Tuesday, October 23, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

‘I Don’t Think the West Understands Myanmar’ 

Posted: 22 Oct 2018 08:53 PM PDT

How would you describe the Thai-Myanmar relationship at the moment?

Thai-Myanmar relations at the moment are excellent. The relationship hasn't been this strong at any time since 1962. I am very happy because it has taken a long, long time for the two countries, which were bitter enemies for the past four centuries or more, to become really trusted friends. I think the two countries have a natural strategic partnership.

One of the biggest challenges that the countries have joined hands to settle is the issue of migrant workers from Myanmar. I think over the past three or four years, Myanmar migrant workers' living and working conditions in Thailand have improved. More than 2.3 million have been registered and given protection by the Thai government. I think the government will try to further improve their overall condition, because Thailand needs these workers to maintain economic growth amid a labor shortage. Migrant workers from Cambodia, Laos and even Vietnam would like to do the same, though they have fewer workers here [in Thailand].

Beyond the issue of migrant workers, Thailand and Myanmar are cooperating in lots of areas, especially capacity building and human resource development. For example Thailand has been the leading ASEAN member helping Myanmar to restore peace and stability in Rakhine State. Thailand is helping with education, public health and community-building efforts because it has a lot of experience with such projects. Of late, Myanmar has also become interested in the "sufficiency" economic model that Thailand has been practicing for decades. It could easily be applied to rural areas in Myanmar. These activities were conducted without scrutiny from the media. So there are lots of activities going on. Thailand and Myanmar share a porous, 2,400-km-long border. [It has] not yet been [fully] demarcated, but there is no war between the countries. Indeed, they have decided to postpone this issue and focus on economic development. That tells you that the two governments value the friendship and want to move ahead with cooperation in other areas and leave the demarcation for later.

Why has there been such a dramatic change in the relationship? Is it because of Myanmar's opening up in 2010, or is it due to improved ties between the two militaries?

I think both reasons are valid. Relations between Thailand and Myanmar in the past were confined to military-to-military ties. They were not real relations. It was a dysfunctional cooperation without the involvement of civilian governments. It was not a good transaction at all. In the past, Thailand changed leadership and governments quite often. Therefore, there has not been any consistency except for the military-to-military ties. However, now that Myanmar has opened up and democratized, it has allowed Thailand and the international community to interact with Naypyitaw in diplomatic and holistic ways. The ties have transformed; they are not transactional, as in the past. They have been normalized. Thailand's military regime has pursued a clear policy toward neighboring countries, trying to loop them into a broader economic integration using various frameworks. That helps explain why Thailand has been working hard to improve relations. Thailand and Myanmar are two major Buddhist members of ASEAN. Their close relations and cooperation are crucial for the unity of ASEAN and stability in mainland Southeast Asia. Their relationship is the foundation of stability in the region. 

Thailand is under a military regime. There has been a lot of talk about how much the two sides appreciate, learn from and copy each other. Since he became the commander-in-chief of Myanmar's armed forces, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has made 10 or 11 visits to Thailand. He has made many overseas trips, to the West as well as to ASEAN countries, but Thailand has been his most frequent destination. Do you think the two countries have learned a lot from each other?

Definitely. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing follows political and economic developments in Thailand closely. He has learned a lot from Thailand's experience in handling various crises. One of the most important takeaways for him is that you have to engage foreign countries; you cannot run away. Whether you like it or not, you have to face your problems and discuss them with the international community. If need be, you can ask for assistance. That is exactly what Thailand has done in the past, allowing it to settle its differences with foreign countries and supporters. Can you imagine that 30 years ago, we had over 3 million refugees from Cambodia on our eastern border? Everybody attacked and criticized Thailand over its refugee policy. But in the end, everybody appreciated Thailand and helped to repatriate all the refugees. Why? It was for a simple reason—Thailand continued to engage the international community despite criticism and prejudices. We need to engage and talk to the international community. You know, Westerners, the international community and NGOs want information, and they also want to know what your policy is, what you intend to do. I think Thailand has been very good in explaining its policy and I think Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has learned from that.

And the second lesson is that if you cannot handle a situation yourself, you need help from friends; you need to discuss it and ask for help. Do not be shy, because countries in the region share similar challenges and destinies. Take Indonesia, for example. Thailand and other ASEAN members are facing similar issues. In fact, during Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing's visit to Thailand last year, Deputy Prime Minister and Defense Minister Prawit [Wongsuwon] told him about Thailand's past experiences handling the Cambodian refugees. He said Thailand trusted ASEAN and subsequently, ASEAN helped Thailand. Another example was in Indonesia. Jakarta had a problem with East Timor. It asked Thailand for help because Indonesia wanted ASEAN peacekeepers, not Western peacekeepers. So, Thailand helped to convince the Philippines, Malaysia and Singapore to help with their peacekeepers. And I think it is time that Myanmar asked for help, more help from ASEAN on the Rohingya, because ASEAN can help in all kinds of ways. So far, Myanmar is still reluctant, thinking that this is an internal issue that it should handle alone. But ASEAN will not be able to help if Myanmar does not discuss it or ask for help. Myanmar must learn from Cyclone Nargis that international assistance is pivotal.

Does this mean that ASEAN's non-interference policy has been abandoned? Because when Myanmar was a closed country, we continually heard about the non-interference policy, and that Myanmar handled its internal affairs without interference. Has this changed?

No, no. The non-interference policy remains. If Myanmar approaches ASEAN and asks for assistance, it is not considered interference in internal affairs, just like in the case of East Timor. Therefore, what Myanmar needs to do is to be more open and have more confidence in its ASEAN counterparts. Because Myanmar has been living in isolation for too long, the government is used to going it alone. But Myanmar needs ASEAN's help. And it needs it now. There is nothing to be ashamed of. Myanmar needs ASEAN and ASEAN can help. ASEAN seldom disappoints its members.

Have both the Myanmar government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the military led by Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing openly asked ASEAN for help with the Rakhine issue?

I don't think they have reached that level. I think there is a better understanding between ASEAN and Myanmar over the Rohingya crisis now. But if you compare it with the previous government, I must say that the government of [former President] U Thein Sein had a much better policy toward ASEAN than the current government. Thein Sein engaged ASEAN and has been very supportive and he knows that ASEAN can help Myanmar. And this is very important. He was very enthusiastic and pro-ASEAN. He learned valuable lessons from the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis.

There have long been rumors about the possibility of a coup d'etat in Myanmar. The Myanmar and Thai militaries are now best friends and collaborate, with lots of exchange going on. What are your thoughts?

Well, Thailand will support Myanmar no matter what the circumstances. During the most difficult times, I remember in 1988, [Thai] General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh was really the lone supporter of Myanmar when the government came out and cracked down on the students. I hope that a coup-d'etat won't happen in Myanmar, because you do not have that kind of history, as in Thailand. [Former Myanmar strongman] General Ne Win staged a coup in 1962 and its implications lasted for over six decades. Thailand, however, has gone through 18 coups without the kind of long-lasting implications as in Myanmar. Please—no coup in Myanmar.

Myanmar people go to Thailand and they are surprised to see that the country is still being run by a military government after four years. But it's very different from what they have experienced in their own country.

This is very interesting. In Thailand, you have to admit that [the military] has a lot of experience with coups. So we in general got used to coup-making and its aftermath. But [the most recent] coup was different. It was brought about by a series of political disagreements and polarization. The military government came to power on the promise that it would bring about political reform and also try to raise standards of living and heal the political rifts. And they have tried. The first year it did not succeed. The second year it continued and did not succeed. The third year yielded limited results with some changes in development and societal policies.

With the military in charge, certain aspects of life are obviously tougher. Certain media are under government pressure not to write too much—this can anger the government, that's all. In Thailand, the government does not arrest journalists for being critical or publishing confidential documents. They issue warnings. The biggest complaint has been the violation of human rights. I think Thai culture is quite accommodating to any new circumstance or environment. In the past four years, the military leaders have used Article 44 to ensure that policies get implemented, especially those involving influential people.

How can the two countries learn from each other? In particular, what can Myanmar's National League for Democracy-led government as well as its military learn from Thailand?

Thailand can offer some good lessons, particularly on interfaith dialogue and community building. Of course, Thailand has its own problems [with a Malay-Muslim separatist insurgency] in the south. In general, people of different faiths should be able to live together. Thailand's lessons in handling its ethnic groups could provide some valuable lessons.

The second area is in the field of press freedom. I think Myanmar learned a lot during the U Thein Sein years. Thailand sent many media experts, especially in broadcasting, and tried to help draft a public broadcasting law. But [the current Myanmar] government has not yet taken any action—it's pretty sad really. The previous government learned from Indonesia, Thailand and developed countries; it is the learning process that counts.

