Tatmadaw seems to have changed its vision though its political stance remains unchanged.

Previously, the army chief talked about protecting race and religion. But in his message on the 73rd anniversary of Armed Forces Day, he talked about the need for hard work to catch up with fellow ASEAN countries. He did not talk about 'Union spirit' but called for 'Myanmar spirit' without racial or religious discrimination. This vision is worth noting, I think. I feel it is closer to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's vision of equality. I think it is the outcome of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi' efforts to build trust with the Tatmadaw at the risk of her reputation on the Rakhine issue.

KK: Another interesting thing is that he talked about the ROE [Rules of Engagement]. Everyone knows that there have been human rights violations by the Tatmadaw in some regions and states, and there were calls for taking action against the perpetrators. We don't know yet what kind of punitive action will be taken. I think it will do a lot that the army's top leader has said that action would be taken for the breach of the ROE. Do you think it will have an impact?

KZM: It is good that the army chief has said so. But to what extent practical action will be taken is open to question. Frankly speaking, the Tatmadaw has been under fire for human rights violations. It has been constantly criticized by the international community for human rights violations especially regarding the Rakhine conflict, and clashes in Shan and Kachin states. To answer the criticism, it is important that the Tatmadaw take punitive action in a transparent manner on the ground. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said that she wants to see an army that is reliable, respected and loved by the people, in other words, a professional army. Everybody wants to see such an army. The Tatmadaw has a lot to do to build itself into that kind of army. It has much to do to improve its image internationally.

KK: I think we should welcome the army chief talking about the ROE. Ko Ye Ni, what is your view on this?

YN: Recently, when there are allegations of human rights violations, the Tatmadaw will launch an investigation and take action against perpetrators, for example, in the case of the killing of 10 persons in Rakhine State, as well as killings in Kachin State. This is a good sign. That the army chief has talked about the ROE is the first step for the Tatmadaw to change public perception of it—from an oppressive mechanism to a standard army or professional army, which in essence is a national defense force that protects the country and the people. Whether it will really become a standard army will largely depend on how much it is willing to cooperate in security sector reforms, and reform of the 2008 Constitution.

KK: Last question. It is an interesting turning point for Myanmar to have newly elected President U Win Myint. What changes can we expect that are different from the first two years of the NLD-led government? Despite the presidential change, the government still has to work within the framework of the 2008 Constitution. How much can we expect from the new president?

KZM: I think there was a lot of frustration over the past two years, including over the situation in Rakhine State. The peace process has stalled, and the economy was the worst problem. People from all walks of life—from businessmen to working-class people—have criticized the economic performance of the government. The government has to do something to achieve tangible results. It only has three years until its term ends. In fact, it has only just over two years until the 2020 election period. People don't want to wait two years.

The first thing it needs to do is to ensure rule of law and socio-economic recovery as the president and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi have said. The economy is crucially important. The change of president is good. But the question is to what extent he will be able to exert his executive power to manage each of more than 20 ministries to achieve results. How much can he handle alone? Teamwork is important. Some ministers are almost incapable. How promptly can changes be made to address this problem? Is it necessary to change ministers? The president has been switched. The president should see if the ministers can perform the duties he assigns within deadlines. It is very important. I think the commerce and tourism ministries as well as some others need changes. There is a need to assign the right men to those ministries promptly. Only then, will we be able to see significant changes in the next six months or a year.

KK: I have met three presidents in my life. Looking at the strength of their inauguration speeches and their mannerisms during the speech, I feel like the address of President U Win Myint was pithy, precise and strong. And I like the way U Win Myint spoke actively and confidently. He moved the microphone as he spoke vigorously, and that was very interesting. I feel he is more active than his predecessors. What changes can we expect during his term, Ko Ye Ni?

YN: As we've said, he was appointed for other reasons than U Htin Kyaw. U Win Myint is younger. U Htin Kyaw's presidency was largely ceremonial, and U Win Myint seems more like a working president. This is encouraging. As he took office, we had good news about the economy. An IMF report said that Myanmar's macroeconomy, which declined in the initial years under the NLD government, has started to rebound and is likely to gain momentum in the coming years. This is good news. Usually, when there is a change of leadership, the economy responds in fear of possible political changes, for example, the exchange rate may increase as a result. But in our case, the change did not affect the market much, and it remains rather stable.

