Tuesday, September 18, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

India, Myanmar to Begin Using E-Visas Along Land Border

Posted: 18 Sep 2018 05:23 AM PDT

MANDALAY — The Ministry of Labor, Immigration and Population and the Myanmar Embassy in India announced on Thursday that checkpoints along the India-Myanmar border will begin using e-visas for travel between the two countries.

According to a government announcement, the system will start this month at two checkpoints: the Tamu-Moreh checkpoint, along India’s border with Sagaing Region; and the Rih Khaw Dar-Zokhawthar checkpoint, along India’s border with Chin State.

The announcement says the e-visas will make crossing the border easier and that the application process, through the Labor Ministry’s website, will be the same as it is for paper visas.

It says travelers can apply online for tourist visas, express tourist visas and business visas.

The Tamu-Moreh checkpoint connects upper Sagaing Region with Manipur State of India. The Rih Khaw Dar-Zokhawthar checkpoint connects Chin State with India’s Mizoram State. Both have been important trade corridors for Indian and Myanmar nationals travelling between the two countries for many years.

They were designed the first international crossings along the border in August, meaning that nationals of other countries can freely use them as well.

The two governments had been negotiating the terms of transforming the checkpoints into international crossings for the past six years but were slowed down in their work by frequent clashes between the area’s rebel groups and paramilitary forces.

Clashes reportedly disrupted cross-border trade in the area earlier this year.

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Analysis: ‘Debt Trap’ Alert Rises in Myanmar as More ‘Belt and Road Projects Scrapped

Posted: 18 Sep 2018 05:16 AM PDT

YANGON — Pakistan has recently halted agreements reached under China's Belt and Road Initiative, including the Pakistan-China Economic Corridor seeking to connect Asia and Europe along the same route as the ancient Silk Road, because it was found to unfairly benefit Chinese companies.

Malaysia has also announced the cancellation of two major infrastructure projects, with a total value of $23 billion, which make up part of the Belt and Road Initiative in order to avoid falling into a debt trap.

While several Asian countries have scrapped mega projects planned under Chinese president Xi's ambitious Belt and Road Initiative in their countries, Naypyitaw's recent agreement with Beijing for a multibillion-dollar economic project has raised eyebrows over its potential for creating a "debt trap" in a country with a low sovereign credit rating and a low capacity to service the debt.

Last week, Myanmar's planning and finance minister, U Soe Win and the chairman of China's top economic planning agency, the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), He Lifeng signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) on the establishment of the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC). It will connect Kunming, the capital of China's Yunnan Province to the Bay of Bengal at a deep sea port in Kyaukphyu, Rakhine State as part of the Belt and Road Initiative.

Myanmar Minister of Planning and Finance U Soe Win and He Lifeng, a chairman of China’s National Development and Reform Commission, signed memorandums of understanding on establishing of China-Myanmar Economic Corridor on Sunday in Beijing. / China National Development and Reform Commission website

Chinese President Xi Jinping's signature foreign "One Belt, One Road" (OBOR) policy, later known as the "Belt and Road Initiative" was unveiled in 2013 and aims to build a network of roads, railways and shipping lanes linking at least 70 countries from China to Europe passing through central Asia, the Middle East and Russia, fostering trade and investment.

In 2017, Myanmar's State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi attended the Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation in Beijing. An MOU of cooperation within the framework of the "Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative" was signed during the visit.

The CMEC project will be one of the biggest packages of foreign direct investment (FDI) yet under the National League for Democracy's administration and it comes while Myanmar is struggling with declining of FDI year by year and the country's image in tatters over the Rohingya crisis in Rakhine State.

The 1,700-kilometer-long corridor will pass through Myanmar's major economic hubs including Mandalay in central Myanmar, then going south-east to Yangon before turning west to its end point at Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone (SEZ).

According to CMEC proposal, the initial stages of the project include an estimated 24 projects with a total budget of $2 billion which is exclusive of the other major infrastructure projects that will begin in a later stage. From this budget, Myanmar's Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, and Irrigation will receive $400 million to develop the irrigation system along the corridor in Myanmar.

In Yangon, as part of the CMEC, the China Communications Construction Company (CCCC) has already proposed the $100 billion New Yangon City, a development project that aims to construct a combination of new cities, industrial parks and urban development projects.

The proposal also includes upgrades to three major roads through Mandalay, Muse on the Myanmar side of the border with China, and some roads in Shan State. The highway and a high-speed railway are expected to cross war-torn Shan and Kachin states. To bolster the success of the strategic plan, China has been making efforts in assisting peace negotiations between Naypyitaw and the ethnic armed groups.

According to Myanmar's Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA), the economic corridor project will boost basic infrastructure, construction, manufacturing, agriculture, transport, finance, human resources development, telecommunications, and research and technology.

The proposal claimed that the CMEC would allow a direct flow of Chinese goods into the southern and western regions of Myanmar and that Chinese industries could transfer here in order to abate the rising labor cost and overcapacity of China's industries. It said Myanmar would become a major trade hub between China, Southeast Asia and South Asia.

However, experts are questioning how the infrastructure projects across Myanmar would be financed.

Associate Professor at the Institute of Security and International Studies in the Faculty of Political Science at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University, Thitinan Pongsudhirak told The Irrawaddy, "The CMEC can take the example of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor in view of other infrastructure connectivity [projects in] China’s Belt and Road."

"The conspicuous risk is the so-called “debt trap” whereby China lends substantial sums to construct corridor projects and leave recipient countries saddled with debt obligations they will have difficulties repaying. This gives China leverage and influence over recipient countries," he said.

In March 2018, a report by the Washington-based Center for Global Development said, China is putting many countries under the Belt and Road Initiative at financial risk through a series of aid activities and huge amounts of lending. The report said countries which are at a particularly high risk are Laos, Mongolia, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, the Maldives, Djibouti, and Montenegro.

The head of the US Overseas Private Investment Corporation has echoed this concern, warning that China's Belt and Road Initiative was creating a debt trap for many poor nations.

A deep-water port project of the Belt and Road Initiative in Sri Lanka was recently handed over to a Chinese state-owned company on a 99-year lease after Sri Lanka failed to make its loan repayments. Sri Lanka is one vivid example of China's ambitious use of loans and aid to gain influence long the Belt and Road route.

A key strategic project under the Initiative, Kyaukphyu's seaport is already a major doorway allowing China's oil imports to bypass the Strait of Malacca and gives China direct access to the Indian Ocean. The project will fulfill China's dream to boost development in land-locked Yunnan Province.

A map of China's Trans-Myanmar Oil and Gas Pipelines. / ‘China's Role in Myanmar's Internal Conflicts’ report by United States Institute of Peace

A recent successful share renegotiation of Kyaukphyu SEZ—also combined with MoU for Economic Corridor, Myanmar is stepping into China's strategic plan to achieve economic supremacy in the region. China is Myanmar's unavoidable neighbor geographically and economically at a time when western investment is turning away from the country due to the internationally condemned human rights crisis in Rakhine State.

"Myanmar has no one else to rely on but China. The West is pushing Myanmar into China's hands," Yangon-based political analyst U Maung Maung Soe told The Irrawaddy.

"China won't give up on their strategic plan; they will try to find several ways to move it forward. We need to find a better way of working with them practically," said U Maung Maung Soe.

Experts have said the Kyaukphyu port could be a key project in the Myanmar, Bangladesh and North East India Economic Corridors for its role as a transport center. Myanmar is already essential to China's access to fuel supplies as Chinese pipelines having been pumping oil and gas from the port at Kyaukphyu to Yunnan since 2017.

Developing Asian countries like Myanmar, experts have pointed out, are undeniably in need of infrastructure upgrades in order to promote economic development and improve living standards but there are key questions surrounding the ownership, operation and terms of these projects.

"Myanmar will have to eke out favorable terms that are fair and not disadvantages. Laos is a good example of what not to do, of why not be too heavily indebted to China," Thitinan Pongsudhirak said.

"Myanmar also has to be careful about other strings attached, such as land use rights and other concessions and terms for these projects. Doing so will allow Myanmar to safeguard sovereignty and economic national interest," he added.

According to a DICA official, the MOU includes 15 points of collaboration between the relative ministries from both sides, but the Myanmar government has not yet released it to the public.

In August, at a seminar titled "Myanmar's Economy 2018: Progress, Problems, Possibilities" special economic consultant to the Myanmar state counselor, Sean Turnell said that regarding Chinese mega investment, Myanmar needs to consider whether China's mega-projects are for Myanmar's national and economic interest or not.

Despite some countries having run into major financial difficulties after Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure projects began, in August vice chairman of China's National Development and Reform Commission, Ning Jizhe claimed the projects are not a debt trap. He said the countries with debt problems have long-standing high debt levels which shouldn't be blamed on the Initiative.

"For China, it has to be careful not to be seen as ripping off countries like Myanmar or Laos or Sri Lanka because this could lead to local resentment and pushback against Chinese interests," Thitinan Pongsudhirak said.

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Analysis: Myanmar Still Living with Legacy of 1988 Military Coup

Posted: 18 Sep 2018 04:59 AM PDT

YANGON — Shortly before nightfall on Sept. 17, 1988, the fortified gate of Yangon's War Office was flung open to allow an Army convoy to stream out. The city was wearily silent, as if exhausted from witnessing the pro-democracy demonstrations, occasionally bloody, that had been raging across the country since August. In an armored vehicle within the convoy sat the then Military Intelligence director, Colonel Khin Nyunt, and military Commander-in-Chief General Saw Maung. Their destination was a leafy neighborhood near Inya Lake—the residence of their former leader, General Ne Win, the freshly retired dictator of Socialist Myanmar who still wielded power over his subordinates.

Their mission was to "report directly" to their former boss about the current situation in the country; as President Dr. Maung Maung put it at the time, "Hazards to life and limb and property" had risen "beyond tolerable limits" due to what he characterized as violence, anarchy and mass looting by hooligans and thugs. The government was unable to effectively maintain law and order in the wake of the nationwide pro-democracy demonstrations known as the '88 Uprising that had brought the country to a standstill.

Upon their arrival, Col. Khin Nyunt and Gen. Saw Maung briefed the retired general, who replied, "I hadn't realized the situation was that bad," according to the spy chief's 2015 memoir, "Lives I Have Been Through."

According to Khin Nyunt's account, the meeting was prompted by a discussion earlier that day between himself and then Deputy Minister of Defense Lieutenant-General Than Shwe; the Military Intelligence director was angered by the events unfolding in the streets. The two explained the situation to Gen. Saw Maung, who responded, "We need to see Chairman U Ne Win."

The following morning, Sept. 18, the dictator summoned six senior government officials, including President Dr. Maung Maung, the prime minister and foreign minister, to his office to ask them, "Can you take care of the country?" Col. Khin Nyunt and Gen. Saw Maung were also present.

"We can't, sir. We will follow your instructions," was the reply from the government ministers.

Turning to Gen. Saw Maung, U Ne Win ordered him to protect the country in accordance with the laws, saying that no one else could handle the situation.