What is the significance of the fact that Myanmar experienced more than a century of colonial rule, and took many lessons from this? Thailand was never colonized and had a more flexible attitude in terms of dealing with colonial powers in the 1930s, with the French, the British and the US. Is this something that we should handle better?

Each country has its own rules for engaging and handling foreign countries as well as foreign pressure. Myanmar has a particular way of handling great powers and neighboring countries. Indeed, we can learn from each other. Thailand's experience with great powers and neighboring countries has been rather unique. Thailand has never been colonized so our attitude to foreigners is less hostile. We are friendly towards foreigners. That helps explain why more than 35 million tourists have visited Thailand in each of the past three years [in 2016, 2017, and projected for 2018]. Thais are not afraid to engage foreigners, whether they are Russian, Chinese or American. That is why Thailand seeks friendship with all. We don't have any hang-ups with [former] colonial powers, even though their behavior in the past was disgusting. If you are good to Thailand, the Thais will be good to you. In some cases, they will try to do even more and offer more. Indeed, that is the easiest way to approach Thailand. Don't make Thai people mad. If you make them mad, they can be nasty. If you make them happy, they will respond in kind. I think that is the basic template. These are the basic tenets of Thai diplomacy. That is why sometimes foreign countries don't trust Thailand very much because they think Thailand changes like bamboo bending in the wind.

Thailand has learned from past experience that you can only say something that you believe truly. Otherwise, you will be accused of lying. Thais have diverse opinions [and Thailand is home to] a variety of NGOs, grassroots groups and all forms of stakeholders. It's not easy. Everybody has a strong opinion. You have to remember, Thailand is not a country of one-party rule like Singapore, in which the party says something and the people follow. Thailand is not like Vietnam under the Communist Party. Thailand is not like Cambodia. Thailand has a very revered monarchy. Thailand has its military. Thailand has a strong bureaucracy. Thailand has uncompromising political parties. So, whenever you want to implement a national policy, it is very difficult to carry it out. That's why no one will ever commit to or say anything ahead of time. They leave some room for interpretation. So you have to listen carefully to what Thais say and interpret it for yourself. Foreigners often say that Thais are ambivalent.

Regarding the Rohingya issue, what are your views on the UN's damning report, calls for the International Criminal Court to prosecute Myanmar's military leaders, and the criticism of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for not speaking out more? We see Thailand as having much more leverage in terms of dealing with the West, in terms of balancing powers, even though it is not a major power. But it has more potential, more economic power and political leverage in dealing with superpowers like China, the US and Russia. In particular, under the Prayuth administration, we have seen Thailand move closer to China and away from the US for a brief period, before returning to a more balanced position. Prayuth was then invited to the White House. What is Myanmar missing?

It is interesting that you say that. You know in our relations with foreign countries, Thailand wants to be friends with everybody, with every country. But after the coup in 2014, the US decided to punish Thailand harshly. According to US law, Washington must cut off aid, and military training and exchanges. But some of the law-enforcement programs and humanitarian projects are still running. The region's largest military exercise, known as Cobra Gold, has continued without interruption.

So in the absence of the US, Thailand continues its relations with China, India and Japan. In Japan's case, it was very interesting. After two months of very tough policy towards Thailand, similar to the US, Japan suddenly changed its position to re-establish contact with Thailand. Tokyo realized [soon after the 2014 military coup] that military rule would last longer than usual. Just imagine: After four years, if Japan had maintained the same position as Washington, it would have lost everything it had nurtured in the past 70 years with Thailand. So Thailand continues its ties with the rest of the world, except for the US and the EU.

It is only in the past year-and-a-half that the US and the EU have realized that they have been too harsh with Thailand. Of course, for them it is unacceptable that Thailand, being one of the democratic models [in the region] in the early 1990s, was still experiencing coups d'etat after so many years of democratization. I think in the future making coups will be more difficult. People won't tolerate it. At the moment, Thailand has a 20-year national strategy. I think every new government that comes in will have to follow and implement it. These strategies could be changed in Parliament. This is something new. A lot of people don't like it because the government was not elected. So after Thailand holds an election in February, the country will return to normal and its true democratic self will emerge again. I think it will be interesting to watch.

Do you think the election is going to happen next year?

It will definitely happen in February, because it is important. On the previous four occasions, the government has postponed and procrastinated due to technical problems. Now I think the government has confidence. The government has to make sure that the upcoming election is peaceful and provides the stability that everybody needs. You don't want political polarization or conflicts or street protests again. What Thailand needs most is the continuity of stability and democratization.

Do you think the West understands Myanmar?

No, I don't think the West understands Myanmar as Myanmar people understand themselves. Just like the Thais. I think in the West, when they look at Thailand or Myanmar, they see two things: The first is the normal stereotyped view; and the second is the country as they think it ought to be. For example, in the case of Myanmar, the West would like to see Myanmar become a democracy under Daw Aung San Suu Kyi—at one time the world's most famous political icon. In reality, that is not happening.

Just like Thailand back in the late 1980s, when it had the world's highest economic growth rate of nearly 13 percent. Everybody was saying Thailand was a good example of a developing country, adopting Western-style democracy with the most liberal democratic values. Our press is so free. Now we have been through that experience and realized that this kind of system was not sustainable, as other societal factors still lagged behind. So Thailand's democracy fell back. Now we are trying to build it up again with a better foundation. So we'll wait and see

The local press in Myanmar described a very different narrative [than the West did] after terrorists launched attacks in northern Rakhine. They didn't oversimplify the issues and nuances in northern Rakhine State. But many citizens despise the Western press coverage and were outraged. Many were also disappointed with the Ministry of Information, which they saw as doing nothing to provide news, or any counter-narrative, while also denying reporters access to the area.

For me this is the outcome of the failure of the Myanmar government to provide quick information, access to information—and complete information. I think the country that Myanmar should learn from is Singapore. Whenever Singapore faces any problem, whether it's about the quarrels within the Lee family or the sour relationship with China, the government tries to supply as much information as possible and in a very timely manner to the local press. The Singapore press is a bulwark against the West's stereotyping and narratives. In the case of Thailand as well as Myanmar, the narratives shaped by the international press grabbed the headlines.

In the case of the Rohingya, there are two failures. First of all, the government failed to provide adequate information at the right time. It was pivotal to provide information to the local media at the earliest possible time. Second, there is no access to the conflict areas for local media. That was the worst part. The government does not trust local reporters. The duty of the government is to make sure they provide enough and sufficient information as the situation continues to develop. If local journalists have better access early, it will help to improve two conditions. First, it would help to get information out through eyewitness accounts. Their reports could halt unsubstantiated or fake news circulating on social media. So these reports with updates will serve as… monitoring. You know we journalists in the area are witnessing a lot of things. It keeps violence or conflict from happening when there are a lot of eyewitnesses. There are a lot of things happening that nobody sees, so with the advent of social media, both sides can put out anything, can talk about anything. Of course some of it is real and some of it is not real.

What is your view of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who refuses to hold any press conferences or give interviews to local journalists? She only talks to selected foreign journalists and reporters. Secondly, what's your view of Myanmar's Ministry of Information? 

The first thing is, she has the wrong idea about local media. She does not trust local media, because she does not trust the local media's ability to report her opinion or her views accurately. She feels that giving interviews to the BBC and other Western journalists is better because they are more professional. I think local journalists can also do a good job, given the opportunity. Just talk to them and find out which journalists are good, and which are not professional.

After all, the media is a product of the country and its political system and culture. The leaders today failed to reflect the reality in Rakhine State. That's why Naypyitaw does not have any credibility at all. So if the government had been more open in earlier days, I don't think the situation would have come this far. Local journalists must be given the opportunity to do the job.

The worst thing about Rakhine is that nobody has reported it accurately. Now we have to try to figure out what went on, and interview refugees, interview whoever took part and interview all kinds of people, but without real eyewitnesses; the role that should have been played by journalists at the time.

I think the Ministry of Information lacks a communication strategy. They are also scared of the government, because Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself does not speak much.

Everybody should have access to leaders so that the leaders can communicate with the people, and the Ministry of Information should provide the necessary information and also access to key people in the government. But the ministry has not yet done so. And this is very sad. I think the ministry has to be more active, more engaged. They do understand the situation and I think they have problems trusting local journalists. One of the things missing is mutual trust between media and the government. If you look at Thailand, there is a certain level of trust, even though the Thai prime minister criticizes the media all the time. But he is still talking to the media.

Kavi Chongkittavorn was editor-in-chief of the Myanmar Times from February to December 2017. He was a journalist with the Bangkok-based English-language daily The Nation from 1984-2013. From 1994-95, he served as a special assistant to the ASEAN secretary general based in Jakarta. He is now a columnist for the Bangkok Post. His expertise is in ASEAN affairs, US foreign policy toward Southeast Asia and regional security issues.  