An event just ended as we recorded this Dateline Program. The Ayeyarwady Bank organized a home loan expo, which sold apartments in installments. That the bank provides mortgages shows that it is willing to assume risk in the hope of economic stability or even development in the future. As I've seen some businesses and projects implemented based on the future economic prospects of the country, we can say that these are good signs. If President U Win Myint can lead a lean and capable cabinet to realize the economic potential of the country, there will be very encouraging news not only for the NLD but also for the socio-economic status of the people.

KK: Thank you for your contributions!

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Friday, April 6, 2018

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Veteran Democracy Activist Faces Challenges in Bid to Launch New Party

Posted: 06 Apr 2018 04:23 AM PDT

YANGON — In the course of founding a political party with the intention of strengthening Myanmar's multiparty democracy, U Ko Ko Gyi has faced an unexpected challenge: choosing an acceptable name.

Relenting in the face of criticism of his original choice, the Four Eights Party, the veteran pro-democracy activist now says the organization will be registered as the Four Eights People's Party.

Early last year, U Ko Ko Gyi and his colleagues—who were among the leading members of the student-led 8888 Uprising in August 1988—started laying the groundwork for setting up the Four Eights Party, conducting multi-stakeholder consultations and setting up organizing committee offices in towns around the country.

When the party founders tried to register the organization with the Election Commission in December, they drew criticism from those who see the designation "8888" as a symbol of the struggle for democracy, and as such, as the property of the entire country. These critics say "8888" should not be available for use by a particular party. The organizers were accused of trying to appropriate the imagery and symbols of the historic movement.

The pushback over the name continues, as the party awaits the commission's approval for registration.

Last week, the commission told the organizers it was concerned about potential disputes that might arise over the name, and asked them to reconsider.

U Ko Ko Gyi said the party's original name was decided upon only after yearlong consultations with multiple stakeholders. Most of the party's founding members were actively involved in the nationwide democracy movement, he added.

U Ko Ko Gyi and other leading members of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society’s committee to found a political party attend a press conference on Dec. 17. (Photos: Myo Min Soe/ The Irrawaddy)

However, to accommodate the criticisms and suggestions, he said the party would re-register as the Four Eights People's Party.

"Some suggested adding something before or after 8888 [the original name]. In response to this, we have revised the name," he said.

He said he hoped the party will soon be registered by the commission, adding that if there are any more objections, the party will address them through legal means.

Other parties had used the iconography of 8-8-88 in their name, he said.

"I won't respond to disputes over the name anymore. I want to focus on educating the public about the party's policies and implementing them," U Ko Ko Gyi added.

The party's other priorities include getting former activists who are returning from exile involved in the country's transition, and the rehabilitation of former political prisoners and their families, he said.

If the party's registration is approved, the new party will serve as an alternative choice for voters.

U Ko Ko Gyi said his aim was to foster the development of political pluralism so that people have many choices.

During the transition from dictatorship to democracy, voters had backed a particular party with the aim of ending the unpopular military regime. Now, U Ko Ko Gyi said, there is a need to move toward the next stage in the country's democratization process, which involved giving voters the opportunity to refine their preferences.

"Democracy is about enabling people to make choices," U Ko Ko Gyi said.

After engaging in politics for nearly 30 years, the 56-year-old veteran politician said he aimed to play a more active role.

U Ko Ko Gyi rose to prominence during the student protests in 1988, which grew into a nationwide pro-democracy movement against the former military junta. He spent about 19 years in and out of prison before being released in 2012 under a presidential pardon.

"A political party has an official platform to state its opinions and suggestions. And if people give us a mandate, we can implement our thoughts and goodwill through policies and laws," he said.

He said there was a mistaken notion among the general public that the sole objective of political parties is to gain power.

Even without winning an election, a political party can monitor and make constructive criticism about the actions of the government, he said.

"Sometimes, the political terminology can sound very grand—'federalism', 'Constitution', 'electoral system'—but those are just arguments between politicians. To the general public, politics is the rice pot," he said.

The new party will work to provide services that improve people's daily lives, U Ko Ko Gyi said.

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Painting the Practice of Victim-Blaming in a New Light

Posted: 06 Apr 2018 04:10 AM PDT

Artist Chuu Wai Nyein will never shake the memory of the time her sister was sexually assaulted some eight years ago in Mandalay. A man groped her sister and ran away. Among Chuu Wai Nyein's many responses to the experience was a heightened interest in female identity and standing up for women.

