Monday, January 14, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Chinese Envoy Urges Northern Alliance Leaders to Talk Peace

Posted: 14 Jan 2019 07:29 AM PST

Chinese Special Envoy for Asian Affairs Sun Guoxiang visited the Kachin Independence Organization's headquarters in Laiza last week, where he met with leaders of the Northern Alliance.

Hundreds of ethnic Kachin, including soldiers from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), waved Chinese and KIA flags on the streets of Laiza on Jan. 11 to welcome Sun's delegation.

"He met our KIO committee. At the meeting, he stressed that China seeks border stability," said Colonel Naw Bu, a spokesperson for the KIO/KIA.

Sun urged the KIO to show tolerance and remain open to peace talks. He urged the group to seek possible routes to open peace talks with the Myanmar government.

"He told the KIO that instead of fighting, it is best to sit down at the peace negotiating table," Col. Naw Bu said.

Sun's visit coincided with the Chinese New Year, and he told the KIO that this was another reason for his friendly visit to Laiza.

KIO chairman General N'Ban Hla led the committee meeting with Sun, according to Col. Naw Bu.

The Myitsone Dam was not discussed at the meeting, Col. Naw Bu said.

Sun met individually with leaders of the Northern Alliance member groups, including the Arakan Army (AA). He discussed ways of ending the fighting in Rakhine with AA leaders.

AA spokesperson Khine Thukha confirmed to The Irrawaddy that leaders of the group met Sun in Laiza to discuss the current situation between the AA and the Myanmar military.

"We had a discussion on how to end the current fighting in Rakhine. They also asked about the attacks on Jan. 4 and how the AA could join the peace process," he said.

The spokesperson said the AA delegation replied that the AA had been forced to defend itself, as the government had used excessive force.

The AA attacked four Border Guard Police outposts in Rakhine's Buthidaung Township on Jan. 4, killing 13 police.

Khine Thukha told the BBC he did not see many prospects for an end to the fighting, as the AA was determined to continue fighting for the community's ethnic rights.

The Northern Alliance comprises four ethnic armed organizations that have yet to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement and are engaged in ongoing clashes with the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw): the KIA, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, the AA and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army.

The post Chinese Envoy Urges Northern Alliance Leaders to Talk Peace appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NLD Lawmaker Stands by His ‘Windbag’ Jibe at Yangon Mayor

Posted: 14 Jan 2019 04:21 AM PST

YANGON—Lower House lawmaker U Bo Bo Oo of Yangon's Sanchaung Township on Jan. 9 called Yangon Mayor U Maung Maung Soe a "windbag" in a social media post complaining about public sanitation services in his constituency. His post caused a storm on social media. The Irrawaddy's Thazin Hlaing interviewed the lawmaker about his criticism of Yangon municipality.

Why did you call the Yangon mayor a "windbag" on social media?

I called him that because I don't think he's carrying out his duties.

What do you mean by his duties?  

As he is the mayor, anything related to the development of the city is his duty. He has ultimate responsibility. He must be able to manage [the city] properly. But I've found that he has neglected that duty.

Can you give some examples of things he failed to do in your township?

For example, the sewerage system was not functioning properly, and [human waste] was spilling into the drains. [The municipality] didn't handle it, though I filed a complaint. It has also failed to handle the problem of stray dogs. In a letter, I asked [the regional government] to handle those problems, and it sent me a telling me how it would do so. But it hasn't been able to handle the problems on the ground. So, local residents face the problem of stray dogs daily.

Furthermore, the sidewalks [in Sanchaung] are occupied by vendors, forcing people to walk in the street. It's unsafe.

As the 2018 YCDC [Yangon City Development Committee] Law has come into effect, I want [the municipality] to apply it. But I see no [implementation] on the ground. Far from implementing it, the situation gets worse. If the new YCDC Law does not take effect, that's a threat to the rule of law. That wouldn't be good for the country or the people.

Why did the municipality fail to respond to your complaints?

There is a problem with management. There is a mechanism in place for different levels of management to handle these issues. [The mayor] must be able to handle it effectively. He doesn't need to go around town looking into ditches. I'd be happy if he just did his job.