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Monday, October 22, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Anti-Corruption Commission Rejects Request to Probe Yangon Govt Losses

Posted: 22 Oct 2018 08:39 AM PDT

YANGON — The Anti-Corruption Commission said it will not take up a complaint about the billions of kyats worth of revenue the Yangon Region government lost out on over several years according to a recent report by the local Auditor General’s Office.

Former Yangon Region lawmaker Daw Nyo Nyo Thin, founder of Yangon Watch, an independent monitor of the government’s performance, filed the complaint with the commission on Oct. 12 calling for an investigation into the losses revealed by the audit of the region’s 2016-17 fiscal year budget.

Responding to the complaint, the commission said on Saturday that there was no need for it to investigate the losses yet because the government and auditor general will still working through the procedures that must follow the release of any audit report. It also pointed out that the incidents listed in the complaint predate Article 3 a (2) of the Anti-Corruption Law, which the complaint cites but only took effect in July when the law was amended.

According to the rules of the Union Auditor General's Office, the Yangon government is required to respond to the audit findings within a “reasonable” period of time — to be set by the auditor general — and take immediate steps to stop any fraud, misappropriation, waste or losses brought to light by an audit, including any appropriate legal action.

The commission also said that it had learned that the Yangon auditor general would monitor the government’s adherence to the procedures closely.

But the commission's decision has drawn mixed reactions.

Daw Nyo Nyo Thin, who filed the complaint, welcomed the commission's quick response and said she was encouraged to hear that the government was obliged to act on the auditor general’s findings.

But she said she disagreed with the commission's interpretation of the law — that it won't take action because the incidents occurred before Article 3 a (2) took effect. She had picked out five of the many findings in the auditor general’s report, under both the previous and current administrations, that she believed made the strongest cases for investigation.

Lawyer U Kyee Myint, a member of the Myanmar Lawyer's Network, said that if the incidents occurred before Article 3 a (2) took effect the commission could still take action using the law as it was before it was amended.

"Indeed, they should proceed with an investigation into the complaint," he said.

The report, submitted to the Yangon Parliament in September, has sparked heated discussion among local lawmakers. More than two dozen of them went through the findings in Parliament, raising questions about the irregularities and billions of kyats in public funds it said the government had lost out on.

But not a single government minister agreed to attend Parliament to discuss the findings.

"We thought the government would respond to the lawmakers' discussions and explain how it would take action on the findings. But it didn't," said Ko Nay Phone Latt, a regional lawmaker with the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD).

He said that in light of the commission's announcement on Saturday the lawmakers would continue to push the government for accountability.

Regional lawmaker U Kyaw Zeya, also with the NLD, said legislators would monitor the government’s response to the report carefully.

He said if the government fails to take the necessary action, the Union Attorney General's Office could order the Yangon Auditor General’s Office to investigate further or conduct its own probe. Lawmakers could ask the local auditor general to investigate further as well.

"If we submit that proposal, I am sure it would be passed with a majority of votes in Parliament," he said.

U Kyee Myint said the government should inform the public of any action it was taking to address the report’s findings over the course of no more than six months. If it fails, he said the lawyers would join with civil society groups in filing another complaint against the government with the Anti-Corruption Commission.

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Yangon Gov’t Demands Apology from Eleven Media

Posted: 22 Oct 2018 07:33 AM PDT

YANGON—The Yangon regional government has demanded that Eleven Media Group publish an apology in state-run newspapers for an "incorrect" story about the city's budget that prompted authorities to file a lawsuit. The move fails to fully comply with instructions issued by the President's Office last week that the city government should submit the dispute to the Press Council for mediation.

The Yangon government filed a suit against two editors and a reporter from Eleven Media Group earlier this month accusing them of incitement under Article 5050 (b) of the Penal Code for allegedly publishing false information relating to the use of public funds. The three were arrested on Oct. 10 and detained at Yangon's Insein Prison.

City authorities' harsh treatment of the media organization attracted public criticism, as the story was primarily based on lawmakers' discussion in the regional parliament of the auditor general's report on the government budget. The lawmakers themselves insisted the story was accurate.

Responding to the public outcry, President U Win Myint last week ordered the Yangon government to follow the Media Law, which says the Myanmar Press Council should attempt to settle complaints against the press before they reach the courts. Following the order, the Yangon government submitted a complaint letter to the Press Council last week.

The Council on Friday urged the Yangon government to withdraw its lawsuit against the three journalists so that it could begin mediation. The council cannot legally intervene in cases that have already been brought before the court.

But on the evening of the same day, rather than drop the case, the city government asked the Press Council to require that Eleven Media publish an apology in government newspapers.

"Prior to publication, the contents of the apology must be approved by the Yangon government," the city government demanded in a letter signed by U Aung Kyaw Khiang, the director of the Yangon Government Office.

It was not immediately clear whether the Yangon government would agree to withdraw the case if the apology was forthcoming. U Aung Kyaw Khaing wasn't available for comment on Monday.

Press Council member U Myint Kyaw told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the council cannot begin any mediation—even at the government's request—until the court case is dropped.

"I think they are playing an unfair game. Trying to settle the case while keeping the journalists behind bars is sort of taking the upper hand," he said.

At noon on Monday, Eleven Media managing director U Thein Myint told The Irrawaddy he had yet to hear anything more about either the withdrawal of the case or the demand for an apology.

Speaking to the media after a meeting with the Press Council on Friday, he said the journalists would have the final say in the apology.

"It's up to them whether to apologize or not," he said.

Lawmaker U Nay Phone Latt said the government's demand contradicted the president's order to attempt to settle the case with the help of the Press Council.

"To do so, the case has to be dropped first. Now they are demanding an apology rather than withdrawing the case. It's not in line with the presidential directive," he said.

The lawsuit is not the first that the Yangon government has filed against Eleven Media.

In 2016, the company's CEO U Than Htut Aung and editor-in-Chief U Wai Phyo were sued for libel by Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein over an editorial accusing him of corruption. Eleven Media Group later issued an official apology and retracted the editorial that prompted the libel case.

The apology was printed in state-run newspapers in both Burmese and English.

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MoMo, the Hardest-Working Elephant in Show Biz, Turns 65

Posted: 22 Oct 2018 06:01 AM PDT

YANGON—Yangon Zoo threw a birthday party for its oldest elephant, MoMo, on Oct. 21. Thousands of her human admirers gathered at the Yangon Zoological Garden to wish the beloved pachyderm a happy 65th.

MoMo was dressed in a bright, sparkly red outfit for the occasion, which reached its climax as she blew out the candles on her jumbo-sized birthday cake. She and five of her junior elephants from the zoo were also treated to a fruit buffet, musical performances by local idols, animal dances, games and even a comedy show.

Yangon Zoo has celebrated MoMo's birthday every year since 2010; the party has become something of an event and always draws a crowd.

MoMo has long been Yangon's favorite elephant; for nearly 55 years she charmed the city's residents with her special talents such as dancing with a football, playing the harmonica and shaking her hips to the beat. She finally retired as a performer at age 60, said Ko Aung Win Thaung, the elephant keeper at Yangon Zoo.

Kids have fun at MoMo's 65th birthday bash.

Every Sunday for decades, Yangon Zoo was packed with families flocking in to see MoMo's show. She is now an institution among city-dwellers.

"I've been working with MoMo for nearly 10 years. She's a clever one. Currently, she is the matriarch of a group of six elephants at Yangon Zoo," Ko Aung Win Thaung said.

"She's getting on a bit now and would like to enjoy a quiet life, but the younger elephants are playful and she gets cross with them. At the same time, she's teaching them life lessons, and not to make trouble," he said.

MoMo was born in 1953 in Loikaw, Kayah State. Her owner, U Khoon Sandah, donated her to the zoo in 1961.

"The average life span for an elephant [in captivity] is about 70 to 75. Mostly, elephants live to about 60 in the wild, though many die before that age. MoMo has had a long life because she's been cared for by the Yangon Zoo," Ko Aung Win Thaung said.

MoMo has occasional age-related health issues like dental problems and seasonal flu. Basically, though, she's amazingly healthy for her age, he said, adding that the zoo monitors her health regularly.

According to Ko Aung Win Thaung, MoMo is quite fastidious about keeping clean. She won't touch the water from the elephants' pond, and only drinks from a water pipe.

MoMo poses for a snapshot with a well-wisher at her 65th birthday party.

Something else that sets MoMo apart is that she's never been married, and will likely remain a spinster for the rest of her life. "She is very shy. Normally, Yangon Zoo has mainly female elephants and a few males. She doesn't seem to like any of them, though, so she'll probably stay single," Ko Aung Win Thaung said.