In her new solo exhibition, "One-Ten-Hundred", many of the paintings depict half-naked women; it is the artist's answer to the widespread practice in Myanmar society of victim-blaming in rape cases. "I don't accept that women always need to dress modestly, or that there would be no [rape] if women wore modest attire," Chuu Wai Nyein said.

"I don't mean women should be able to go naked. But their dress has nothing to do with rape," she said.

Some of the works draw parallels between the court ladies of the Yadanabon Era and the current status of women in Myanmar. The Yadabanon Era refers to the reign of King Mindon in the mid- to late 19th century.

In Myanmar society, women are encouraged to wear modest attire, like their predecessors in the monarchical period, especially the Yadanabon Era, supposedly did. The era is widely considered the epitome of tradition in Myanmar and as a true Burmese cultural reference point for girls and women today.

But based on documents she has seen from the Yadanabon period, Chuu Wai Nyein believes the truth was far more complex.

"Women of the Yadanabon Era were not as I had imagined, and been led to believe. While their attire reflected the unique taste of the Yadanabon Era, I also found them to be free and fashionable," she said.

"It has probably been the mode of court ladies since time immemorial to wear revealing dress or go topless," Chuu Wai Nyein said. "But this is just my feeling, and not based on historical research. Maybe it is not historically accurate."

Two years after the sexual assault on her sister, Chuu Wai Nyein started to draw Myanmar women—their lives, the restraints upon them, the "glass ceiling," but also their confidence and courage.

She studied with famous painters in Mandalay and Yangon while attending Mandalay Technological University.

Her grades were good enough to get into a master's degree program at the university, but she chose to do a postgraduate degree in painting at the National University of Arts and Culture in Mandalay.

The engineer-turned-artist has held three solo exhibitions focusing on Myanmar women, and plans to hold both group and solo exhibitions this year and next in New York and France.

"There have been calls for women to wear modest attire. OK—we'll wear long-sleeved blouses and long pants. Can you guarantee women won't ever be harassed or raped?" the artist asked.

Chuu Wai Nyein's solo exhibition at Gallery 65 in Dagon Township, Yangon, runs through Sunday. Paintings are available for purchase for between $150 and $850.

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Myanmar Agrees to UN Security Council Visit; Where, When to be Decided

Posted: 06 Apr 2018 03:29 AM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar has given the UN Security Council permission to visit the country, including conflict-torn Rakhine State, after blocking its requests for months.

U Myint Thu, permanent secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that the government has agreed to let the UN Security Council visit. But he added that critical details including exactly where and when they would travel had yet to be worked out, and that Myanmar’s ambassador to the UN in New York had been put in charge of those negotiations.

"They proposed a trip to come here last month.” U Myint Thu said. “We agreed to let them come.”

The ministry said delegates from neighboring countries, permanent member states of the Security Council and Singapore, as the current ASEAN chair, would join the trip.

The UN has been asking Myanmar to allow the visit since militant attacks on several security posts in northern Rakhine triggered a massive clearance operation by the military that has driven nearly 700,000 mostly Muslim Rohingya refugees to Bangladesh. The operation has generated widespread reports of arson, rape and murder by Myanmar’s security forces. The UN has called it a textbook example of ethnic cleansing, which the military denies.

The UN wants to send a team to northern Rakhine to investigate the alleged rights abuses. But Myanmar has repeatedly denied its requests, claiming the area was too insecure.

The Foreign Affairs Ministry now says the government wants to accommodate the UN.

"To be cooperative, we will let them come to our country and we will help them with the trip. We will try our best to help them with the trip," U Myint Thu said. "Based on their request, we will negotiate about when they will come and the people they want to meet," he said.

He said the delegates would also visit Bangladesh, where most of the refugees are sheltering in sprawling camps near the border.

The post Myanmar Agrees to UN Security Council Visit; Where, When to be Decided appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Placing Spotlights Casts Shadows

Posted: 06 Apr 2018 02:08 AM PDT

Last Friday, media releases all over the English and Burmese-speaking internet reverberated with the news that top human rights lawyer Amal Clooney will join the legal team for Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo's ongoing court case.