"Only the military can do this. It is obliged to do so," said the chairman, according to the memoir.

When Gen. Saw Maung complained that he had no idea how to proceed, U Ne Win ordered Dr. Maung Maung, a former chief justice of the country's Supreme Court, to help the general legalize the takeover. The president dictated four orders and notifications to Col. Khin Nyunt, who jotted them down in order to make a public announcement in the afternoon.

At 4:00 pm, a male announcer proclaimed on the state-run Burma Broadcasting Service that "In order to bring a timely halt to deteriorating conditions all over the country and in the interests of the people, the defense forces have assumed all power in the state, effective from today." The broadcaster's regular programs were then interrupted by strident martial music before other announcements were heard, such as the formation of the 19-member military government, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). Gen. Saw Maung was appointed chairman of the SLORC, whose members included Lt-Gen. Than Shwe and Khin Nyunt, who was promoted to the rank of brigadier general and occupied the position of Secretary (1) in the new regime. (U Khin Nyunt was later promoted to general and was one of the most powerful men in the junta until his arrest in 2004 for corruption.)

Later that evening, the phone rang at the Bangkok home of Swedish journalist Bertil Lintner, who was then the Myanmar correspondent for the now-defunct Far Eastern Economic Review. Lintner picked up the receiver and recognized the voice of Denis Gray, The Associated Press' Bangkok bureau chief. Gray said, "Gen. Saw Maung has taken over. There's been a coup in Rangoon."

Having already received information about the military's "counteroffensive" against the pro-democracy demonstrators—since Sept. 12, unusual troop movements had been reported, with soldiers coming into the then capital Rangoon (now Yangon) from various parts of the country—Lintner had sensed that the Army was gearing up for a major showdown, one that he knew could lead to a bloodbath. He had written about the possibility in a cover story for the Review three days before the coup.

"So I wasn't surprised, but I was shocked by the brutality of the crackdown that followed on the 18th and immediately afterwards," he told The Irrawaddy, referring to the Army's indiscriminate shooting of nearly 1,000 unarmed people who turned out in Yangon to protest the coup on Sept. 19.

"It wasn't random shooting, as in August. More people were killed in August, possibly around 3,000, but the September massacre was carried out with military precision," said Lintner, who documented the carnage in his 1989 book "Outrage", which recalls the '88 Uprising and its aftermath.

The radio proclamations announcing the military takeover on the afternoon of Sept. 18, 1988 marked the beginning of 23 years of military dictatorship, an era in which the men in uniform were involved in running every sector of the country from banks to bus lines. The economy was shattered and job prospects were so poor that people would joke about living in a country where soldiers ran the nation while university graduates drove taxis.

In 2011, the military ceded power to a quasi-civilian government led by former generals under the military-drafted 2008 Constitution. The charter has been criticized as undemocratic by many, including the current government, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, which came to power after a landslide electoral victory in 2015. It reserves 25 percent of parliamentary seats for military representatives and places control of three security-related ministries in the hands of the military.

Thirty years on, Lintner identifies two main legacies of the 1988 coup.

He points out that while the movement didn't cause the fall of the regime, it did force it to end the "Burmese Way to Socialism". And although repression was harsh—it was not until 2011 that some fundamental freedoms and civil rights were introduced—the movement never died.

"It survived through underground groups, in the border areas, and in exile. It gave birth to a new generation of Burmese who are determined to defend their democratic rights," he said.

On the other hand, he said, the coup established a culture of military power that has shown no signs of disappearing. People enjoy more freedoms than before, but Myanmar is not yet a democracy. Despite the fact that there is an elected Parliament and government in Naypyitaw, the military remains the country's most powerful institution.

"The military was determined not to give up power in 1988, and that mindset hasn't changed," he said.

Of course, the generals see things differently. Writing about the events of Sept. 18, 1988 in his autobiography 27 years later, Gen. Khin Nyunt insisted that there was no military coup.

"The military," he wrote, "just intervened for the safety of the people, stability of the country, rule of law and resurrection of the governing mechanism."

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Police Recapture 2 of 3 Escapees Who Cut Their Way Out of Cell in Bogale

Posted: 18 Sep 2018 04:44 AM PDT

PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Region — Police have recaptured two of three detainees who escaped from Myoma Police Station in Irrawaddy Region's Bogale Township early Tuesday.

The three escaped at around 3:30 a.m. after using hacksaws to cut through the bars of their cell. After breaking out of the police station, the trio stole a motorbike from a driver and headed in the direction of Mawlamyinegyun Township.

Two of the detainees were recaptured near Ye Lel village in Maubin Township at around 7:40 a.m. Tuesday during a joint search operation conducted by police from Pyapon District, Bogale Township and Maubin.

The third escapee, identified as Hla Naing Oo, remains at large, according to Irrawaddy Region police.

"We have cordoned off the area to recapture the last escapee," Police Lieutenant-Colonel Tun Shwe told The Irrawaddy.

One of the two recaptured escapees, former policeman Akar Jue, 23, was originally detained for theft. The other, Poe Phyu, 19, was originally detained on a charge of assault to commit theft. Hla Naing Oo, 33, was detained on a rape charge, police said.

Irrawaddy Regional police commander Police Colonel Shwe Thaung was personally supervising the effort to find Hla Naing Oo.

In August last year, 10 detainees escaped from a cell at the Myoma Police Station in Irrawaddy Region's Mawlamyinegyun Township, though all were later recaptured.

On Sunday, 41 inmates managed to escape from Taung Kalay Prison in Karen State's Hpa-an Township after stealing a truck that had come to collect garbage at the prison. Twenty-one of them were recaptured the following day, while the leader of the prison break was reportedly shot dead.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Two Men Sentenced to Death for 2017 Rape, Murder

Posted: 18 Sep 2018 04:31 AM PDT

Mon State — A court in Shan State on Monday sentenced two men to death for the rape and murder of a 10th grade student last year, according to a local police officer.

The two men, Soe Lwin, 40, and Sai Shing, 29, were each convicted on two counts — murder and destroying evidence — by the court in Kengtung Township.

U Aung Moe Khaing, a police officer in Kengtung, told The Irrawaddy that the court sentenced them to death.

"They admitted they raped and murdered her," he said.

Ma Aye Pi La, an ethnic Lahu, was raped and murdered in December. The body was burned so as to hide evidence of the crime and left near the highway in Kengtung. Her boyfriend recognized her remains by her ring and reported the case to police, who then arrested Soe Lwin and Sai Shing.

The two men told the court that Ma Aye Pi La had borrowed money from them but refused to repay the debt, and that they kidnapped her while intoxicated.

"They [the men and the girl] knew each other. They had a money problem. They said they did not care what would happen to them, so they just decided to kidnap her when they were drunk," said U Aung Moe Khaing.

Although the men were sentenced to death, Myanmar has not executed a convicted criminal since the 1980s, according to Amnesty International. They also have the option to ask the president to commute the sentence.

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Myanmar Govt Plans to Open Private Medical Universities

Posted: 18 Sep 2018 04:14 AM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar has received proposals from foreign countries to open private medical and nursing universities in the country, Union Minister for Health and Sports Dr. Myint Htwe told the Upper House on Monday.

"We are planning to open private medical and nursing universities. Many (founders of medical schools) have come and spoken with us. We are ready. But there is still no related educational law. We can open them after the law is enacted," said Dr. Myint Htwe.

India and Korea have made proposals, said the Union minister, adding that nursing assistants have good job prospects not only in Myanmar but also in foreign countries.

"The nurse-patient ratio is poor in hospitals. And the number of nurses who have resigned from public hospitals to work in private hospitals has also increased. So, it is a good idea to open such schools," lawmaker Daw Phyu Phyu Thin of the Lower House Health and Sports Development Committee told The Irrawaddy.

"Such schools will also create job opportunities for locals," she added.

Dr. Myint Htwe revealed the plan in response to the question of lawmaker Dr. U Kywe Kywe, which urged the ministry to abolish the 50-50 quota system for male and female enrollees in public medical universities.

The lawmaker asked the ministry to admit students according to their marks on the matriculation examination, saying that the current system is unfair for female students, who have generally tested better than their male counterparts on the exam in the past.

The Union minister said his ministry has no plan to change the system for the time being, because it is not convenient for female doctors to work in remote areas.

According to the minister, more than 60 percent of doctors working at public hospitals in Kachin, Karen, Chin, Rakhine, and northern Shan states are male doctors.

In order to improve the ratio of nurses at public hospitals, the health ministry, since 2015, appoints nursing graduates as civil servants on graduation day.

The ministry will recruit some 2,000 doctors and up to 3,600 nurses this year for public hospitals across the country as part of its annual recruitment. Previously, the ministry recruited around 1,800 nurses on average, the minister said during the peace talks of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi with locals in Pakokku in August.

Myanmar has more than 1,100 public hospitals ranging from 16-bed to 2,000-bed hospitals, according to the Ministry of Health and Sports.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Mudslide in Mae Hong Son Refugee Camp Leaves 1 Dead, 7 Missing

Posted: 17 Sep 2018 11:12 PM PDT

YANGON — One person died and seven were reported missing after a mudslide at a Myanmar refugee camp in Thailand's Mae Hong Son Province on Sunday night, the Karen Refugee Committee (KRC) confirmed to The Irrawaddy.

The torrent of earth and rocks, caused by heavy rain, poured down the hill and into the refugee camp around 6:30 pm in Mae La Oon in Mae Sariang, near the Thailand-Myanmar border.

"It rained heavily yesterday. That creek usually dries up in summer. So, no one was aware [of the swollen creek] when it rained. Then the torrent came down and eight people were swept away. We've only found one body," KRC chairman Saw Robert Htwe told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

The Bangkok Post, citing a report by the provincial governor, said the fatality was a 2-year-old girl.

Mae La Oon refugee camp after the mudslide. /Federal Union Army

The mudslide destroyed 13 houses in the refugee camp and also injured 16 people. Thirteen of them are still in treatment, Saw Robert Htwe said.

"Some were swept away along with their houses. Authorities and non-governmental organizations are carrying out rescue operations," Saw Pwe, who lives in Mae Sariang, told The Irrawaddy.

The mudslide is the worst to hit Mae La Oon refugee camp, he said.

The refugee camp, opened in 2004, currently houses some 10,000 displaced people from Myanmar, most of them ethnic Karen, displaced by the fighting between the Myanmar Army and the Karen National Union (KNU) in Karen State.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Bangkok Street Vendors: From Michelin Star to Fighting Eviction

Posted: 17 Sep 2018 09:38 PM PDT

BANGKOK — When Jay Fai, a 70-year-old street food seller in Bangkok known for her crab omelettes, won a Michelin star last year at the launch of the city’s first restaurant guide, few locals were surprised.

“Auntie Fai” is as renowned for the ski goggles she wears to protect her eyes from hot oil splashing, as she is for her thick crab curry and dry congee that customers, including many who drive up in luxury cars, swear by.