MoMo has lived almost her entire life at the zoo and has seen many of her old friends pass away in recent years. Nowadays, MoMo is the zoo's oldest elephant, serving as a mother figure to Myo Myo, Ma Chaw Lay, Ma Hla Chaw, May Thae Phyu and Mo Thaw Pyae.

"MoMo is known around the country, and to generations of Myanmar people. People will long remember her, even after she passes away. They may name other elephants after her, but we will always remember the original MoMo," he said.

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Villagers in Shan State Petition Govt to Cancel Coal Mine Plans

Posted: 22 Oct 2018 05:56 AM PDT

YANGON — Villagers in Shan State afraid of the potential environmental fallout from a planned coal mine say they have submitted petitions to local authorities urging them to cancel the project.

Sai Aung Tun, a community leader, said some 600 people from six villages in Kyethi Township signed letters submitted Monday to the township, district and state offices of the General Administration Department to stop the 2,209-hectare (5,459 acre) mine, which would feed an iron mine and steel factory on Mount Pinpet in the nearby township of Hopong.

He said the letters explain that the site contains not only farms, pastures and streams but also a cemetery, monastery, clinic and school.

Township authorities notified the community on Oct. 11 of the government’s plans to lease the land to the steel factory and gave it 15 days to object.

The area was confiscated by the military in 1996 during a large-scale forced relocation campaign in central and southern Shan State that displaced more than 300,000 people. Three battalions eventually established bases on the site; one of them, Light Infantry Battalion 131, was granted a coal mining license there in 2009 by the military junta.

In March of this year, as part of a policy initiated by a quasi-civilian government in 2012 to return confiscated land, the military handed back 12 of the 2,428 hectares (6,000 acres) it had confiscated in Kyethi but kept the rest.

Monday’s letters add that 55 villagers were forced to accept 24,000 kyats ($15.18) per acre as compensation in 2010.

Sai San Mai, a Shan State lawmaker representing Kyethi, said the iron mine and steel factory were nearly finished but villagers in Kyethi were uniformly opposed to seeing their land dug up for coal.

"Our elected civilian government should have informed the villagers if we wanted to use it for agricultural purposes, but it did not do that and it wants to transfer it to the Ministry of Industry," Sai Aung Tun told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

"We don't want this land to be excavated. Its impacts could be very bad because it could affect our health and environment. If the Nam Hen stream becomes affected from the mining, we would not be able to farm," he added.

The villagers said the stream was the only water source for thousands of hectares of farmland and more than 18,000 people in some 50 villages.

In their letter on Monday, they said that in 2015 a military-owned company, Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (UMEHL), sold licenses for mining blocks within the Mong Gao concession area in Kyethi for 100 million kyat ($63,000) each. They said UMEHL took 17 percent of the profits from the mines when they started operating.

Sai Aung Tun said five companies — Kanbawza Development Co. Ltd., Soe Lwin Aung Co. Ltd., Sein Naga Co. Ltd., Yu Wai Yan Co. Ltd and Ngwe Yi Pale Co. Ltd — were set to started mining but were stopped in 2016 after hundreds of locals opposed their plans.

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Investment Commission Racks Up Hong Kong Investment Interest in Myanmar

Posted: 22 Oct 2018 05:05 AM PDT

YANGON— One week after the government announced their 20-year foreign investment promotion plan, Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) has held an event seeking more investment from Hong Kong, which already stands as one of the largest investors in the country.

MIC held their second Myanmar Investment Promotion seminar on Tuesday in Hong Kong. The first seminar was held there in June.

More than 150 Hong Kong companies and an official of Hong Kong SAR's government, Secretary of Commerce and Economic Development Edward Yau, attended the seminar, according to a press release issued by the event organizers.

Chairman of MIC, U Thaung Tun said the investment body is ready to create an investor-friendly environment and is already making investment regulations more efficient and effective for investors.

"I am confident that many of you will consider investing in Myanmar," said U Thaung Tun to the audience.

 

Chairman of Myanmar Investment Commission, U Thaung Tun at the Myanmar Investment Promotion seminar on Oct. 16 in Hong Kong. / SUPPLIED

According to the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA), Hong Kong is the fourth largest investor in Myanmar after China, Singapore and Thailand. As of Sept. 30, Myanmar permitted $7. 87 billion in investment from Hong Kong so far this year which makes up 10 percent of total permitted foreign investment in Myanmar.

On Oct. 1, Myanmar granted tourist visa exemptions to Hong Kong and Macau SAR passport holders.

"Given the close and friendly relations between Myanmar and Hong Kong, I am confident that the majority of the participants of this event will bring with them a deep understanding of Myanmar. I am equally certain that business executives and investors here in Hong Kong have been following, with keen interest, the positive changes in Myanmar" said U Thaung Tun.

The chairman also stressed that Myanmar youth, who make up a large part of the population, are highly literate and highly motivated and so offer great a human resources potential for companies that are willing to harness it.

"We welcome all investors to invest in our priority sectors such as infrastructure, agriculture and the livestock sector, the power sector, production of fishery products, export promotion and import substitution industries, logistics industries, education services, the healthcare industry, construction of affordable housing and the establishment of industrial estates," he added

A group photo taken at the Myanmar Investment Promotion seminar on Tuesday in Hong Kong. / SUPPLIED

U Thaung Tun met with Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam during the visit and discussed building closer economic ties.

According to the press release, the Myanmar delegation, led by Chairman U Thaung Tun and Yangon's minister for electricity, industry, roads and communications, Daw Nilar Kyaw, and director-general of DICA, U Aung Naing Oo attended the seminar.

Myanmar needs $320 billion in investments for infrastructure by 2030, according to the press release. Foreign-direct investment in Myanmar declined by roughly $3 billion in the 2016-2017 fiscal year compared to 2015-2016. The Myanmar Investment Promotion seminar was held as part of Myanmar's efforts to increase investment from East Asia countries.

Myanmar's government expects foreign-direct investment to be a key driver of economic development according to the Myanmar Investment Promotion Plan 2018which was drawn up by MIC earlier this month. It aims to attract more than $200 billion over the next 20 years in responsible and quality investments.

According to DICA, MIC has engaged numerous East Asian countries through its investment promotion activities, including Japan, Hong Kong and South Korea.

Director-General of DICA, U Aung Naing Oo speaking to the audience at the 23rd Macao International Trade and Investment Fair. / DICA website

Hong Kong is positioned to play a prominent role in facilitating the flow of trade and investment and closer links for economic integration between Hong Kong and ASEAN members including Myanmar. Hong Kong has also shown keen interest in potential investment opportunities brought about by China's Belt and Road regional development project.

In 2017, Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam met State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Myanmar to discuss trade promotion between both countries and Myanmar's important role in China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). She is the first Hong Kong chief executive to visit since the 1997 Handover.

During the visit, she said, "attaching great importance to co-operation with Myanmar as well as other ASEAN members, Hong Kong expects that the Belt and Road Initiative and the development plan of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Bay Area of our country will lead us to a new economic era. With both Hong Kong and ASEAN along the Belt and Road, we hope to co-operate with Myanmar as well as other ASEAN countries to seize the opportunities arising from the Belt and Road Initiative."

In September, the Greater Bay Area Myanmar General Chamber of Commerce (GMGCC) was formed to promote cross-border investments and collaborations between the Greater Bay Area and Myanmar. The "Greater Bay Area" is made up of Hong Kong, Macau, Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Foshan, Zhongshan, Dongguan, Huizhou, Jiangmen and Zhaoqing and had a total of $1.58 trillion in GDP last year making it the fifth biggest economy in Asia

According the GMGCC, the chamber of commerce seeks to shape and facilitate sustainable and responsible investments along the Belt and Road routes, and connect the Greater Bay Area and Myanmar by creating a forum for meaningful exchanges of cutting-edge information, data and resources among stakeholders to drive multilateral policies, innovations and investments, serving as a platform for government bodies, business associations and local communities to better match resources, capital and professional services between Greater Bay Area and Myanmar.

A Myanmar delegation also recently attended the 23rd Macao International Trade and Investment Fair which creates trade promotion activities between Asian countries and Portuguese-speaking countries (PSCs) through forums, discussions and exhibitions. This year's exhibition theme was based on the BRI and the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macau Greater Bay Area.

In June, a Myanmar delegation including the chairman of MIC and officials from a number of relevant ministries attended the third annual Belt and Road Summit in Hong Kong. The meeting focused on exploring new opportunities under the BRI.

Last month the Myanmar government signed an MOU on the China- Myanmar Economic Corridor, a part of the Chinese president's ambitious foreign policy to build trade networks between at least 70 countries, connecting Asia, Europe and Africa. The estimated 1,700-kilometer-long corridor will connect Kunming, the capital of China's Yunnan Province, to Myanmar's major economic checkpoints—first to Mandalay in central Myanmar, and then east to Yangon and west to the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone (SEZ).