I see at least two tiers of issues going on here, recognizing that there are many others (such as the military's cause of national security and the impunity that accompanies it, and the shameful layers of disinformation in Rakhine State).

The first is personal, the need for a timely resolution and for Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo to be returned to their families as soon as possible. The second is more political and relates to the way issues of political freedoms transpire in Myanmar courts and the role local lawyers are enabled to play.

The first issue is self-evident: There is no good argument justifying the prolonged incarceration of the two journalists, who have been wrongfully prosecuted under archaic laws simply for reporting the news. Yet a tension emerges with the second issue: how cases of such international interest proceed in Myanmar and how the country's lawyers can go about their jobs.

Reuters' recruitment of Amal Clooney instantly elevates the case further into global exposure. For those of us who have not been privy to Reuters' strategy meetings, we can only imagine it forms part of a mission to draw more attention to the case and place additional pressure on the Myanmar government, as we will hear back from the court next week.

I am a dedicated fan of Ms. Clooney, but her involvement in this way jars with me. Some further questions need to be asked: Has the current legal team requested outside help to argue the case? Were other senior lawyers in Myanmar approached to take this case and did they refuse to do so? I ask these questions because the recruitment of a foreign lawyer risks reinforcing a misplaced assumption widely held by numerous observers in the rule of law space that local lawyers are inept at their jobs.

I spent most of 2017 living in Myanmar and researching how particular local lawyers mobilize for justice, as part of a thesis for my own studies in law. I went to central Myanmar, where I lived with a team of dedicated lawyers and activists who advocate for farmers in land-grab cases. I went to the north, near the Chinese border, where lawyers rally against military power by representing ethnic minorities embroiled in criminal proceedings. Around Yangon, I observed the daily rhythm of law offices where lawyers act for unaccompanied minors, vulnerable women and the homeless.

The fragmentation of political issues across the country leads to varying specialties for activist lawyers. Lawyers in Myitkyina aligned with the Kachin ethno-nationalist movement know the nuances of the Unlawful Associations Act far more intimately than their colleagues in Yangon. Lawyers working across the dry zone who operate in tandem with civil society organizations to advocate for farmers' rights know the law of trespass extremely well. I would expect that there are numerous senior lawyers who have acted in Official Secrets Act cases — the law under which the two journalists have been charged — several times before.

Of course, the lawyers I met arguably represent the sector's elite. It would be a stretch to claim they are representative of Myanmar's legal profession at large. Following the military takeover in 1962, the practice of law fell swiftly into decline. Legal education deteriorated. The bar association lost autonomy. The lawyers who speak truth to power in activist communities across the country do so in spite of decades of adverse structural conditions. In some ways they are the exception to the rule: They have been able to educate themselves when the legal education has been deficient, through mentoring relationships with the profession's elders, and opportunities for career development with local and regional civil society initiatives.

These lawyers and their mentors are no strangers to grave personal risk. Many of them, or members of their immediate community, have been political prisoners. Most of them are embedded in the pro-democracy movement. Throughout the career metamorphoses of the democratic transition, some veteran activist lawyers have entered political office and now occupy seats in the state-level and national-level legislatures as NLD representatives. One politician who I met, aged in her early thirties, juggles a position in the state-level legislature with taking land rights cases pro bono in her spare time.

I include these narratives because we too easily forget the toils and quiet victories of local lawyers when our eyes turn, star-struck, to a foreign import. Some may think it is terrific Ms. Clooney is drawing more attention to the case. But I wonder, looking into the long-term ramifications, if she could be better placed to play a different role.

Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo's legal team have argued for the case to be dismissed on the grounds of insufficient evidence. Should this eventuate, it is more likely than not that Ms. Clooney will receive credit for their achievement. Yet it is the lawyers on the local team who have done the legwork up until this crucial moment and who shoulder all of the personal risk for their involvement in the case.

These perceptions matter because, despite millions in donor funding pledged toward strengthening rule of law in Myanmar, many foreign consultants still know very little about the lawyers in the country who have fought for political freedoms all their lives. Ms. Clooney's inclusion in Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo's legal team risks unwittingly sustaining tiresome and out-of-touch beliefs that there are no lawyers in Myanmar who are equipped to successfully advocate for justice and political freedoms of their compatriots. I would tell those tempted to think so that there are plenty.

This article was originally published online by Tea Circle on April 5.