But the afterglow from the global adulation was short-lived, as city officials soon resumed a drive to “return the pavement to pedestrians” evicting hundreds of vendors selling food, clothing and trinkets, for greater “order and hygiene."

Earlier this month, hundreds of hawkers marched to city hall following a daytime ban on vending on the sidewalks of Khao San road, a favorite haunt of backpackers.

What began as disparate protests by vendors facing marching orders has now morphed into an organized citywide movement that has also won support from academics and other public figures against the perceived heavy-handedness of officials.

“Street vending occupies an important space in Thai culture and history, helping to build community bonds, enabling women to work, innovating in Thai cuisine, and enriching families with no opportunity otherwise,” said Chawadee Nualkhair, a food blogger.

“Shepherding them into ‘centers’ or eradicating them completely leaves a huge hole in the city’s ecosystem.”

“This hole will inevitably be filled by big corporations” like food companies and department stores, she added.

The crackdown on street vendors is part of a wider effort by Thailand’s military government, which came to power in a 2014 coup, to impose order in a city famous for its vibrant nightlife and cheap and varied street food.

Authorities are also removing shanties along the Chao Phraya River to build a promenade, and have forced out a community near an old fort to make way for a public park.

Civic groups say the evictions mostly target poor residents who have little legal recourse, as they have no formal rights.

“A war is being waged against the city’s own people, the poorest and most vulnerable,” said Poonsap Tulaphan, director of HomeNet Thailand, which supports informal workers.

“Many of these vendors have been selling in the same spot for decades, and rely on their earnings to support themselves and their families. Without that, they have nothing,” she said.

Eyes and Ears

Across Asia, governments keen to modernize booming cities increasingly view street vendors as a hindrance, and as usurpers of public spaces meant for formal businesses and wealthy residents.

But hawkers enhance the business environment, make localities more dynamic and walkable, and help deter crime by being the “eyes and ears” of the neighborhood, said Narumol Nirathron, a professor at Bangkok’s Thammasat University.

From Bangkok’s older floating markets to an estimated 240,000 street vendors today, they also contribute to a functioning food system with cheap meals and snacks, particularly for less well-to-do residents, Narumol said.

Narumol’s research showed that 87 percent of Bangkok’s residents buy food or other items from street vendors.

Of the more than one-quarter of residents who buy from them every day, many earn less than 9,000 baht a month ($275).

Of the vendors themselves, more than 70 percent are women, and more than two-thirds are over the age of 40 and have little education, making them particularly vulnerable, Narumol said.

The recent crackdown has hit them hard: licensed vendors are down by thousands, and tens of thousands more may be banned in 683 spots in the city, said Rewat Chobtham, president of the Network of Thai Vendors for Sustainable Development.

“This is the most devastating policy of the government,” he said.

“The cancellation of licenses and evictions have resulted in vendors losing their life savings, pulling their children out of school, and losing assets such as homes and vehicles,” he said.

They are not alone.

Street vendors are facing animosity everywhere, as officials try to make their cities look like those in the United States or Europe, said Sarah Reed of Women in Informal Employment: Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO), an advocacy group.

“Let’s call it what it is: elitism and corporate gentrification,” she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

“This is particularly misguided given that many of the cities they seek to emulate are now striving to attract vendors and street markets to create the kind of street life that Southeast Asian cities like Bangkok have in abundance.”

Messenger Group

Bangkok’s street vendors, unlike the city’s “motorbike taxis” who are also facing increasing restrictions, had not organized into a unified lobbying group before.

That changed following vendor evictions in 2016 and 2017. As group leaders from across the city met at forums and at government agencies, they began to chat and coordinate their actions via messenger apps, said Rewat.

The Network of Thai Vendors for Sustainable Development, established in April, has more than 7,500 members from 25 districts of the city, he said.

They are being backed by academics and lawyers, who have asked Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha to reconsider vending regulations.

In an open letter handed to the prime minister and to city officials earlier this month, the network demanded that those evicted be allowed to return to their old spots.

They also asked for formal recognition of their right to earn livelihoods, and to be allowed to participate in decision-making on vending.

“We will consider their requests seriously and decide on a course of action,” said a government spokesman.

A new committee, with vendor representatives as well as officials from the Bangkok metropolitan authority and the traffic police, will be set up within 30 days, he said.

A new vending law is needed to address issues like hygiene, stall regulation and taxes, said Rewat.

“We need a strategy that does not evict street vendors. Ending this crisis is urgent and critical,” he said.

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Japanese Submarine Conducts First Drills in South China Sea

Posted: 17 Sep 2018 09:38 PM PDT

TOKYO — A Japanese submarine joined a naval drill in the South China Sea for the first time, the Ministry of Defense said on Monday, in an escalation of Japanese activity in the disputed waterway claimed by China and others.

The Maritime Self-Defense Force submarine Kuroshio conducted a naval exercise on Thursday with other Japanese warships in the South China Sea, including the Kaga helicopter carrier, which is on a two-month tour of Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean, a Ministry of Defense spokesman said.

She said it was the first time a Japanese submarine had conducted drills there, confirming an earlier report in the Asahi newspaper.

The exercise, which involved the submarine trying to evade detection, was conducted away from island bases constructed by China to push its claims in the strategic sea. However, it could still anger Beijing because submarines represent a greater potential menace to shipping than surface vessels.

It came after a British Royal Navy amphibious assault ship, HMS Albion, sailed close to islands claimed by China in the South China Sea late last month to exercise “freedom of navigation” rights.

Britain’s first such operation prompted a strong protest from China, which sent aircraft and a naval vessel to meet the British ship.

The US Navy has conducted similar operations in the South China Sea. Washington has said it would like to see more countries challenge Beijing in the South China Sea, through which some $3 trillion of shipborne trade passes each year.

Foreign aircraft and vessels in the region are routinely challenged by Chinese naval ships and monitoring stations on the fortified islands, sources have said previously. Beijing insists its intentions in the South China Sea are peaceful.

Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan and Vietnam also have territorial claims in the area.

In a separate announcement, the Defense Ministry said the Kuroshio, with a crew of 80, would make a five-day port visit to Vietnam’s strategic naval base at Cam Ranh Bay from Monday.

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Leaders of Two Koreas Meet in Pyongyang for Talks on Ending War

Posted: 17 Sep 2018 09:34 PM PDT

SEOUL — North Korean’s Kim Jong Un greeted Moon Jae-in with hugs and smiles on Tuesday as the South Korean president arrived in Pyongyang to discuss faltering talks on denuclearization and the prospect of officially ending the Korean War.

Hundreds of North Koreans wearing suits and traditional dresses also greeted Moon, carrying flowers and waving Korean peninsula and North Korean flags. A sign behind them read: “We ardently welcome President Moon Jae-in’s visit to Pyongyang!”

The two leaders stepped out of the same black Mercedes vehicle with open-top rear seats to arrive at Paekhwawon State Guest House, where Moon will stay.

The guesthouse was also used by two former South Korean presidents during their own summits with Kim’s father, Kim Jong Il, in 2000 and 2007.

Kim and Moon will hold formal talks from 3:30 pm to 5 pm (0630 to 0800 GMT), Moon’s office said.

The inter-Korean summit, the third between Moon and Kim, will be a litmus test for another meeting Kim has recently proposed to US President Donald Trump.

Trump has asked Moon to be “chief negotiator” between himself and Kim, according to Moon’s aides, after Trump cancelled a trip to Pyongyang by his secretary of state last month.

Washington wants to see concrete action toward denuclearization by North Korea before agreeing to a key goal of Pyongyang – declaring an end to the 1950-53 Korean War.

“If North Korea-US dialogue is restarted after this visit, it would have much significance in itself,” Moon said before his departure.

Underscoring the challenges ahead, North Korea’s official Rodong Sinmun said on Tuesday “the responsibility falls squarely on the United States” for the stalled nuclear discussions.

“It is due to its nonsensical, irrational stubbornness that other issues can only be discussed after our country has completely verifiably, irreversibly dismantled our nuclear capabilities… without showing the intention to build trust including declaring the end of war,” the newspaper said in an editorial.

Moon, himself the offspring of a family displaced by the war, has met Kim twice this year at the border village of Panmunjom.

As he landed at Pyongyang’s Sunan International Airport on Tuesday morning, Moon was greeted by Kim, his wife Ri Sol Ju and other top North Korean officials, as well as a large honor guard and a military band.

Kim Yo Jong, the younger sister of the leader and a key propaganda official, was seen preparing officials for Moon’s arrival and accompanying Kim Jong Un and his wife.

South Korean corporate executives, including Samsung Electronics Vice Chairman Jay Y. Lee and the chiefs of SK Group and LG Group, will meet with North Korean Deputy Prime Minister Ri Ryong Nam, who is in charge of economic affairs.

On Wednesday, Moon and Kim plan to hold a second round of official talks after which they are expected to unveil a joint statement, and a separate military pact designed to defuse tensions and prevent armed clashes. Moon will return home early Thursday.

Sanctions Pressure

This week’s summit comes as the United States presses other countries to strictly observe UN sanctions aimed at choking off funding for Pyongyang’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs.

North Korea says it has destroyed its main nuclear and missile engine test site, and has halted atomic and ballistic missile tests but US officials and analysts believe it is continuing to work on its weapons plans covertly.

US Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley accused Russia on Monday of “cheating” on UN sanctions on North Korea.

Moon is hoping to engineer a proposal that combines a framework for the North’s denuclearization and a joint declaration ending the Korean War, Seoul officials said.

The conflict ended with an armistice, not a peace treaty, leaving US-led UN forces including South Korea technically still at war with the North.

But US officials remain “unenthusiastic” about declaring an end to the war without any substantial action toward denuclearization from the North, Seoul officials said.

South Korea is pinning high hopes on Kim’s remarks to Moon’s special envoys earlier this month that he wants to achieve denuclearization within Trump’s first term in office ending in early 2021.

Agreeing on a timetable is a core task for Moon, as it would induce U.S. action, said Lee Jung-chul, a professor at Soongsil University in Seoul.

“Given US skepticism that South Korea may have oversold Kim’s willingness to denuclearize, how President Moon delivers his sincerity toward denuclearization to Trump would be a key factor for the fate of their second summit,” Lee told a forum on Monday in Seoul.

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From the Army’s Perspective, Now Is Not the Time to Stage a Coup

Posted: 17 Sep 2018 06:30 PM PDT

Amid increasing instability inside the country and threats of Western sanctions, some analysts are openly discussing the possibility that the Myanmar military will stage another coup.

Not surprisingly, support for the idea has been voiced by former generals who are members of the Union Solidarity and Development Party. If a coup does take place, some senior USDP leaders warned last week, the ruling party will be to blame.

Speaking in Singapore recently, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi deflected a question about the likelihood of a military takeover.

She said it was a question best put to the Tatmadaw (Myanmar's armed forces). "They will be able to answer better," she replied, adding, "But I'm not worried about it. In politics anything can happen. Our relationship with the Tatmadaw is not that bad. Please don't forget that our cabinet includes three men who are in fact military men, generals, and they're all rather sweet."