During the visit to Hong Kong, U Thaung Tun said, "I believe Myanmar will be a regional transportation hub in connecting the Middle East and the Mekong Region."

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Durga Puja Brings Brief Burst of Joy to Hindu Refugees in Bangladesh

Posted: 22 Oct 2018 04:26 AM PDT

DHAKA — Despite the heightened security, Hindus sheltering in the refugee camps of Cox’s Bazar say this year’s Durga Puja was a much happier affair than last year’s celebration of the religious holiday, thanks to a helping hand from Bangladeshi authorities.

Local authorities also helped the roughly 100 families erect a pavilion for the festival and even supplied the small community with a week’s supply of electricity for the first time since they arrived late last year.

"This time the Bangladeshi authorities have arranged everything for us," said Sumanta Rudra, a Hindu commune leader in the camps. "Our Muslim neighbors in Myanmar who also came to Bangladesh have visited us during the celebration,” he added.

Last year, having fled the latest outbreak of violence in Myanmar’s northern Rakhine State only weeks earlier, the newly arrived refugees marked Durga Puja in a far more modest fashion while taking shelter in an abandoned poultry shed.

Local Bangladeshi authorities later moved the Hindu families to comparatively improved accommodations.

Accompanied by traditional drum music, this year’s festivities kicked off on Oct. 14 and carried on into Friday afternoon.

"We could not enjoy the Puja with such festivities in Myanmar. But it’s different here in Bangladesh and we are celebrating it here," Sumanta Rudra said, escorting the Hindu idols on their way for immersion.

Shishu Shil, another Hindu, said that in Myanmar they did not have experienced and skilled craftsmen to make the idols.

"We used to celebrate in front of our temple and build idols with some hard paper," he said. "But here we can enjoy a real festival…. It’s the first time in my life to see the festival like this.”

Swarasati Das, however, was feeling nostalgic and said she would still prefer to be celebrating back home in Myanmar.

"However, we have enjoyed the festival here,” she added.

Cox's Bazar police chief ABM Masud Hossain, who visited the festivalgoers on Wednesday, said security had been stepped up for the holiday as a precaution.

"We have covered all the costs for their festival and we even arranged two trucks so that the immersion of the idols could take place without any trouble," said Ukhia Sub-District Executive Officer Nikaruzzaman Chowdhury.

"We also distributed family relief hampers that contain clothes and food items so that they can bring some joy on these days," he said.

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EU’s Revoking of Preferential Trade Status Won’t Affect Investment: DICA

Posted: 22 Oct 2018 03:45 AM PDT

YANGON—The EU's probable revoking of the Generalized Scheme of Preferences (GSP) will not have an impact on pending foreign investments in Myanmar, said a representative of Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA), a government body under the Ministry of Planning and Finance.

"The EU granted the GSP in 2013. It has been just five years. But before that, CMP [meaning 'cutting, making and processing,' which refers to the garment industry] had already been exporting. I mean EU countries have never been the leading investors in Myanmar, Asian countries are," U Than Aung Kyaw, DICA's deputy director-general, told reporters at the Myanmar Investment Commission on Thursday.

EU Trade Commissioner Cecilia Malmström announced on Oct. 5 that the bloc was considering withdrawing Myanmar's preferential trade status due to human rights violations committed against the Rohingya in Rakhine State last year.

"It may take months to do this; perhaps six months. Anyway, western countries are not major investors in Myanmar. We do have some investment from Britain and France but those are limited to oil and gas exploration. They don't invest in manufacturing, so their investments are not that significant," said U Than Aung Kyaw.

Myanmar's manufacturing industry is mainly dominated by Asian investors, he added.

According to DICA, the transitional budget from April 1 to Sept. 30 this year showed Myanmar received $2 billion in foreign investment. Singapore was the largest investor with $700 million, followed by China with $300 million, Britain with $174 million and Japan with $134 million.

Garment exports, however, account for some 70 percent of Myanmar's shipments to the EU, according to figures collected by the Myanmar Garment Manufacturers Association.

"Though the EU has not made direct investments in the garment industry, most garment exports are shipped to the EU. No matter who makes the investment—Japan or Korea or China or Myanmar citizens—in the garment industry, the majority of garment products are shipped to the EU. Therefore, it can be assumed that their orders might decline," U Khin Maung Aye, chairman of Hlaingtharyar Industrial Zone Garment Manufacturers Association told The Irrawaddy.

Foreign investment in Myanmar mainly goes into the manufacturing, property development, communications and energy industries, according to DICA.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Alleged Elephant Poachers Arrested in Irrawaddy Forest Reserve

Posted: 22 Oct 2018 02:28 AM PDT

PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Region — Police arrested three alleged elephant poachers and seized their small arms in a forest reserve in Pathein, Irrawaddy Region, on Thursday.

A joint force of forestry police, local police, Forest Department personnel and staff from the Emergency Elephant Rescue Unit (EERU) arrested the alleged poachers while on patrol in the Thalek Kwar forest reserve. One poacher got away.

"We had to drive about 20 wild elephants off from some villages in Pathein Township recently. We assumed that there might be some elephant poachers around and carried out a patrol, and we arrested three elephant poachers," U Lin Lin Tun, who heads the EERU, told The Irrawaddy.

The joint force spotted two suspicious-looking men on Thursday at about noon along Chaungtha-Ngwe Hsaung Road. One of the men got away but the other was arrested and identified as Saw Htoo Nyaw, 32. He was found with two daggers and three bottles of poison.

After interrogating him, police also arrested Naing Htet Kyaw, 18, and U Kyaw Ta Thein, 56, in the Thalek Kwar forest reserve and seized poison, a percussion rifle, ball bearings for bullets and other items often used for hunting elephants.

Saw Htoo Nyaw and U Kyaw Tha Thein are from Pathein Township’s Kyay Htauk Kwin village and were helping the poachers, Naing Htet Kyaw and Maung Aye, the man who escaped. Police said the two alleged poachers are from Mindon Township, in Magwe Region.

Three alleged elephant poachers stand in front of a display of the items seized from them by police in Pathein Township, Irrawaddy Region, on Thursday. / Thalek Kwar Police Station

Police have accused the three men they caught of illegal weapons possession and of violating the Protection of Biodiversity and Conservation Areas Law. They are searching for Maung Aye.

"Poachers can hunt elephants here because of the assistance of locals. While poachers get 6 to 10 million kyats [$3,796 to $6,326] for an elephant, locals who assist in the poaching only get at most 500,000 kyats ($316). It is not worth it to be arrested and have their lives ruined for that amount of money. So I'd like to urge locals to stay away from poachers," said U Kyaw Myint Tun.

U Kyaw Myint Tun is the administrator of the Tin Chaung village tract and has won an elephant conservation award presented by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

Elephant poaching has been rampant in parts of Irrawaddy Region’s Pathein, Ngapudaw and Thabaung townships adjacent to the Rakhine mountain range since 2011.

According to Irrawaddy police records, 59 wild elephants were poached in the region between January 2011 and May 2018.

The Forest Department says 115 wild elephants were killed in the last four years across the country.

In response to a rise in elephant poaching, the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation said in August that it was planning to establish elephant conservation areas in Yangon, Bago and Irrawaddy regions.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Tatmadaw, KNPP Troops Clash in Hpa Saung Township

Posted: 22 Oct 2018 02:22 AM PDT

The Myanmar Army and the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) traded accusations of violating their six-year-old bilateral ceasefire agreement after the two sides' troops clashed in Karenni State over the weekend.

The clash, which broke out at around 8 a.m. on Oct. 20, was the first since the two sides signed a ceasefire in 2012. No one was injured in the fighting.

According to a statement issued on Oct. 20 by the state government, seven KNPP members attacked a Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw) unit earlier that day between Nan Kit and Ba Han Lot villages in Hpa Saung Township.

However, in a statement issued on Oct. 21, the KNPP said Tatmadaw troops had arrested two local men and forced them to serve as guides for a clearance operation. It said the Tatmadaw's Light Infantry Brigade (LIB) 428, based in Mawchi Township, traveled to a KNPP-controlled area to conduct the operation, but did not use a regular, designated route agreed to in 2013. This use of a non-designated route triggered the clash, according to the KNPP.

Khu Daniel, a member of the KNPP's central committee, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the party would discuss the clash at its monthly meeting at the end of October.

He added that the tension in the area had eased since the Oct. 20 clash as the Tatmadaw had ended its clearance operation.

The state government said in its Oct. 20 statement that the alleged KNPP attack violated the ceasefire agreement between the Myanmar government and the KNPP and frightened the local population. The statement was signed by Colonel Myint Wai, the Karenni State security and border affairs minister, on behalf of the state chief minister.