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UN Humanitarian Affairs Team Visits Strife-Torn Maungdaw in Rakhine State

Posted: 06 Apr 2018 12:47 AM PDT

YANGON — The deputy emergency relief coordinator of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) visited northern Rakhine State on Thursday to meet with Buddhist and Muslim communities and hear their concerns.

Maungdaw District Deputy Director U Ye Htoo said Ursula Mueller arrived in the morning with a nine-member team and immediately headed for Kai Gyee village in the south, home to a community of ethnic Mro, a sub-group of the state’s majority Buddhist Arakanese.

Six locals from the village were killed by suspected Muslim Rohingya militants in early August, after which some 50 Mro families fled the Mayu mountain range for the surrounding lowlands.

A few weeks later, on Aug. 25, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) attacked nearly 30 border police posts and a military base in northern Rakhine. The Myanmar military then launched a massive clearance operation targeting Rohingya communities that sparked widespread reports of arson, rape and murder and has driven nearly 700,000 Rohingya to neighboring Bangladesh. The UN has called the military’s actions a textbook example of ethnic cleansing, and rights advocates have urged the UN Security Council to refer the country’s army leaders to the International Criminal Court.

After her visit to Kai Gyee, Mueller travelled to Pan Taw Pyin village, on the outskirts of Maungdaw town, to meet with a Muslim community, and then on to the village of Shwe Zar, a mixed community of Arakanese, Rohingya and Hindus that largely escaped last year’s violence, and a refugee reception camp at Hla Phoe Khaung, near Myanmar’s border with Bangladesh.

OCHA Myanmar spokesman Pierre Peron sent The Irrawaddy a brief statement on the trip via email in lieu of answering specific questions.

It said Mueller visited a camp for Rohingya displaced by communal violence in 2012 in the state capital, Sittwe, and that she met with both Buddhist and Muslim communities, local government officials and humanitarian aid partners on the same day.

"The deputy emergency relief coordinator listened to the concerns of people in all communities and discussed ways to improve humanitarian assistance, protection and essential services, as well as livelihoods and job opportunities for all people in need," the statement said.

Her itinerary suggests the OCHA team did not reach parts of northern Maungdaw that saw the worst of last year’s violence, nor other villages in the area that survived at least partly intact, including Ngan Chaung, Nga Sar Kyu and Nga Khu Ya.

A Muslim resident of Ngan Chaung told The Irrawaddy by phone that villagers were being prevented from leaving without a recommendation letter from the village head.

"We have been stuck here for almost seven months. We have no access to health care in town, no freedom of movement and no education for schoolchildren," he said.

The man said the village was spared the arson attacks of late 2017 but added that nearly 5,000 residents had fled fearing arrest, leaving only about 700 people behind.

During a government-led tour of Maungdaw for local journalists last week, one villager told The Irrawaddy that he was fined 200,000 kyats ($151) by border police for traveling without a permit. He said his village receives regular humanitarian assistance from the government and international aid agencies, but not enough to make up for the income they are losing out on because of the curfews and travel restrictions.

The relative calm of recent months was abruptly shaken on Wednesday when a Mro woman was hacked to death by unidentified men while she and seven others were fishing and foraging for edible plants near Kha Maung Seik Town.

Though Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed in November to repatriate the Rohingya who have fled across the border since last year, the returns have yet to begin.

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Students Fined Over Anti-War Performance

Posted: 06 Apr 2018 12:13 AM PDT

PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Region — The Pathein Township Court in Irrawaddy Region on Wednesday fined eight of nine students who were sued by the Myanmar Army for defamation more than a year ago.

The Myanmar Army, or Tatmadaw, sued nine students for defamation in January last year after they staged a drama that was critical of military clashes with ethnic armed groups during a peace discussion at the Pathein Hotel in Pathein, the capital of the Irrawaddy Region.

The students performed a satirical comedy in which a news agency called 'Oxygen' interviewed the supporters of conflict in Myanmar. The drama was deemed to mock those who held protests in favor of the Tatmadaw.

"We did not want to harm either the military or ethnic armed groups," lead organizer of the drama Ko Aung Khant Zaw told The Irrawaddy in January last year. "The message of our drama is that we don't want wars."

Two students were fined 50,000 kyats each, and six others were fined 30,000 kyats each. The ninth student Myo Ko Ko failed to appear in court, and the Pathein Township Court will issue an arrest warrant for him.