We all know that relations between the government, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, and the generals are unstable, and that the military could come back at any time. But with the 2008 Constitution drafted in its favor — it grants the Army a key role in national politics — the generals will think twice before staging a coup. Why bother abolishing the 2008 Constitution, which gives them so much power?

Under the present charter, the Army holds 25 percent of parliamentary seats and controls the key ministries of Defense, Border Affairs and Home Affairs. It is a hybrid power-sharing government structure that some former military leaders claim is designed to prevent a military coup like the ones the country experienced in 1962 and in 1988 – exactly 30 years ago.

If necessary, declaring a state of emergency would likely be the preferred option of the generals; a military coup is a last resort. The irony is that a coup could also make the ruling party and the government popular again.

In November 2016, amid a flare-up in the military conflict in northern Shan State and threats from Muslim terrorists in northern Rakhine, Tatmadaw commander-in-chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing said the military is a stabilizing force in political and ethnic issues.

He said at the time the military would not engage in "party politics," but that the 2008 Constitution did enshrine provisions for a state of emergency.

According to the Constitution, only the president can declare a state of emergency, after consulting and coordinating with the commander-in-chief of Defense Services and the Home Affairs Ministry.

This declaration must be submitted to the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) for approval as soon as possible, according to the Constitution.

Since the NLD party came to power, there has not been a regular NDSC meeting, but some irregular high-level security meetings have been held.

The commander-in-chief would have executive power to head the government, but would have to seek NDSC approval to extend the emergency period to six months or more.

He would also have to report to an emergency session of the Union Parliament. This scenario is likely if the country is seen to be facing a serious emergency situation or a genuine threat to its sovereignty.

In June this year rumors of coup swirled when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing met for a high-level security meeting.

According to one news report, the Army commander reacted angrily over the government's handling of the Rakhine issue and even threatened a coup. The government denied it, and senior officials who attended the meeting recalled that it was quite productive.

Some analysts have gone even further, saying that the country will witness the same scenario as in 1958, when Prime Minister U Nu invited General Ne Win to form the military-led Caretaker Government.

The political instability in the country at that time, and the serious split within the ruling party, the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League, forced U Nu to reach a compromise with Gen. Ne Win, then the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, to hand over power with the promise of holding free and fair elections in the near future.

Gen. Ne Win, a member of the legendary "Thirty Comrades," was arguably already planning to seize state power. Gen. Ne Win became prime minister, but as promised, he held a free and fair election in 1960, which U Nu won. Two years later, however, the general staged a coup and threw U Nu and his cabinet ministers in prison.

Will Daw Aung San Suu Kyi follow in U Nu's footsteps? Do the generals expect her to surrender power to them when she thinks or feels she can't run the country, so they can play the role of national savior again?

The generals have keenly observed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's failing health, her inability to unify and govern the country, or to work with stakeholders, ethnic leaders and armed groups, as well as her lack of progress in finding a successor in the near future. The generals have surely noted that so far the NLD seems to have produced no clear succession plan for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is 73 and will be 75 at the time of the 2020 general election.

Additionally, there are external dynamics affecting domestic politics in Myanmar that fuel the talk of a military coup.

Many believe that Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing has political ambitions and has set his eyes on the 2020 general election. But now the top general himself faces serious challenges.

In August, the UN issued a damning report on Myanmar, calling for the country's top military commanders, including Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, to be investigated for what it claims are crimes against humanity under international law.

The UN mission called for Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing to be referred to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague over the Tatmadaw's crackdown on Muslims along the Bangladesh-Myanmar border and crimes committed by security forces in other ethnic areas.

It is unlikely he will face trial at the ICC. Myanmar is not a signatory to the 1998 Rome Statute, under which the ICC was established, and is under no obligation to hand Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing or other commanders over to the court.

Last month, social media giant Facebook removed the accounts of the senior general and some other military leaders. But he is still the commander-in-chief of the armed forces and will likely remain so for the foreseeable future. He will not leave the post because of international pressure.

Since it came to power, the NLD's opponents have been waiting eagerly for the government to stumble on every front – the peace process, the economy, political stability and the burning issue of Rakhine State — and to fail to keep the promises it made to the public. And indeed, the NLD has failed to live up to expectations.

Beyond Myanmar, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is a fallen icon in the international arena, particularly in the West. The irony is that, despite their sharply differing views on the major issues facing the country, in terms of their international standing, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing now share a similar status—condemned as outcasts.

So far, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's political opponents should be fairly pleased—many must feel they have witnessed the failure of this government in many areas, and watched it underperform in terms of its achievements over the last two-and-a-half years. But this doesn't mean the public wants the USDP to return to power. So the attention returns to the men in uniform, as guarantors of stability and protectors of the nation's sovereignty. At a minimum, they don't want to see the NLD winning another landslide victory in 2020, controlling the Lower and Upper houses of Parliament.

So, until 2020, we are likely to see endless rumors of a coup, and of the military taking steps to assume power.

But the point is, the generals are well aware that the government has not lived up to expectations, and that people have begun to question the government and its poor performance. In their game against the NLD, the military and the former generals are already winning. As the country's problems mount and it braces for more storms, the military can publicly bask in an attitude of, "I told you so."

Given the present situation, from the military's perspective, it is better off not staging a coup.

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Monday, September 17, 2018

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KNU Concerned Group Backs Call for Military Leaders to Face ICC

Posted: 17 Sep 2018 06:34 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — The KNU Concerned Group, led by the former vice chairperson of the Karen National Union, has endorsed the report of the independent International Fact Finding Mission on Myanmar (IFFM) and its recommendations, including that Myanmar be referred to the International Criminal Court (ICC) for crimes against humanity in Kachin, Shan and Rakhine states.

Minority ethnic groups including Kachin and Karen civil society organizations and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army have voiced support for the call by the United Nations Security Council to refer Myanmar to the ICC since the IFFM's report — which was released on Aug. 27 — was submitted to the 39th session of the UN Human Rights Council this month.

"The pattern of crimes committed against the ethnic Karen and other ethnic populations are part of the Myanmar Tatmadaw's strategy to terrorize, subjugate and ethnic cleanse, as happened to the Rohingya people in Rakhine state," the KNU Concerned Group's statement released on Sept. 14 reads.

Naw Zipporah Sein, the head of the KNU Concerned Group, said, "We have been suffering from the same pattern of human rights violations in the past, and at present, by the Tatmadaw. The perpetrators and violators are from the same institution, regardless of the time and region."

In the past, the Karen have lacked this kind of international support, including calls for the referral of Myanmar to the ICC. Naw Zipporah Sein said, "I support it because the incidents cited in the report are similar to what happened to us."

Her group's statement adds that the Tatmadaw's "widespread and systematic violations, including crimes against humanity and war crimes" have been committed against the ethnic Karen, Kachin, Shan, Karenni and others for decades. It cites their own experiences of having thousands of villages burnt down; hundreds of thousands of orchards and areas of farmland destroyed; thousands of people—including children and the elderly—killed; hundreds of women raped and killed; and many hundreds of thousands of people uprooted from their homes and displaced.

Since 2017 the KNU Concerned Group has analyzed current political trends and frequently shared its opinions with the public. Naw Zipporah Sein said the group comprises former KNU Central Committee members, adding that none of them has a current political role in the KNU.

She told The Irrawaddy, "The military controls everything, including the peace negotiations, and the military also commits these crimes. If they are willing to change, they must prove it."

While the KNU's top leadership has had a very close relationship with the chief of the Tatmadaw (or Myanmar military), the group has been engaged in frequent clashes this year with Tatmadaw troops, particularly in Papun district, in the area controlled by the KNU's Brigade Five.

The KNU Central Committee denies any affiliation with the KNU Concerned Group.

"This is the opinion of a group of people who use the KNU name and it is a typical move," said Padoh Saw Hla Tun, a secretary of the KNU.

"We have no comment, as they currently do not hold any leadership position in the KNU," he said.

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Thousands Protest Woman’s Abduction by Armed Group in Shan State

Posted: 17 Sep 2018 06:28 AM PDT

MANDALAY — Thousands of people protested in Shan State on Monday to demand that the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) release an ethnic Shan woman the armed group abducted last month.

About 10,000 locals walking down the main road of Namhkam Township carrying banners and photos of Nang Mo Hom and shouted slogans urging the TNLA to release her immediately.

"Even though there are calls from her relatives, locals and the NRPC [National Reconciliation and Peace Center], the TNLA shows no sign of releasing her. So we've gathered to express our feelings," said Namhkam resident Nang Thin Thin Aye, one of the demonstrators.

Monday’s protest was the second in Namhkam calling for Nang Mo Hom’s release this month.

"It’s not only for her release. We want to show that we are living in fear, that we don't know who is going to be kidnapped next and put on trial under their [the TNLA's] laws," Nang Thin Thin Aye said. "We just want the TNLA to release her. If she really broke the law, let her face trial in an official court, not theirs."

Protesters said Nang Mo Hom’s abduction has also fueled misconceptions between the area’s ethnic Shan and Ta’ang communities and that they wanted to stem any mistrust,

"Another reason we want the TNLA to act immediately is to ease tensions between ethnic Shan and Ta'ang people, who have lived peacefully in the past. If they release her now, there will be no tension and everything will be ok," Nang Thin Thin Aye said.

Nang Mo Hom, a mother of three, was abducted from her home in Namhkam Township on Aug. 17 at gunpoint by five TNLA soldiers. She has been held incommunicado since and her condition is unknown.

The Youth Network of Namhkam issued a statement following the abduction condemning the TNLA and demanding the woman’s release. It claims the TNLA had accused Nang Mo Hom of informing on two of its members who attempted to collect “taxes” in the area and were later shot and detained by the Myanmar army. Nang Mo Hom’s family denies that she was an informant.

The Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), a local political party, also called for her immediate released and wrote to the NRPC asking it to intervene.

On Sept. 10 the NRPC called for the immediate release of Nang Mo Hom. It said the abduction was unlawful and harmed the national peace process.

Earlier this month, the TNLA said Nang Mo Hom was on trial by the armed group for allegedly obstructing its troops from performing their duties, in violation of TNLA “laws.” It did not elaborate.

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European Film Festival to Bring More Real Life and Love to the Screens

Posted: 17 Sep 2018 05:28 AM PDT

YANGON—Myanmar's oldest international film event, the European Film Festival will be held for the 27th year on September 21 to 30 at Yangon's oldie-but-goodie Nay Pyi Taw Cinema and the newly-renovated Goethe Institute.

The festival is organized by the European Union in Myanmar in collaboration with Goethe Institute Myanmar for all film lovers in Yangon and it aims to promote cultural exchange between Myanmar and Europe while showcasing the diversity of European films.

The festival will showcase a total of seventeen contemporary films, each from a different country, including three non-member countries of the European Union, Norway, Switzerland and Israel.

Kristian Schmidt, Ambassador of the European Union to Myanmar, said "European films have their own, special nature and they are often ironic, unexpected, and seldom heroic. That is what makes their stories so interesting and the films relevant to everyone."