Col. Myint Wai said his government condemned the action by the KNPP and demanded that the organization take steps to control its ground forces in order to prevent further fighting.

Under a bilateral agreement, the KNPP and Myanmar Army use designated routes for troop movements, and are supposed to give three days' notice of any such movements. However, the KNPP said the Tatmadaw failed to comply with the bilateral agreement, as it failed to notify the KNPP liaison office ahead of time. "The action caused grave concern that a similar incident to one in which four [KNPP] troops were killed by the Myanmar Army last year would occur," the KNPP statement said.

After learning from local residents that the Tatmadaw was moving into its area, the KNPP contacted the deputy commander of LIB 428, but the officer responded that the Tatmadaw had the right to operate anywhere within the Union and that the unit did not need to give prior notice.

"Such a response not only violates the bilateral agreement but also undermine peace and stability in the region," the KNPP said.

Responding to the statement from the state government, the KNPP denied violating any agreements reached at either the state or the Union level since the beginning of the peace process. To the contrary, it was the Tatmadaw that failed to follow the terms of the bilateral agreement, the KNPP said.

"The accusation by the state government is totally false," the KNPP said.

The KNPP signed a bilateral ceasefire agreement with the Myanmar government in 2012. Despite coming under pressure by the Myanmar Army and government to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement during ongoing peace negotiations, the KNPP has yet to do so.

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‘I Would Not Exchange My Life For That Amount of Money’: Nang Mo Hom

Posted: 22 Oct 2018 01:11 AM PDT

Nang Mo Hom was arrested at gunpoint by the Ta'ang National Liberation Army at her home in Namkham Township, Muse, northern Shan State on Aug. 17 and released on Oct. 15. 

The TNLA accused her of allegedly informing on its soldiers for extorting money from local businesses in northern Shan State. One of the fighters was later shot dead by the Tatmadaw and the other was arrested.

The TNLA sentenced Nang Mo Home to three years imprisonment in its own court on Oct. 5. During her arrest and detention, thousands of locals, civil society organizations and Shan political parties demanded her release and urged the government to intervene in the case.

In a statement on Monday signed by the TNLA chairman, the group said it agreed to release Nang Mo Hom at the request of the Shan State Progressive Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) for the sake of maintaining good relations between the Shan and Ta'ang communities. It said negotiations were mediated by the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee, an alliance of seven ethnic armed groups that both are members of.

Nang Mo Hom is now home. Shortly after her return from detention last week, The Irrawaddy's senior reporter Chit Min Tun spoke with her.

First of all, can you tell us about the day that the TNLA arrested you?

They came to arrest me at my home and said their leader wanted to talk to me. They pointed a gun at me and took me away. I was taken in a vehicle into the jungle but I don't know where we went exactly.

How did they treat you? 

There was no torture or abuse. They treated me well and told me to take care of my health and that they wouldn't do anything to me. I tried to stay healthy because I believed that I would be let go one day. They didn't keep me in a cell; it was more like house arrest.

The TNLA accused you of informing on two of its officers who were collecting money. Did you inform on them?

They asked me that question and I told them that it was not true. I would not exchange that amount of money for my life. And I did not do it. I don't know about the fighting between the Tatmadaw and the TNLA troops. I gave the TNLA officers 1.1 million kyats upon their request and they gave me a receipt. That's all.

How did you feel while you were detained? Did you think that you would be released?

I completely believed that I would be released because I gave them the money that they asked for. I thought when they discovered the truth, that I did not inform on them, that I would be released. I had faith in that.

What do you want to say to those who pushed for or negotiated your release?

I deeply thank the public, town elders and leaders who helped to win my release. They showed sympathy for me, as I am a mother.

What were you worried about and how did you manage while you were detained?

I never experienced anything like this, so I was scared. But they never harmed me and I was not too worried because they told me that I would only be detained for a short time.

What would your advice be to others in conflict zones to avoid similar arrests?

I had given them money and had not expected this to happen. I don't want others to have to go through this. The incident happened after they left my home. So it was a misunderstanding that led to this situation but it is not good.

How did you feel about your children, as your youngest one is just six years old? 

I am never apart from my youngest son and my concerns for them all were unspeakable. The youngest is just a grade one student. My eldest son is in grade ten, which is a very important time in his life, so I was incredibly worried about them all.

Would you like to add anything? 

I would like to thank each and every person who demanded my release and helped me to be able to return home.

The post 'I Would Not Exchange My Life For That Amount of Money': Nang Mo Hom appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Aging Japan: Unclaimed Burial Urns Pile Up in Japan Amid Fraying Social Ties

Posted: 21 Oct 2018 09:30 PM PDT

YOKOSUKA, Japan — Unclaimed urns containing ashes of the dead are piling up by the thousands across Japan, creating storage headaches and reflecting fraying family ties and economic pressures in a rapidly aging nation.

The identities of the dead, cremated at public expense, are usually known. But in most cases, relatives either refuse or don’t respond to requests to collect their remains. Burials can be costly and time-consuming, a burden on family members who may hardly know the deceased relative.

"When I die, though I have only 150,000 yen ($1,340), will you cremate me and put me in a pauper’s grave? I have no one to collect my remains," said a note left by a man in his 70s in Yokosuka, south of Tokyo, who died in 2015 and whose urn was later buried at a local temple.

The abandoned remains highlight social, economic and demographic changes in Japan, where more elderly live on welfare and families are more scattered, weakening traditional family bonds and obligations.

It is a problem that is likely to grow, experts say; deaths in Japan are projected to rise from 1.33 million a year to 1.67 million by 2040, even as the overall population drops.

Yokosuka was so overwhelmed with unclaimed urns that it ran out of space in a 300-year-old charnel house that was about to collapse. It combined ashes of different people into a much smaller number of urns that it now stores in a hillside cave, with about 50 newer urns accumulating at the city office.

"Space to store them is running out," said Hitomi Nakamura, an official in Saitama city, north of Tokyo, where the number of unclaimed urns has grown sharply in the last few years to more than 1,700.

"Many elderly people are living on welfare," he added, "and many of them may be estranged from their families."

With Japanese wages barely growing, and many children of the elderly living on pensions themselves, managing death costs, including arranging for their burial, can be a burden.

A traditional funeral, including food, drinks and gifts for guests, and hiring a Buddhist monk to chant sutras, can cost 2 million yen ($17,800) or more, industry sources say.

New businesses have sprung up offering no-frills funerals for $2,000 to $4,000, but other costs can add up, including the hundreds of dollars it may cost to bury the urn at a temple or cemetery.

Poor Elderly

There are more elderly poor than in years past, some of who cannot afford their own funerals. Nearly 3 percent of elderly were on welfare in 2015, almost double the rate two decades earlier, government statistics show. Just over half of all Japanese on welfare are 65 or older.

"There are more people who die alone, with no one to look after cremated remains because of weaker family relationships," said Hisako Makimura, a visiting professor of sociology at Kansai University.

In decades past, it was not uncommon for three generations of family to live together. But experts say that as Japan’s economy has changed, couples have fewer children, and people tend to move farther from home for work, among other factors.

Nearly 6,000 urns have accumulated in the southern city of Fukuoka, while Osaka, in western Japan, buried the remains of 2,366 people in a communal grave this year after no one claimed them after one or two years.

The number of Japanese age 65 and older will swell from 28 percent of the population to 36 percent by 2040, according to the government-backed National Institute of Population and Social Security Research.

"Families and communities used to play roles of taking care of deceased people," Makimura said. "But the burden on local governments will likely grow as their involvement in dealing with the dead increases."

"So Relieved"

In Yokosuka, more elderly are dying without leaving funeral instructions or information about relatives.

City officials comb through their homes and census registries, and try to contact family members through the mail, often to no avail.

"The dead are ordinary citizens. It could happen to anyone," said Kazuyuki Kitami, a city official. "These bones are warning those of us who are alive that we are poorly prepared."

Noticing that many unclaimed remains were from poor elderly people, Yokosuka in 2015 started an "ending plan support" service for low-income residents with no immediate family members.

Individuals pay at least a fifth of the 250,000 yen ($2,200) cremation and burial costs, with the government covering the rest. Dozens have signed up, and in May the city made similar services available to anyone.

"I feel so relieved," said Sumitaka Haraguchi, 80, after signing up for the service and ensuring he will be buried at a local temple.

Haraguchi never married and hasn’t seen his three stepsiblings in many years, so he worried what would happen to his remains when he died.

"My days have changed," he said from his nursing home. "I feel calm."