"The judge assumed that the script we recited during the drama did not directly refer to soldiers and their families (but was instead simply an anti-war message). So, he only imposed a fine on us," said Ko Aung Khant Zaw.

After four months of trials at the Pathein Township Court, the judge decided to charge only lead organizers Ko Aung Khant Zaw and Ko Myat Thu Htet for defamation and acquitted the seven others.

Then, the army appealed to the Pathein District Court, which overruled the verdict of the township court. The township court then heard the case again and imposed a fine.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Heritage Building Demolished to Make Way for US$500-Million High-Rise

Posted: 05 Apr 2018 10:28 PM PDT

YANGON — A British colonial-era building that appears in the Yangon City Heritage List has been torn down by a developer to make way for a construction project in Yangon's Bahan Township.

The building, named The Mayor's Residence, in the 13-acre compound of the now-defunct Myayeik Nyo Hotel was demolished in February by Zaykabar Company, which is developing a US$500m project on the site comprising 12 buildings with heights ranging from 382 to 412 feet.

The project on military-owned land has been suspended until the Yangon government approves its proposed safety measures for a 92-year-old reservoir nearby.

Company chairman U Khin Shwe told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that the old building needed to be demolished to pave way for the project.

"It no longer exists," said the tycoon.

As the name suggests, the Mayor's Residence was once home to Yangon's mayors. The last resident was U Aung Thein Lin in the early 2000s.

The city municipal body, the Yangon City Development Committee, started a survey in 1996 to list buildings with heritage value across the city; as of 2001 it comprised 188 structures—mostly religious and British colonial-era buildings. The criteria for their selection was to be architecturally significant; more than 50 years old; and not under private ownership.

The demolished residence was on the list along with the Mayor's Guest House, another British colonial-era Heritage-listed building in the same compound.

The Mayor's Guest House is seen in a picture likely taken in the early 2000s.

According to Myayeik Nyo Project director U Tun Win Han, the Guest House remains intact, but the residence was destroyed during the site-clearing process.

"We are now using it as an office," he told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday.

Yangon possesses many historical buildings constructed during its long, magnificent history. The city has the largest collection of late 19th- and early 20th-century colonial architecture in Southeast Asia.

According to the Yangon Heritage Trust, an NGO advocating for heritage protection, the project area was known as Mount Pleasant during the British colonial days. Many mansions belonging to high officials, including the Mayor's Residence and the Mayor's Guest House and the residence of the manager of Chartered Bank, were located there.

The YHT estimates that both listed buildings are believed to have been built before 1920, based on their designs.

Screenshot of YCDC's Yangon City Heritage List.

Both U Khin Shwe and U Tun Win Han insisted that the residence was no longer a Heritage building as it had been through several heavy renovations.

"The roof and floor were replaced in the early 2000s. It was heavily damaged during Cyclone Nargis in 2008. So we renovated the entire building. That's why it is no longer a Heritage building," U Khin Shwe said.

Yangon Heritage Trust said the demolition of the Heritage-listed Mayor's Residence was a "total mistake."

"It is on the publicly announced list. But when it comes to Heritage buildings, we haven't got any strict and precise process to ban tearing them down," said YHT director Daw Moe Moe Lwin.

Myanmar has a Heritage Building Protection Law, which was enacted in 2015. The law dictates that any building more than 100 years old is qualified to become a Heritage building.

But the law can be applied to the buildings listed by the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture. So it's unclear whether the demolition of the Heritage building listed by the YCDC is against the law.

The YCDC was not immediately available for comment on Thursday.

Daw Moe Moe Lwin of YHT rejected Zaykabar's excuse.

"You can't simply tear down a Heritage building because it was renovated. It doesn't reduce the value!" she said.

The post Heritage Building Demolished to Make Way for US$500-Million High-Rise appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Vietnam Jails Prominent Human Rights Lawyer, Five Other Activists

Posted: 05 Apr 2018 09:52 PM PDT

HANOI — Vietnamese human rights lawyer and activist Nguyen Van Dai was jailed for 15 years on Thursday, his wife said, along with five other activists who were given prison terms of seven to 12 years.

Dai, 48, was charged in a Hanoi court with activities “aimed at overthrowing the people’s administration” at a tightly guarded trial in the communist country.