He added, "The film festival will screen 17 different cultures from a total 17 countries with their own languages. We hope that the audiences will get in touch with our cultural differences, we all have a shared humanity."

The film festival drew more than 10,000 visitors last year and the team hopes to see even more attendees this year.

"In 1990, the Myanmar Motion Picture Organization was making transformations and changes. I was one of the team members and we made a policy to collaborate with international film organizations and make more movements and learn techniques so we were able to bring the European Film Festival to Myanmar from that time until now," said Daw Swe Zin Htike, one of Myanmar's award-winning actresses and a member of the official censorship board.

"Films from Hollywood are commercial and they focus on entertaining people but films from Europe are mostly art-house films which show more about peoples' lives and feelings. Myanmar people are not very familiar with art-house films. That is one of the main reasons for bringing the European Film Festival to Myanmar," she said.

All the films for the festival have to be submitted to an official censorship board comprised of members of the Ministry of Information and the Myanmar Motion Picture Organization, in order to get permission to be screened at Nay Pyi Taw Cinema.

"We didn't cut any scenes from the films but in some cases which are not relevant to local people, we covered the subjects," said Daw Swe Zin Htike.

The films to be screened at the Goethe Institute do not need to be submitted to the censorship board and audiences will be able to see the uncensored versions.

The French film "Django" will be the opening film this year and it will be screened on Friday, September 21 at Nay Pyi Taw Cinema. It is based on the extraordinary life of jazz legend Django Reinhardt.

"Most of the European films are focusing on portraying the emotions of people so audiences might get bored in the first few scenes but it gets more and more exciting later on," said Franz Xaver Augustin, Director of the Goethe Institute Myanmar.

Another interesting film in the lineup is the Austrian film "Egon Schiele—Death and the Maiden" which is about a famous painter Egon Schiele who challenged social conventions with his art and lifestyle.

The Golden Globe Award-winning German film 'In the Fade' is also the must-watch one. Between 2000 and 2007 nine migrants were murdered in different Germany cities, most of them of Turkish descent. 'In the Fade' is not specifically based on one of these murders but has its own plot in Hamburg.

Another interesting film with an LGBT-theme is 'Boys,' from the Netherlands. The film shows the struggle teenagers have with their feelings, identity confusion and acceptance and is also a beautiful love story of two boys.

The festival will also showcase the documentary film about Grammy Award Winning Jazz artist Amy Winehouse who died of alcohol poisoning at the age of 27. The British Academy of Film and Television Arts award-winning director Asif Kapadia shows the heart-breaking journey of the young British Artist with extensive unseen footage.

All films are shown in their original language with English subtitles and tickets for the films are free but given on a first-come-first-serve basis at both venues one hour to 15 minutes before the scheduled screening.

For the full screening schedule, check their Facebook page https://www.facebook.com/europeanfilmfestival.yangon.

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Military Chief’s Russian Social Media Account Removed, Reappears

Posted: 17 Sep 2018 03:51 AM PDT

YANGON — Just over two weeks after Myanmar’s military chief had found a new propaganda platform on VKontakte (VK), Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing was removed from Russia’s most popular social media network over the weekend.

It was the second time the country's top military leader was banned from a social networking site.

In late August, US-based social media giant Facebook announced that it had deleted the pages and accounts of 20 organizations and individuals — including Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing — that "committed or enabled serious human rights abuses in [Myanmar]." The network’s statement followed on the heels of a report by the UN’s human rights office that found those Facebook accounts and pages had contributed to human rights abuses, especially to last year’s Rohingya crisis in northern Rakhine State.

The senior-general migrated to VK less than 48 hours after his Facebook account was shut down.

His new page, named “Senior General Min Aung Hlaing,” was blocked on Saturday night. Visitors were greeted by a short message that said “This page has been blocked due to violation of the VK terms of service” but provided no further explanation.

Minutes later, however, a new VK page appeared under the same name with the military chief’s picture, but with none of the old posts. The first post on the new page was dated Saturday and was about his meeting with military officers in Kalaw Township, Shan State. On Monday, the new page had some 4,600 followers.

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing’s Facebook page had been relatively active and up to date compared with the pages of many of Myanmar’s politicians and government agencies, including the President’s Office and the State Counselor’s Office. It posted information about the military's chief activities and important statements in real time. When the senior general met a foreign dignitary about the Rohingya crisis, the page posted a lengthy defense of the military’s activities in Rakhine.

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NLD Must Act to Avoid Another Coup: USDP Spokesperson

Posted: 17 Sep 2018 03:47 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — Amid growing concerns of an impending coup staged by the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) as a result of recent political circumstances, the opposition Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) has said that the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) has a responsibility to avert one.

"It depends on the policies and actions of the current government. It is [the NLD's] responsibility to implement the right policies and provide leadership to prevent a reverse in the transition period," USDP spokesperson U Nanda Hla Myint told The Irrawaddy.

The country is facing racial and religious conflicts and is under greater international pressure, he said. As well as an economic crisis, the rule of law has weakened with peace nowhere in sight, he added.

More than two years into the NLD's administration, people are starting to worry that the country's democratization will reverse, he said.

Unlike President U Thein Sein's administration, the NLD-led government lacks cooperation, said U Nanda Hla Myint.

"[The NLD-led government] consults no one and cooperates with no one. If it thinks highly of itself and acts without regard for the opinion of others, then the situation that people dread may reoccur any time," he said ahead of an International Democracy Day event, which fell on Saturday.

The Union Parliament on Saturday observed International Democracy Day with an event around the theme of "oversight."

U Aung Kyi Nyunt, a central executive committee member of the NLD, said: "Nothing has happened yet, and there is no point in finding someone to blame for a coup which has not yet happened. There is nothing to worry about."

Democracy is about cooperation according to the wishes of the majority, and not about the majority doing as they like whether it is right or wrong, said military representative of the Upper House of parliament Colonel Than Htike during the event to mark International Democracy Day.

"All have to cooperate to ensure right and fair democratic practices in order to bring about national development. This can't be done by an individual," he said.

Whether the country will reverse or not depends on the management of the government, said U Nanda Hla Myint, adding that the military-drafted 2008 Constitution states that the Tatmadaw has to protect the country if its sovereignty is at risk.

"It will mainly depend on cooperation, effort and the leadership of the government to avoid it. But if that happens [that the national sovereignty is threatened], the Tatmadaw, being the last fort, can't just stand by. If it stands by, it would be to blame in the country's history," he said.

The Tatmadaw has staged two coups—the first in 1962 by the late dictator General Ne Win, and the second by late General Saw Maung on the instruction of General Ne Win in 1988. In 2010, a general election was held in accordance with the military-drafted 2008 Constitution and power was transferred to their hand-picked president, ex-general U Thein Sein.

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Yangon Residents Dissatisfied with Municipal Services

Posted: 17 Sep 2018 03:09 AM PDT

YANGON — Yangon residents are not happy with the public utilities of the Yangon municipality, indicates a recent survey.

A local civil society group called Alin Say Taman or Herald of the Light Library and Resource Center conducted the survey in March this year, seeking public opinion on the performance of the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC).

The group released the survey report on Saturday, which indicated general dissatisfaction over the YCDC's public service delivery.

"We want to highlight the requirements of people and make sure that taxpayers get adequate service for their money," said Ma Ohmar, of the civil society group when explaining the purpose of the survey.

The random survey was carried out on 1,205 people aged above 18 in 33 townships in municipal areas of the commercial capital. People were not satisfied with garbage collection, drainage, roads or sidewalks in the city.

Herald of the Light Library and Resource Center launched its report on Sept. 15. / Thazin Hlaing / The Irrawaddy

Regarding the drainage system, 64 percent of respondents were not satisfied while 15 percent said drainage was good and 21 percent said they did not know.

Sixty-five percent of respondents said streets and sidewalks were not clean and tidy. Municipal garbage collection was graded as poor by 46 percent, fair by 17 percent, good by 11 percent and very good by 26 percent.

Seventy-nine percent of the respondents said they would pay more to get better services.

"I doubted that people would be willing to pay an additional 1,000 kyats for better garbage collection," said Daw Mya Nandar Thin, executive director of the New Myanmar Foundation, which took part in the survey.

"But not only residents from the downtown area, also residents from places like Hlaingtharyar and South Dagon said they were ready to pay up to 1,000 kyats more rather than live beside huge garbage piles," she said.

"People are not hesitant to pay higher service charges if the municipality provides good service," said Ma Lei Lei Swe, a resident of Bahan Township.

Alin Say Taman group was founded in 2008 and has since engaged in educating the public about democracy and elections. Earlier this year, it conducted campaigns to encourage public participation in designing the new municipal law of Yangon, which took effect as of June 28.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Myanmar to Sign UN Nuclear Weapons Ban Treaty

Posted: 17 Sep 2018 01:35 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — Military representatives to Myanmar's Parliament discussed in favor of signing the United Nations Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) during the parliamentary session on Friday.

As lawmakers debated President U Win Myint's proposal to sign the TPNW, military representative to the Lower House Lieutenant-Colonel Zaw Tun Oo said the signing would clear up the doubts as to whether Myanmar is developing nuclear weapons.

Myanmar attracted global concern in the 2000s when the country's then military rulers maintained close relations with North Korea regarding arms sales, nuclear missile development and nuclear warhead technology.

The Washington-based Nuclear Threat Initiative said Myanmar had developed relations with North Korea in the hope of receiving missile and nuclear weapon technologies.

"If we sign the agreement, this will clear up the past accusations against our country and the Tatmadaw. Besides, this will also contribute to our country being able to use nuclear energy peacefully. So, I'd like to urge [the Parliament] to weigh the national interests," said the lieutenant-colonel.

Myanmar is sandwiched between two big nuclear-armed states, and in case of a nuclear threat, it can seek help from the international community after signing the treaty, he said.

Myanmar's Tatmadaw wants to have nuclear technologies, not to produce weapons of mass destruction but to use in the medical, science, technology, and energy sectors according to international norms, said the military representative.

Lawmakers also discussed in favor signing the treaty, saying that it would boost the country's image.

"By signing the treaty, Myanmar will be recognized by international countries as a responsible country," said Dr. San Maung Maung, Upper House lawmaker from Bago Region.

The treaty is not yet in force but will enter into force with ratification by more countries, said Union minister for International Cooperation U Kyaw Tin.

The treaty includes a comprehensive set of prohibitions on participating in any nuclear weapon activities. These include undertakings not to develop, test, produce, acquire, possess, stockpile, use or threaten to use nuclear weapons.

The Union Parliament approved signing the treaty, and the Myanmar delegation will sign it at the ceremony to ratify international treaties from September 26-28 during the 73rd United Nations General Assembly in New York, said the minister.

Though the treaty will not lead to the total elimination of nuclear weapons, it allows non-nuclear weapon states to put political pressure on countries with nuclear weapons, said U Kyaw Tin.