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Cambodia Talks Fail to End Trade Sanction Threat, EU Says

Posted: 21 Oct 2018 09:25 PM PDT

BRUSSELS — Cambodia failed on Friday to allay criticisms of authoritarianism and rights abuses that threaten the country’s duty-free trading access to the European Union, the EU’s top diplomat said after talks with its premier.

Brussels began a formal procedure this month to strip Cambodia of its special trade status, worth billions of euros a year, following July elections that returned strongman Hun Sen to power after 30 years in office and gave his party all parliamentary seats.

EU foreign policy chief Federica Mogherini held talks with the prime minister in Brussels during a summit of 51 European and Asian leaders. She said later she had not heard anything that would avert trade sanctions.

“We discussed this, I cannot say that we found solutions to any of these issues,” Mogherini told a news conference.

“There is a lot of concern in Europe … about the dissolution of the opposition and the narrowed democratic space for political opposition and civil society.”

The bloc’s review of Cambodia’s duty-free access to the EU means Cambodian sugar, garments and other exports could face tariffs within 12 months under EU rules and make the country less attractive for retailers exporting to Europe.

EU countries accounted for around 40 percent of Cambodia’s foreign sales in 2016. Clothing factories employ around 700,000 workers.

Its exports to the European Union were worth 5 billion euros ($5.8 billion) last year, according to EU data, up from negligible levels less than a decade ago, before the trade status.

Myanmar Also Accused

Dozens of Cambodians gathered outside the summit venue in Brussels to protest against Hun Sen’s policies.

He declined to answer questions from reporters, waving his hand and walking away when asked if he was concerned about the impending sanctions.

Mogherini also met Myanmar’s Minister for International Cooperation Kyaw Tin in Brussels and raised the prospect of similar trade sanctions to punish the country for what the West says is its ethnic cleansing of Rohingya Muslims.

A recent UN report accused Myanmar’s military of gang rapes and mass killings with “genocidal intent” in Rakhine State and called for its commander-in-chief and five generals to be prosecuted under international law.

Myanmar has denied most of the allegations in the report, blaming Rohingya “terrorists” for most accounts of atrocities.

“We won’t close our eyes to violations that the international community sees as worrying,” Mogherini said. “Our trade preferences have the respect for human rights at their core.”

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Angry Mob Pelts Stones at Police at Site of Indian Rail Accident

Posted: 21 Oct 2018 09:09 PM PDT

AMRITSAR, India — An angry mob threw stones at police on Sunday near the site of a deadly railway accident in north India, demanding immediate financial compensation for the families of the victims and government jobs for those who lost wage earners.

A group of about 100 people staged the protest in the northern city of Amritsar where a train plowed through a crowd gathered to watch the burning of effigies and a fireworks display on Friday as part of a Hindu festival, killing 59.

Many of the victims were either on the railway tracks or near them and did not hear the commuter train coming in the noise of the crackers and giant effigies burning in the darkness, witnesses and officials said.

Relatives of the victims have turned on the railways for allowing the train to go through when there were scores of people near the tracks. The railways said they were not informed about the plans and that people should not have been standing near the tracks.

On Sunday, relatives and locals gathered at the accident site and began throwing stones at police, saying there was no help coming for the grief-stricken families.

“Down with the government,” a youth shouted, while others lunged towards police constables guarding the site, where an inquiry has been ordered.

“They should give the close relatives of the dead and the injured government jobs. They should also make sure they get the compensation quickly. Nobody has received anything till now,” said Ravinder, one of the protesters who only gave his first name.

Police charged at the stone pelting mob with sticks to disperse them.

Amarinder Singh, the chief minister of Punjab, the state where the accident took place, announced compensation of 500,000 Indian rupees ($6,815) for those who lost family members and free treatment for those injured in the accident.

But such compensation often takes months or even longer in reaching the families.

Shops Shut

Shops were shut across Amritsar, to mourn the victims of the latest disaster to hit the railways, one of the most deadly in years.

Data from Parliament in July showed that 49,790 people were killed by trains in India between 2015 and 2017.

A railway official said the driver of the train told authorities he had applied brakes and honked on sighting the crowd near the tracks, but was not able to stop the train on time.

Amrit Singh, the director of the railway station at Amritsar, said a commuter train traveling at 90 km per hour (56 miles per hour) would travel for 700 meters (765 yards) after the brakes are applied before stopping.

“In this case, the driver had just 200 meters, or less. There is no way he could have stopped the train,” Singh said.

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Sunday, October 21, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Secession: Tackling the Main Obstacle to Peace

Posted: 19 Oct 2018 10:18 PM PDT

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! The special meeting or summit in Naypyitaw on Monday between leaders of the government, Tatmadaw [Myanmar's military] and ethnic armed organizations [EAOs] was the first of its kind under the government led by the National League for Democracy [NLD]. The meeting focused on peace. We'll discuss whether the meeting's outcome will be positive, or if it will just fuel the tensions. I'm joined by ethnic affairs and peace analyst Ko Maung Maung Soe and journalist and peace commentator Ko Thiha. I'm The Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.

The summit was attended by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and leaders of EAOs like the KNU [Karen National Union]. What do you expect from this summit, Ko Maung Maung Soe?

Maung Maung Soe: The summit comes at a time when people say the peace process has reached a deadlock. In fact, the peace process has been deadlocked for some time; more than one year elapsed between the second and third sessions of the Panglong [Union peace conference]. The main problem is that political negotiations have stalled. There is a need to continue negotiations on self-determination and federalism. Despite this, the negotiations could not be continued. This problem arose from the [Tatmadaw's] demand that [EAOs] must first promise not to secede [from the country] before discussing state constitutions. On Monday, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Army chief and the KNU chairman delivered speeches. Their speeches focused on secession.

KZM: Did you notice any disagreements [regarding secession] in their speeches?

MMS: The Army chief insisted that EAOs must guarantee non-secession if talks on enacting state constitutions are to be continued, and that this guarantee must be included in the Union Accord. KNU chairman General Mutu Say Poe said the state constitutions relate to the structure of a state inside the Union, and that there is no need to link the [issues of] secession and state constitutions. State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said secession or non-secession is not a problem if [stakeholders] accept the reality of the Union. What is needed is to establish a Union from which no one wishes to secede, she said. So, there are some disagreements between the three sides. One concept is to focus on secession, and another is not to do so. We'll see what the results of the meeting will be. If there is a result that is acceptable to all three sides, they will be able to continue political negotiations, I think.

KZM: [The right to secession] is the main stumbling block to the peace process. The Tatmadaw wants to add a provision that guarantees [ethnic regions'] non-secession from the Union. The other side insists that this is not necessary. So, it is a deadlock. Ko Thiha, what is your assessment? What other problems do you notice?

Thiha: This is the inevitable confrontation that results from the different concepts and concerns of the ethnicities and the Tatmadaw—which is predominantly Bamar—and successive military-backed governments throughout history. In my view, EAOs refuse to guarantee non-secession not because they want to secede, but because they want to highlight their ownership [of their respective regions]. For example, the Shan armed groups want to demonstrate the fundamental fact that Shan State is part of the Union—and the contribution of Shan State to the Union. This problem will continue to exist if [the Tatmadaw assumes that the guarantee of non-secession] is necessary. What Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said is not wrong. There is no need to talk about secession while the Union already exists. Then again, this still does not provide a solution [to the problem].

KZM: The 2008 Constitution clearly prohibits secession.

Thiha: Yes, it does.

KZM: The NLD-led government initiated the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference. It will hold another session of the peace conference this year, and expects to conclude [a final agreement] by 2019 or 2020. The Army chief is talking about achieving peace by 2020. Is that possible? With the deadlock over secession, it seems progress will be difficult.

MMS: Further steps can be taken only when this issue is settled.

KZM: Only when there is an agreement.

MMS: Yes, it is possible. I think of it as a "Union marriage agreement"; if they have agreed to stay married for life, it's OK. There is no need to stipulate that divorce is not allowed in the agreement. If this deadlock can be broken, [the different parties] have things in common. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said in her speech that ethnicities have their own federal norms, and so has the government, but the 2008 Constitution is the reality. She pointed out that changes need to be made step by step. General Mutu Say Poe spoke generally about adopting basic federal principles based on four political objectives in the NCA [Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement.] According to the Army chief's speech, [the Tatmadaw] has agreed to amend and supplement some provisions in the Constitution about federal rights. To mention specific provisions—for example Article 261, which relates to the election of the state governments by the [residents of] states. While such opportunities exist, we will be able to move to the next stage if we can break the deadlock over secession. If we fail to move to the next stage, those opportunities will be wasted.

KZM: EAO leaders want a guarantee in black and white, because of past events in the country's history. But there might be other hurdles to clear in order to achieve peace by the Army chief's goal of 2020, or to wrap up peace talks in 2019 as outlined by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. What other difficulties do you foresee?