“I’m very disappointed with the trial and strongly protest it,” Dai’s wife, Vu Minh Khanh, said. “He is innocent and he pleaded innocent at the trial. He will continue to fight and will appeal the verdict”.

Despite sweeping reforms to its economy and showing openness to social change, Vietnam’s ruling Communist Party retains tight media censorship and has zero tolerance for criticism.

US State Department spokeswoman Heather Nauert said the United States was “deeply troubled” over the conviction of the six, adding that people had a “right to the fundamental freedoms of expression, association and peaceful assembly.”

She said in a statement that Washington was concerned about “a disturbing trend of increased arrests, convictions and harsh sentences of peaceful activists” in Vietnam and urged the country to “release all prisoners of conscience immediately.”

Commenting on the trial, foreign ministry spokeswoman Le Thi Thu Hang told reporters on Thursday that Vietnam’s efforts to promote human rights was “widely recognized” by the international community.

“In Vietnam there is no such thing as a ‘prisoner of conscience,' and there’s no such thing as people being arrested for ‘freely expressing opinion,'” Hang said.

In March 2013, Dai and others formed the “Brotherhood for Democracy,” which conducted anti-government activities to “build multi-party democracy” in Vietnam, according to a copy of the official indictment against Dai seen by Reuters.

“The Vietnamese government should thank them for their efforts to improve the country instead of arresting and putting them on trial,” Human Rights Watch Asia Director Brad Adams said.

Dai had been awaiting trial since his arrest in December 2015. He previously served four out of five years of a prison term he received in 2007 for “anti-state propaganda."

Hundreds of police were posted outside the court during Thursday’s trial and a planned march by families of the detained activists was stopped.

Hanoi-based activist Nguyen Chi Tuyen said police arrived at his house as the trial began and followed him for the entire day.

“They followed me to my office, invited me to coffee, waited outside my office, followed me back home, and now they’re waiting outside my house again,” said Tuyen, who added that police had put glue in the lock of the house of a fellow activist to stop him going out.

“They did it at night,” Tuyen said. “He had to break it to get out."

The post Vietnam Jails Prominent Human Rights Lawyer, Five Other Activists appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Philippines’ Duterte Cites ‘Genocide’ in Myanmar, Says Will Take Refugees

Posted: 05 Apr 2018 09:40 PM PDT

MANILA — Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte said on Thursday “genocide” was taking place in Myanmar and he was willing to accept Rohingya Muslim refugees fleeing from it, though Europe should help too.

The United Nations and rights groups say some 700,000 people, most of them Rohingya, have fled from Myanmar into Bangladesh since August last year when Rohingya militant attacks on the security forces sparked a military crackdown.

The United Nations and several Western countries have said the Myanmar action constitutes ethnic cleansing but Myanmar rejects that. It says its security forces have been conducting legitimate operations against "terrorists."

Duterte, in a wide-ranging speech to farmers and agriculture officials at the presidential palace, touched on various issues including his recent decision to withdraw from the International Criminal Court over its decision to open a preliminary investigation into his bloody war on drugs.

Drawing the ire of officials in Myanmar, Duterte then expressed sympathy for the Rohingya and offered to help.

“I really pity the people there,” Duterte said. “I’m willing to accept refugees. Rohingyas, yes. I will help but we should split them with Europe.”

He also mentioned the inability of the international community to resolve problems in Myanmar.

“They can’t even solve the Rohingya. That’s what genocide is, if I may say so,” Duterte said.

Myanmar has rejected any suggestion genocide is taking place and its government spokesman, Zaw Htay, said Duterte’s comments did not reflect the real situation.

“He doesn't know anything about Myanmar," Zaw Htay told Reuters. “The usual behavior of that person is to speak without restraint. That's why he said that.”

Duterte’s comments were broadcast live on television and later included in a transcript of his speech, issued by his office.

Such a denunciation by a Southeast Asian leader of a neighbor is rare.

Both the Philippines and Myanmar are members of the Association of South East Asian Nations, which has long upheld a convention of withholding criticism of fellow members.

Duterte did not refer by name to Myanmar leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been heavily criticized abroad for failing to stand up for the largely stateless Rohingya, only saying: “That woman, she is my friend.”

The post Philippines' Duterte Cites 'Genocide' in Myanmar, Says Will Take Refugees appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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