The treaty obliges State parties to provide adequate assistance to individuals affected by the use or testing of nuclear weapons, as well as to take necessary and appropriate measures of environmental remediation in areas under its jurisdiction or control contaminated as a result of activities related to the testing or use of nuclear weapons.

The treaty was adopted in July 2017 during the UN General Assembly. Through August 23, 2018, 60 countries ratified it and 14 countries were approved.

Myanmar signed the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in 2012, Biological Weapons Convention in 2014, Chemical Weapons Convention in 2015, and Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty in 2016.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Leader of Hpa-an Prison Break Shot by Police, Died in Hospital

Posted: 16 Sep 2018 11:22 PM PDT

Of 41 prisoners who escaped from Hpa-an Prison on Sunday morning, 14 have been recaptured, according to reports from police in the city of Hpa-an, the capital of Karen State.

"We cooperated with other friendship organizations including community leaders to arrest the escaped prisoners. We were able to arrest 14 people before 7 p.m.," said a report posted on the Hpa-an Township Police Facebook page on Sunday night.

The inmates of Hpa-an Prison, located in Taungkalay Village, were clearing bushes inside the prison grounds on Sunday morning. Some of the prisoners beat a truck driver, a member of the prison staff, who intended to load rubbish and cleared vegetation on the truck to be taken outside. Police reports say he was wounded in the attack and is receiving treatment in hospital.

The prisoners were able to drive out of the prison as soon as they seized the truck. They drove about 22.5 kilometers (14 miles) outside the village and ran into nearby jungle and other villages to hide.

Among the escapees, a number of them are serving long sentences, according to the police. The recaptured prisoners are serving sentences of six months to 13 years.

Meanwhile, police have requested that the public cooperates with them for the arrest of the escapees who are still on the run or in hiding. The police have published photos of the escaped prisoners online and have asked the public to inform them if they are seen.

The police have launched a search party and deployed a number of police vehicles in a major search operation launched yesterday in the area around Hpa-an Township, with Police Colonel Aung Myat Moe leading the operation.

Inmate Kyaw Main Hla, who lead the prison break, was shot yesterday during the police search operation and died later in hospital in Hpa-an. He had been serving a life sentence at the time of the escape.

"He was wounded and died in the hospital," said U Kyin Naing, a local police officer who participating in the manhunt.

U Kyin Naing said the police are still searching for the other escaped prisoners in the jungles around the nearby villages.

"We are investigating where they are hiding," he said.

The Myanmar Army, the local police force and the Karen Border Guard Force are meanwhile working together in the joint search operation to locate and recapture the escaped prisoners. Police are publishing ongoing reports on the manhunt operations online.

The post Leader of Hpa-an Prison Break Shot by Police, Died in Hospital appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Strange Birds Behind the ’88 Coup

Posted: 16 Sep 2018 11:12 PM PDT

Thirty years ago Tuesday, a coup d’état saw the government of General Ne Win toppled and replaced by General Saw Maung and his deputy General Than Shwe — the man who would go on to orchestrate Myanmar’s transition to quasi-civilian rule. In this story, first published in the September 2013 edition of The Irrawaddy magazine, founder Aung Zaw looks at some of the colorful characters in the halls of power at the time.

Retired Gen. Kyaw Win is a keen observer. These days, he devotes what's left of his failing eyesight to his two passions: photography and bird-watching. But in the past, when he served as number two in Myanmar's once dreaded spy agency, he was regularly witness to far more intriguing things.

In April 1992, when Gen. Saw Maung, the leader of the military regime formed in 1988 to "restore order" after crushing pro-democracy protests in a bloody coup, was informed by then military intelligence chief and junta Secretary One Gen. Khin Nyunt that he had been "permitted to retire due to health reasons," Kyaw Win was there.

"Don't abandon us," the visibly shaken Saw Maung said to Khin Nyunt, fearing that he and his family were about to be placed under house arrest.

Long before Saw Maung lost his hold on power, he seemed to be losing his grip on reality. Kyaw Win recalled how Myanmar's top general once started engaging in a conversation with a Buddha image at a famous shrine in Upper Myanmar. After that, he began declaring himself the reincarnation of the 11th century warrior-king Kyansittha and claimed he could see into the future.

"He didn't sleep at all," Kyaw Win said of his former boss, who was clearly suffering from a nervous breakdown and had become dangerously paranoid (on one occasion, Kyaw Win said, the senior general brandished his revolver at some soldiers who had come to welcome him and his wife to a reception).

At one point, then Col. Kyaw Win saw Saw Maung summon regional commanders based in northern Myanmar to Mandalay to demand to know if they still supported him.

In fact, Saw Maung owed his powerful position to Gen. Ne Win, the dictator who had been forced to step down after massive protests calling for his ouster took place around the country. Saw Maung, who was then serving as commander in chief of the armed forces, was called to the former dictator's residence along with his deputy Gen. Than Shwe and Ne Win's trusted spy chief Khin Nyunt. Their orders were to stage a coup.

After the military seized power on Sept. 18, 1988, Saw Maung triumphantly declared that he had "saved the nation," but the sullen Than Shwe didn't utter a word.

From the beginning, Than Shwe was aloof from the other members of the junta, preferring the company of loyal subordinates. Among them was Kyaw Win, who had served under the taciturn general in Shan State in the early 1980s, and stayed close to him throughout the remainder of his military career.

During all their years together, however, Than Shwe never discussed politics with Kyaw Win. But in a sign that even early on he did not trust Khin Nyunt, he assigned Kyaw Win to act as the spy chief's deputy.

Reporting back on Khin Nyunt's words and actions was not difficult: All of the top leaders slept at the War Office from 1988 until the capital was moved to Naypyitaw in 2005. Kyaw Win and other trusted aides would often massage Than Shwe in his bed until he fell asleep. The powerful general also liked listening to their gossip and jokes, and sometimes, even after it seemed that he had already drifted off to sleep, he would laugh out loud at some amusing anecdote the officers were sharing among themselves.

Kyaw Win also knew that his boss had a deep-seated distrust of intellectuals and didn't like having educated people around him. Despite being a graduate of Yangon University, however, Kyaw Win seemed to have won his trust.

Another thing he knew about Than Shwe was that he regarded Myanmar, a nation wedged between the world's two most populous countries, India and China, as uniquely vulnerable. For this reason, he believed that it needed a special military budget to build a strong army and acquire nuclear weapons. With money from state-owned enterprises and the sale of natural gas, he moved the capital to central Myanmar and built tunnels and launched a nascent nuclear weapons program.

Meanwhile, Khin Nyunt and his feared Military Intelligence were busy running torture chambers and chasing after dissidents. This part of their operation was sanctioned by Than Shwe; but the dossiers they were collecting on corruption within the regime apparently wasn't.

In the early days, Than Shwe was regarded as quite clean. But from around the early 2000s, several ministers and powerful generals had begun seeking favors. Usually, they just paid visits to his home, where they could count on a friendly welcome if they came bearing gifts for his family. This has been called "kitchen politics"—currying favor with Myanmar's top family through the back door.

Kyaw Win's disapproval of this development made him and other aides who believed it was part of their job to "keep the businessmen at bay" less than popular with Than Shwe's wife Daw Kyaing Kyaing and other close relatives. But the senior leader continued to entrust him with important missions, such as maintaining contacts with intelligence agencies in neighboring countries and acting as a messenger between himself and opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who was then under house arrest. His most important duty, however, was to continue monitoring Khin Nyunt.

Once regarded as a natural successor to Than Shwe, the spy chief never imagined that he would one day be removed from power, despite warnings from his subordinates that he was vulnerable to just such a fate.

The trouble came as powerful generals and commanders in the army's infantry units learned that they were secretly being investigated. Infantry and intelligence units were always at loggerheads, and it became clear that Khin Nyunt's intelligence unit was building a state within a state. For years, Than Shwe was urged to put the spy chief in his place—something he had probably wanted to do all along.

Of course, Kyaw Win played a role in Khin Nyunt's downfall, making sure that all of his reports on his immediate superior reached his real boss via Gen. Shwe Mann, the current speaker of Myanmar's Lower House of Parliament, who was then the joint chief of staff of army, navy and air force and the third most powerful member of the junta.

To neutralize Khin Nyunt, Than Shwe appointed him prime minister and asked him to hand his duties as spy chief over to Myint Swe, one of Than Shwe's loyal subordinates and now chief minister of Yangon Region.

But Khin Nyunt refused to play along, and later, Than Shwe learned that he had threatened at a cabinet meeting to expose corruption among military commanders and ministers.

In the end, Than Shwe didn't have to do a thing. "Do what you have to do," he said, and soon the problem was taken care of. The infantry commanders, who had a plan in place and had long waited to hear these words, moved swiftly. They arrested Khin Nyunt and threw everyone close to him into prison. Within hours, Khin Nyunt's spy network was dismantled.

That was in October 2004. When Khin Nyunt, who had been summoned to the office of the junta's number two Gen. Maung Aye shortly after getting off a plane in Yangon, was told to "go home," he replied sarcastically that he was "delighted" to do so. He knew he had no choice: All of the other senior junta members—except Than Shwe—were there. He was escorted back to his home, and after years as one of Myanmar's most feared men, he became just another prisoner of one of the world's most repressive regimes.

Although Than Shwe left the dirty business of dealing with Khin Nyunt to his subordinates, he was in full control of what came after. He reinforced his own power base, locked up more dissidents, and pushed ahead with drafting a constitution that would cement the military's role in Myanmar politics. Finally, after holding a rigged election in 2010 that delivered a landslide victory to the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), he stepped out of the limelight and remains comfortably retired in his fortress-like mansion in Naypyitaw.

During his tenure as Myanmar's supreme leader, Than Shwe also placed Ne Win under house arrest. Unlike Khin Nyunt, Than Shwe was not close to the former dictator. After Saw Maung, who died of heart failure in 1997, was forced to step down, Than Shwe never bothered to visit the mastermind behind the 1988 coup. Perhaps he had hated him all along.

Khin Nyunt, once dubbed Myanmar's "prince of evil" by the foreign media, was released from house arrest in early 2012, and now lives as a private citizen. When asked to account for some of the things he did when he was still in power, he insists he was just following orders. Those orders came, of course, from Than Shwe.

Kyaw Win witnessed all of this and more. Now more interested in his avian friends, however, he says he has nothing to say about the current role, if any, of his former boss in Myanmar's political affairs. But for those of us who have watched Than Shwe eliminate his rivals one by one over the past two decades, it's difficult to imagine that he isn't still keeping an eagle eye on everything from his safe, secluded perch, ready to swoop down on anyone who threatens his talon-like hold on power.

The post The Strange Birds Behind the ’88 Coup appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Provinces Braced for Heavy Rainfall as Typhoon Heads West

Posted: 16 Sep 2018 08:41 PM PDT

SHANGHAI — China’s southern regions faced more heavy rainfall on Monday as a devastating typhoon swept west, with key transport services already suspended and millions of residents forced to evacuate, the country’s weather bureau said.