Thiha: The speeches by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the Army chief showed some common ground. Both of them accept that the 2008 Constitution will not be scrapped wholesale, but changed bit by bit until their two positions converge. Both seem to have decided on this. On the other hand, ethnicities want a virtual rewrite of the Constitution. They don't feel secure working under it. Leaders of the EAOs don't feel secure working within a framework designed by the other side. This is the problem of military-minded people. The thinking of people following a political ideology is different from that of people following a military ideology. So, the military wants assurances about non-secession. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, being a politician, is bolder in this regard, saying there is no need to discuss it, as the Union already exists. We will only be able to move forward when the views are the same. There are a lot of challenges facing them. As Ko Maung Maung Soe said, there is a good chance of a breakthrough if this problem can be settled. But it has been made difficult by terminologies and ideologies.

KZM: Though the meeting was called a summit, it was just a meeting with NCA signatories. There are EAOs based along the north-eastern border [which have not yet signed the NCA]. Do you think it is likely that they will also join [the peace talks]? Both the Tatmadaw and the government have urged them to participate. At the same time, China is pushing them. How probable is it that they will join?

MMS: For the time being, China is mediating as much as it can. It is always ready to host meetings [of EAOs]. The main problem is that the fighting still hasn't stopped. Bilateral [ceasefire agreements] have yet to be signed with the four groups including the KIA [Kachin Independence Army].

KZM: The armed groups based in the northern areas are bigger than their counterparts based in the southern areas of the country, aren't they?

MMS: 80 percent [of armed groups are based in northern areas].

KZM: Yes, they are bigger. Wa [United Wa State Army] leaders said they welcomed the summit [this week]. But, how likely is it that they will sign [the NCA]?

MMS: In their statement, [USWA] welcomed the summit and also called for a tripartite meeting including them. But the Tatmadaw doesn't recognize the seven-member alliance [the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee]. This will be another problem that has to be overcome.

KZM: Will this be more difficult?

MMS: Yes, it will. Besides that, we don't know if the seven-member alliance will accept all the agreements made with the 10 NCA signatories. There are many problems that have to be overcome. The meeting this week focused on the problem of secession, and didn't discuss security matters. If the deadlock over secession can be broken, another deadlock will be reached in the security sector. So, there are problems that have to be overcome for both NCA signatories and non-signatories. Greater efforts will be needed if peace is to be handed to the people in 2020 [as the Army chief has said].

KZM: So, there should be more intense negotiations.

MMS: Yes, there must be more direct negotiations.

KZM: And regarding the security matters, the negotiations will be mainly between Tatmadaw leaders and EAO leaders.

MMS: Yes, that's right.

KZM: Some topics were suspended for discussion at the third Panglong session. When do you think discussions on those topics will resume?

MMS: In my opinion, it is better to discuss security matters only after reaching agreement on self-determination. If discussions are held at the same time, it will be difficult to achieve progress on either of them. It is better to go step by step. It will be easier to negotiate on the security sector after reaching agreement on the self-determination and federalism demanded by ethnicities.

KZM: Yes, the ethnicities will be willing to discuss security matters only when they have a guarantee of self-determination.

Thiha: They take up arms for political reasons. If there are firm political agreements and guarantees, it is easier to discuss the security sector. It is just a technical issue. According to my research, all have accepted the concept of a single army. They all accept it. If they all accept the single army concept and accept that there is political security and a political guarantee, then security reform becomes a technical matter. I don't think it would be that difficult.

KZM: I doubt it is that easy. While there is no trust between the two sides, the disarmament of EAOs would be even more difficult.

MMS: In theory, what Ko Thiha said is true; that the next stage becomes easier if there is trust in political agreements. But in reality, there is no trust.

KZM: And there are many groups.

MMS: Yes, there are. It will take time to restore trust. It is hard to go to the DDR stage [disarmament, demobilization and reintegration] at once. So, I've always called for finding a middle stage. There are many armed organizations like the BGF [Border Guard Force] and people's militias in the country. They [have emerged and] can stand due to the trust [that exists between them and the Army]. There is a need to think from various perspectives about a middle stage before going to DDR with the EAOs. We don't want this to ruin [the peace process] after a set of political agreements has been reached.

KZM: It is critically important to achieve peace. Failure to do so will negatively impact the democratic transition.

The post Secession: Tackling the Main Obstacle to Peace appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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Saturday, October 20, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Young Entrepreneur Putting Myanmar’s Food Industry on the Fast Track

Posted: 19 Oct 2018 11:09 PM PDT

YANGON — May Thin Kyu wakes at five in the morning and goes for a run or a session in the gym. It sets her up for a day as executive director of her company, Kreate Food, and its international food court serving 2-3,000 diners each day and more at the weekend. May Thin Kyu is just 25 years old.

On a quiet weekday morning at Food City, The Irrawaddy met May Thin Kyu, a calm and simply-dressed young lady with an American accent. We were in Yangon's first international food court, the first major project May Thin Kyu established through Kreate Food, which is a service provider for businesses in the food and hospitality industry.

Food City is located on the third floor of Myanmar Plaza, one of Yangon's largest shopping malls. There are 12 "vendors" selling dishes from Vietnam, China, Korea, Thailand, Singapore and Japan as well as Mon and Shan ethnic food and Burmese street food fare. Operating the city's first top-up card payment system where customers put cash on their Food City card wasn't easy and for the first two years, May Thin Kyu spent a lot of time on the ground.

"Kreate Food encompasses a lot of services. Food City provides multi-cuisine food to customers with a card system. We also work with a lot of chain restaurants and [fast-moving consumer goods] companies from America and Europe to give them market research results before they come into the market," said May Thin Kyu.

Creating Kreate

On returning to Myanmar during summer vacation from her studies in information systems in Australia, she recognized the infrastructure and support business services that Yangon lacked. She noticed there were few providers of technology for food and hospitality businesses and a limited talent pool.

In 2015, after two years of study, she moved back to Myanmar, began another online course through a UK university and set about starting her own business. Yangon had few shopping malls and no food courts, but lots of commercial development projects in the planning and construction stage. She recognized the imminent demand for business support services.

"I wanted to combine what I learned from my studies with a more tangible project so that's when I started the food court."

With neither business partner nor co-founder, the 22-year-old entrepreneur launched Kreate Food and soon after, with abundant fresh ambition and drive, launched the brand's first major project, Food City in 2016. Today, May Thin Kyu leads a team of 50 individuals from different fields and professions who combine their skills and work on growing the business.

What Does it Take to Be an Entrepreneur?

Though May Thin Kyu appears to work with the audacity of a veteran businesswoman, she does admit that going it alone at the beginning of her business career resulted in some bad decisions and that a second opinion may have helped. Now, she has learned to recognize her own strengths and to optimize them by combining them with the strengths of others.

"What I'm good at is service management, providing support systems and other back-end office support. Meanwhile, my vendors are good at providing a consistent quality of food. So we rely on each other's strengths."

Of course, coming from a family with a successful property development company and having the opportunity to study abroad surely puts her ahead of many other young women in Myanmar but she wouldn't be where she is today without drive and a vision for what Yangon's food industry could be. When asked whether being a woman in business ever held her back, it's as if the thought had never occurred to her.

"It's better if you don't impose any limitations on yourself with a label or because of your gender. Just focus on the purpose. What can you bring to the industry? What abilities can you work with? If you focus on that rather than your gender, you can go a long way in dominating any industry."

Being ambitious and active from a young age, May Thin Kyu was 21 years old when she competed in her first marathon placing 17th and two years later, in the middle of setting up Food City, placed 15th in her second full marathon, running two more half-marathons since then.  In the founding years of her business when she had little time to spare, she maintained her running and exercising regime. It fueled her mind and body, giving her the motivation and energy needed to steer a large team of employees. She is now in training for her third full marathon in 2019.

To maintain momentum in herself and her work, she sets milestones and registers achievements she accomplishes along the way. After three years of hard work, she realizes it's time to step back, delegate more to others and follow her personal commitment to making more trips out of Yangon and out of the country.

"There's this thing about work-life balance. For the first two, three years I didn't get to go anywhere. I focused on getting this started, trying to get it up and running. This year, I have set a goal to travel every month to places I haven't been to get more inspiration and to learn new things."

What Next?

Despite having achieved far more than the average 25-year-old, May Thin Kyu won't stop there. She continues to nurture and grow her business with plans to expand her food court locations and to start a stand-alone food court concept. "Mont," the next food brand by Kreate Food is to be launched the end of the year and will focus on producing high quality, healthy Burmese food with a fast food concept in an upscale location.

"For me, success is having a business with longevity that you can pass on to the next generation and generations to come. If you're able to pass a business on, it means you have added a long-lasting value to the market and you're contributing something to the economy."

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