Tropical cyclone Mangkhut made landfall in the southeast Chinese province of Guangdong on Sunday after causing devastation in the Philippines, where the death toll was expected to exceed 50.

The China Meteorological Administration said early on Monday rainfall from the typhoon, dubbed the “King of Storms," was expected to reach 100-160 millimeters (4-6 inches).

It said Mangkhut was located in Hengxian in Guangxi at 6 a.m. (2200 GMT Sunday) and had weakened to a “tropical storm." The storm was also due to hit the regions of Guizhou, Chongqing and Yunnan on Monday.

The meteorological administration said Mangkhut was one of the 10 biggest storms to hit southeast China since 1949, with wind speeds at around 162 km/h (100 mph).

Two people were reported to have been killed in Guangdong, China’s most populous province. More than 2.45 million residents were relocated, state media reported.

China’s emergency management ministry, which deals with natural disasters, said in a notice late on Sunday it had already sent 24,000 officers to vulnerable parts of Guangdong, Hainan, Guangxi, Guizhou and Yunnan.

Authorities throughout those regions had been urged to dismantle structures vulnerable to heavy winds, strengthen port facilities and suspend large outdoor gatherings, the meteorological administration said.

The post China Provinces Braced for Heavy Rainfall as Typhoon Heads West appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Hong Kong, Southern China Mop Up After Super Typhoon

Posted: 16 Sep 2018 08:36 PM PDT

SHANGHAI — The financial hub of Hong Kong began clearing up on Monday after being battered by one of the strongest typhoons in recent years, with financial markets and offices operating as normal.

Super typhoon Mangkhut, with hurricane-force winds well over 200 kilometers per hour (124 miles/h), had barreled past the northern tip of the Philippines, killing at least 50 people. It then skirted south of Hong Kong and the neighboring gambling hub of Macau, before making landfall in China.

Parts of Hong Kong and Macau were severely flooded, though there were no immediate reports of any fatalities. Two people were reported killed in Guangdong, China’s most populous province and home to over 100 million residents, state media reported.

The China Meteorological Administration said the typhoon, dubbed “King of Storms," swept west to Guangxi province at 6 a.m. (2200 GMT on Sunday) and weakened to a “tropical storm." It forecast the storm to hit the regions of Guizhou, Chongqing and Yunnan on Monday.

The meteorological administration said Mangkhut was one of the 10 biggest storms to hit southeast China since 1949 – when records began – with wind speeds at around 162 km/h.

Across Hong Kong, authorities strived to clear roads of debris, including toppled trees and bamboo scaffolding. Some buildings, including the One Harbourfront office tower, had many windows smashed after a day in which some of the city’s skyscrapers had swayed with the ferocious gusts.

“Yesterday’s storm was very strong. Even for a person of my weight, I was about to be blown down by the wind which made me very scared,” said a 70-year-old resident surnamed Fung.

“It was very serious this time.”

Stock and financial markets opened as normal on Monday in Hong Kong and the southern Chinese city of Shenzhen.

Some transport services remained suspended, though flights in the region were slowly resuming after a shutdown on Sunday, stranding many thousands of passengers.

In Macau, badly hit by a super typhoon last year, authorities were much more prepared this time, ordering casinos to close late on Saturday night as the storm approached.

Casinos were operational again early on Monday though authorities were still struggling to restore power to some of the 20,000 households that suffered power cuts.

Macau gambling stocks were down in early Monday trade.

The post Hong Kong, Southern China Mop Up After Super Typhoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Youth, Journalists Demonstrate Against Jailing of Reuters Reporters

Posted: 16 Sep 2018 08:28 PM PDT

YANGON — At least 100 Myanmar youth activists and journalists called for the release of two jailed Reuters journalists on Sunday, warning that the seven-year prison terms handed to the pair this month threaten the public’s right to information.

Demonstrators including high school students gathered peacefully in the heart of Myanmar’s largest city, Yangon, held signs and chanted slogans denouncing the guilty verdict against the two journalists. A small contingent of police looked on as the protesters released black balloons printed with the words “Free Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo."

Reporters Wa Lone, 32, and Kyaw Soe Oo, 28, were convicted on Sept. 3 under the colonial-era Official Secrets Act in a case that was seen as a test of democratic freedoms in Myanmar.

Thar Lun Zaung Htet, a journalist involved in organizing the protest, said the verdict against reporters who were “just doing their job” would stifle reporting in Myanmar.

“Losing press freedom means our democratic transition is going backwards,” he said.

The verdict drew calls from senior United Nations officials, political figures including US Vice President Mike Pence and human rights advocates around the world for their immediate release.

Government spokesman Zaw Htay could not be reached for comment on Sunday.

The country’s leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said at a forum in Hanoi last week the case had nothing to do with freedom of expression. The reporters had been sentenced for handling official secrets and “were not jailed because they were journalists," the Nobel laureate said.

On Friday six Myanmar journalist organizations published a rare statement from groups within the country criticizing the country’s leader, saying they were “disappointed” with her comments.

The reporters, who plead not guilty, said they were handed rolled papers by police shortly before they were detained last December, and a police witness testified in court that they had been set up.

The reporters had been investigating the killing of 10 Rohingya Muslim men and boys by security forces and local Buddhists amid a military response to insurgent attacks last August.

Some 700,000 Rohingya crossed from Myanmar into Bangladesh fleeing the crackdown, which UN-mandated investigators said last month was launched by senior Myanmar generals with “genocidal intent."

Signs held by the protesters on Sunday included the messages “Murder is not a state secret” and “revealing the truth is not a crime."

One organizer, Maung Saung Kha, performed a short play where he put on a military jacket over the orange traditional Burmese jacket worn by lawmakers of Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy. He then rolled up a copy of the state-run daily The Mirror and began hitting members of the press with it.

Activist Htet Khine Soe said the “injustice” of the case against the reporters had led him to design a T-shirt with an illustration of Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo’s faces. The design was worn by some demonstrators and was also used on stickers placed around Yangon.

“We need to know what’s happening in the world. We need journalists for that,” he said. “Without that, we will be stupid people without ears and eyes.”

The post Myanmar Youth, Journalists Demonstrate Against Jailing of Reuters Reporters appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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A Slice of Heritage: Dining in Yangon’s Top Heritage Restorations

Posted: 14 Sep 2018 09:07 PM PDT

YANGON — Visitors and residents in Myanmar's commercial capital often find themselves enamored with the rich heritage architecture of downtown Yangon. The stately structures with grand facades, towering columns and repetitive arches give a sense of bygone years when the city was a thriving cosmopolitan hub of the east. Along wide and narrow streets and on prominent corners, extravagant homes, banks and private companies were built in styles of architecture from across the globe. After the nationalization of the economy in 1947, many of the buildings became property of the then-socialist government and were used mostly as government offices and courts until the new capital of Naypyitaw was established in 2006.

Sofaer & Co’s facade on Pansodan Street with original 1906 doors and windows. / Htet Wai

Today many of these heritage buildings remain unused or underused government buildings or private homes which can only be observed from the street, often in a state of dilapidation. Some, like Yangon Excelsior located in the former Steel Bros headquarters, have been converted into luxury hotels that cost hundreds of dollars for a night. Gladly, a select few heritage buildings have been woken from a slumber of disuse to be revived as restaurants accessible to all. The Irrawaddy has chosen three restaurants in Yangon's top heritage restorations where you can go to experience the historical value and a handsome aesthetics of these century-old treasures while filling up on delectable Asian cuisine.

Burma Bistro on Merchant Road makes the most of the building’s historical features. / Aung Kyaw Htet

Burma Bistro, a contemporary Burmese restaurant and bar used to be an inn. Located on the second and third floor of a handsome, faded-yellow building on Merchant Road with a grand veranda edged by stately columns, the exact year of construction is not known but guessed to be at least one hundred years ago. When developers approached the owners with a plan to buy the building, demolish and replace it with a high-rise office block, one of the tenants stepped in and opposed the sale, vowing to renovate and relaunch their section of it as a restaurant in order save the building and share the piece of heritage with the public. Today, mighty high ceilings and exposed brick walls house custom-made wooden and rattan furniture, local handmade textiles and an atmosphere of a Burma of the past.

"We picked the name of the restaurant and had to register for a restaurant license and YCDC made noise about the name itself because of 'Burma'. They didn't accept it because they considered it a colonial name," said co-owner Aye Thuzar Thant in describing the restoration process.

Authentic mohinga served delta style with boiled peas at Burma Bistro. / Aung Kyaw Htet

From outside, the restaurant façade is inconspicuous among the other heritage buildings so some searching may be required, but the hustle and bustle of the street and approaching staircase are left behind once inside. Burma Bistro's menu is a carefully thought out and offers quality, genuine regional Burmese food with "healthy tweaks." Though higher than prices in teashops, the food is still good value and the flavors incomparable.

Gekko is a Japanese cocktail bar and restaurant on Merchant Road. / Htet Wai

Gekko is the best option for those looking for Asian sophistication in a heritage setting. After a few months of restoration, the doors were opened in 2014 with Gekko being awarded Best Adaptive Reuse by Yangon Heritage Trust (YHT) earlier this year. This Japanese cocktail bar and restaurant is located in the 1906 Sofaer Building on the corner of Pansodan and Merchant roads which was originally a classy department store selling imported luxury goods like cigars and Scottish whiskey.

"The floor tiles were covered in a thick layer of black and the walls were fitted with layers of fake walls. All the beautiful beams were covered in plaster, so basically we didn't really know what we had until the cleaning process started," said Nikki Barltrop, Gekko's food and beverage manager who was on board since the restorations began.

Gekko occupies a space that was once a luxury department store and later a stationery shop. / Htet Wai

Today, diners can still see the elaborate floor tiles imported from England and steel beams shipped over from Scotland in the late 1800s and early 1900s which brought a slice of European style to Rangoon. Gekko serves some of the best yakitori, sushi and sashimi in Yangon and an exciting drinks menu including classic Japanese cocktails alongside exciting locally-influenced creations like the 'smoked thanaka old fashioned.'

Sofaer & Co is a bistro-style restaurant furnished in the mode of the early 1900s when the building was constructed. / Htet Wai

Sofaer & Co is located in the same building as Gekko but around the corner and proffers a totally different ambiance. For some years, this unit in the larger building was a general store selling dry goods but when the restauranteurs found it, it had become a neglected storage unit, hiding its historic charm from the public.

Now a bright bistro-style restaurant, it was renovated in 2016 and opened last year retaining its century-old window and door frames, wooden wall paneling and bar. Today, at a round marble-top table, in wicker-backed chairs, you can sip a coffee with friends and feel just like the Yangonites of one hundred years ago.

"A restoration project is more difficult than building everything from scratch. YHT supported us with the historical data for this place but we had to be careful not to [alter] the floors or drill into the wall. We had to add a modern kitchen and washroom without touching the structure," said Ingyin Zaw, operating partner of Sofaer & Co.

The menu here offers Asian-fusion food and comforting favorites like bún cha alongside fun twists on classics like the 'grilled tealeaf smoked pork neck' and a Western-style brunch menu was recently introduced.

Rangoon Teahouse emphasizes the building’s original art deco features on the facade. / Htet Wai

As conservation of heritage buildings can take many forms— from rehabilitation to preservation to reconstruction—there are a number of other quality restaurants in beautiful old structures around Yangon that have adopted a more modernizing approach to the restoration process. Rangoon Teahouse on Pansodan Street, widely regarded as one of the best Burmese restaurants in town, sports a fantastic art deco façade while the interiors are modern and chic. Next door, Sharky's—one of the earliest artisan delicatessen and restaurants to open in Yangon—serves international fare in a modern restaurant set in an well-preserved heritage shell of exposed red brick walls, recessed arches and exposed beams.

The post A Slice of Heritage: Dining in Yangon's Top Heritage Restorations appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

In World of Sports, Myanmar Left Holding the Wooden Spoon

Posted: 14 Sep 2018 08:52 PM PDT

Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss Myanmar's decline in the world of sports. I’m Kyaw Kha, the chief reporter of The Irrawaddy Burmese edition. I'm joined by veteran journalist Ko Chit Win Maung and Myanmar national sepak takraw gold medalist Ko Zaw Latt.

Myanmar only managed to win two bronze medals at the 2018 Asian Games held recently in Indonesia. This indicates how bad the state of Myanmar sports has become. Myanmar tied for 35th with Afghanistan out of 37 countries on the medal table. U Chit Win Maung, what caused this dramatic decline in Myanmar's sporting achievement?

Chit Win Maung: We only won two bronzes at the Asian Games in Indonesia—the least we've won since the Asian Games in 1994. A total of 45 countries took part in the games, and 37 countries won medals. Myanmar tied with Afghanistan for 35th place in the medal table, followed by Syria. So, it was the worst medal tally ever for Myanmar. Above us in the medal table was Laos, which clinched two silvers, and Cambodia, which took home two golds. They were higher in the ranking than us. Myanmar ranked lowest in the medal tally among ASEAN countries. As Ko Zaw Latt [who won a gold medal at the 2014 Asian Games] knows, the previous Asian Games was held in Incheon, Korea. That time, we won two golds. So, the number has declined. We have won gold medals in the past, but not now. It is a long story to explain the causes of this decline. I don't want to discuss it. For the time being, it would be better for Ko Zaw Latt to discuss the situation.

KK: There is a slogan in our country: "Myanmar Sports—the World to Conquer." But even at the Asian Games, Myanmar only won two bronzes. So, it is quite unrealistic to hope that Myanmar sports will conquer the world. We should first improve our ranking among the regional countries in Southeast Asia. What changes do you think are needed to accomplish this?

Zaw Latt: Usually, a ceremony to hand the victory banner [national flag] to members of the sporting delegation is held before they leave for a sporting event. Every country does it. But this year, the ceremony was not held. At such ceremonies in the past, most of the concerned [government] officials—many of them may still hold their positions today—would say that Asian Games are like "friendlies" and are only meant for us to gain experience. It seems that most of them only want us to achieve a good ranking in ASEAN, and that is enough. They would say this at three out of every five flag handover ceremonies. This is the wrong attitude. If that is true, why do we need the slogan "Myanmar Sports—the World to Conquer"? If we are to conquer, we have to first succeed at the Asian Games and the Olympics. If they think the Asian Games are only meant for us to gain experience, they have the wrong attitude from the very beginning. There is a lot to be done. Athletes for their part have to work harder. And concerned sports federations and the government also have a part to play. I've always pointed out this lack of government support, so the government is angry at me. Speaking of financial support [from the government], things are different now than in the past in our country [regarding consumer prices]. Today, if there are five members in a family, four have to work to be able to live a decent life. In the past, one breadwinner was enough to support the whole family. You could devote yourself to sports. But the situation is different now. I had to support my family even while I was still struggling as a player. In our country, there are few athletes who can dedicate themselves to sports without worrying about money. Even if athletes have a certain level of skill, without proper support it is difficult to turn out a younger generation of athletes. Again, we were told before leaving for sporting events—the SEA Games, for example—that we would get this or that amount as a financial reward if we won gold, but I don't know where those words went after we won the medals. The Asian Games is a high-level sporting event for this country. We won medals at the Asian Games. I personally won medals in 2010 and 2014. And the award I got was less than US$500. I heard the Indonesian President said that he would award a minimum of US$100,000 to every gold medalist in his country at the 2018 Asian Games. So, you can imagine the difference. You might think I only talk about money. I have to— not for myself, but for the younger generation. If we are honored, this will encourage the younger generation. I say this not because I didn't get any financial reward. I say this because it is necessary. Our sports federation did present us with financial rewards. But the government should also honor the medalists. It seems to me that the government doesn't care about the Asian Games.

KK: It is quite dispiriting. What can we do to correct this?

CWM: Before talking about what can be done, I'd like to add to what Ko Zaw Latt has said. We have continuously covered Myanmar sports and we therefore understand the difficulties facing sports federations. Gold medals are a source of pride for the country. Ko Zaw Latt said he won gold medals in the past but received little support from the government, and that gold medalists were awarded US$100,000 in Indonesia. There must be incentives for athletes. Only then will they try harder. Ko Zaw Latt won medals for Myanmar in sepak takraw. In fact, there is a shortage of younger athletes who can succeed their seniors. It has been ages since a Myanmar athlete won a gold medal in a track and field event. Besides that, Myanmar athletes used to win gold in swimming and other events. In those fields, younger athletes were not groomed to build on the achievements of their seniors. To draw a conclusion from this, the rewards are small because our country is poor and can't provide for its athletes like other countries do. Talking of government measures to promote Myanmar sports, the U Thein Sein government handed over the sports federations to businesspeople. It assigned leading businesspeople to lead each sport federation, like sepak takraw, rowing and so on, thinking that they could support the athletes. But today we are in a different era and their thinking is different. In the past, they were given business opportunities in exchange [for playing such roles]. Some have resigned from the chairmanship of the sport federations. So, there are negative consequences. And the Sports Ministry has become the Health and Sports Ministry [under the new government]. So, there might be some limitations on the minister's ability to handle both alone. And taking a look at the budget allocation, the combined total for the two ministries is small. I want the government to know that sports embody the dignity of a nation. So, in order to promote sports, I personally think the government should increase the sports budget, and form a separate sports ministry.

KK: Things are different now. Our athletes always used to win gold medals at the [now discontinued] Southeast Asian Peninsular Games and Asian Games. And we used to seem like giants to neighboring countries and Asian countries. But things have changed. They are showing disrespect to us now. It is quite upsetting. It seems to me, a player's life changes completely after he wins a gold medal in Thailand, our neighboring country. Ko Zaw Latt, as a selected national player and gold medalist, what are the differences you see between us and them?

ZL: We are behind them. I admit that they play better than we do. And we still can't catch up with them. And talking of [government] support, there is a huge gap. In Thailand, a selected national player earns a minimum monthly salary of 1 million kyats. This is just the salary. Speaking of rewards, I heard that the Thai government pays US$20,000 to each individual gold medalist at the SEA Games, and US$30,000 in the Asian Games. Sorry, I've only been talking about money. You know, [such huge differences] upset the players. People think gold medalists get 10 million kyats each. No, it is meant for the whole team. There are three members in my team. In that case, we receive 1.2 million kyats, which we share between three of us. If a nine-member team wins a gold medal, they have to share 1.5 million kyats. There is no clear principle [regarding awards]. I admit that the Thais play much better than us.

KK: You are going to retire from the national team. Will you receive any kind of gratuity or guarantee for your future, as a gold medalist?

ZL: I have to praise my wife here. I have won eight medals in different competitions, and received cash awards from the government and the concerned sports federation. My wife helped me save that money, so I have got a good sum.

KK: What are your concerns, Ko Chit Win Maung?

CWM: Ko Zaw Latt has talked about their entitlements. The main problem is [government] support. As the budget is small, the concerned ministry can't give them much support. And the concerned sports federations can't give them much, either. Thailand recently invited Myanmar to go and play sepak takraw there. The Sports Ministry said it has no budget to cover the cost. It said it can only pay half the cost. The cost is not that much—just around US$4,000.

ZL: Let me interrupt. I think there might be some misunderstanding between the Sepak Takraw Federation and the Sports ministry. Usually, the federation has to take responsibility for invitational matches, and sporting events other than [those in] ASEAN and the Asian Games.

CWM: As I've said, there is little support, and this has impacted the sports.

KK: So, it seems that players have to spend out of their own pockets to play matches. Thank you for your contributions!

The post In World of Sports, Myanmar Left Holding the Wooden Spoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

This Week in Parliament

Posted: 14 Sep 2018 08:48 PM PDT

Monday (Sept. 10)

In the Union Parliament, Union Education Minister Dr. Myo Thein Gyi said his ministry would build around 44,000 school buildings and appoint 84,000 teachers at basic education schools over the next five years.

In the Lower House, lawmaker Sai Thant Zin of Hsipaw Township called for the suspension of a 280-megawatt hydropower project on the Myitnge River some 20 miles to the south of Shan State's Kyaukme Township, citing public opposition.

Tuesday (Sept. 11)

The Union Parliament approved the national planning bill for fiscal 2018-19.

Parliament voted in favor of a proposal of the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation to provide an additional 14 billion kyats for the implementation of the Myit Tha Reservoir project in Gangaw Township, Magwe Region, over the opposition of some lawmakers.

The cost of the project was estimated to be around 55 billion kyats when it was proposed in fiscal 2002-03. However, around 300 billion kyats have been spent on the project so far, which lawmakers pointed out is against financial rules and regulations.

Wednesday (Sept. 12)

While discussing the report of the Parliament Rights Committee in the Lower House, lawmaker U Pe Than of the Arakan National Party complained about the condition of the rooms provided for lawmakers at the municipal guesthouse in Naypyitaw. According to lawmakers, they have to pay 100,000 kyats a month to lodge there.

"Respected persons," said U Pe Than, referring to the legislators, "should not be accommodated at a municipal guesthouse for a long time as if they were orphans."

In the Upper House, Deputy Home Affairs Minister Major-General Aung Thu admitted that his ministry has not done enough to control smuggling of illicit drug precursors into the country.

Thursday (Sept. 13)

The Union Parliament approved the budget for fiscal 2018-19 starting Oct. 1 after slashing around 230 billion kyats from the initial 25-trillion-kyat proposal.

Lawmakers discussed the draft taxation law for 2018-19 fiscal year, calling on the government to reduce tariffs on vehicle imports and re-impose taxes on diamonds, emeralds and gold bars.

Friday (Sept. 14)

In the Union Parliament, lawmakers continued their debate on the president's proposal to obtain a $298.9-million loan from the Asian Development Bank to be used to improve the electricity network in seven of the country's states and regions.

The loan will be used to fund a six-year project (2019-2025) to be implemented in Yangon, Irrawaddy, Tanintharyi and Bago regions and Mon, Karen and Rakhine states.

The post This Week in Parliament appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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