You are a lawmaker of the National League for Democracy (NLD). U Maung Maung Soe was also appointed by the NLD. Some say you should have spoken with him privately, rather than posting about him on social media. What do you say to that?

The media—regardless of which type—are meant to serve as bridges between the people and the authorities. This must be accepted.

There have been strong responses to your criticism of the mayor from both from the public and within the party.

This is normal. The NLD is fully democratic, internally. It is normal for party members to argue with each other at party meetings. This is the essence of democracy. The NLD has the strongest democratic values in Myanmar. Every executive of the NLD is elected. We are the only party that exercises democracy in Myanmar. So, [such criticism] is normal to me, as we implement democracy on the ground.

NLD Lawmaker U Bo Bo Oo / U Bo Bo Oo / Facebook

Has the party leadership or the government spoken to you about your criticism?

Our party allows internal criticism. There are frank discussions and criticism within the party. These are the [party's] values. I read in a news report that [NLD spokesperson] Monywa U Aung Shin speculated that I would be punished by the party. His speculation undermines the party's image. His speculation amounts to underestimating the party. The party places a very high value on democracy. The fact that he doesn't know this means he has lost touch with the party.

You compared the mayors of Mandalay and Yangon. What differences have you noticed as a lawmaker?

Though I am a lawmaker, let me speak colloquially: They are as different as fragrance and feces.

What kind of mayor do you want for Yangon?

A mayor who works like the Mandalay mayor.

What needs to be done to get such mayor? I mean, will it be done by the people or by the government?

For the people's part, there will be municipal elections on March 31. Six people will be elected to the YCDC, and one will be the vice mayor. It seems that we will have to place our hopes in him or her. It would be good if the current mayor changed his mind and worked [for the city].

What is your response to those who say the mayor has no authority?

That is shifting the blame. He shifts blame to his superiors to cover up his inactivity. I don't believe he has no authority.

People had high hopes when the new municipal law was enacted, as it carries jail sentences for violators. How is it being implemented on the ground?

People have a good opinion of the law. They anticipate its enforcement. So, I want to urge the YCDC to implement it boldly. Then, people will follow.

What is the main obstacle to implementing it?

The mayor's failure to do his job.

The post NLD Lawmaker Stands by His 'Windbag' Jibe at Yangon Mayor appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

KNU Likely to Rejoin Formal Peace Talks

Posted: 14 Jan 2019 04:08 AM PST

CHIANG MAI, Thailand—Myanmar government peace negotiators have said their latest round of informal talks with Karen National Union (KNU) leaders saw progression towards resuming formal peace negotiations which have been stalled since early November.

"Both sides (the government and the KNU) are trying to get back on track as soon as possible and the informal negotiations channel is for [informal to formal meetings] only," said U Zaw Htay, spokesperson and director general of the State Counselor's Office, which is overseeing the peace process.

Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo, secretary of the KNU, pledged that they would move forward with the current peace process.

No further details on the negotiations were disclosed by either side.

Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo led the KNU delegation in the informal talks with the government, accompanied by the KNU's military and security affairs advisor Col. Saw Htoo Htoo Lay, head of foreign affairs Padoh Saw Taw Nee and others.

U Zaw Htay accompanied the secretary of the Peace Commission U Khin Zaw Oo, commission member U Aung Soe and advisor U Hla Maung Shwe on separate meetings with a number of ethnic armed organizations. Following the KNU meeting on Sunday, they met the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and the Kachin Independent Army (KIA) in Chiang Mai, Thailand on Monday.

The informal talks follow a series of similar talks in November and December with the same delegation in Chiang Mai.

The KNU leads the Peace Process Steering Team, a group made up of the 10 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) signatories, but due to some internal issues it did not attend discussions with its allies for a number of months.

KNU negotiation leadership has also shifted within vice chairman Padoh Saw Kwe Htoo Win being replaced with secretary Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo last year.

Speculations have arisen surrounding the KNU's possible exit from the steering team, with rumors that they would approach peace talks independently, but these claims have been denied by Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo. On Sunday he told reporters, "it is not true and we will continue our collaboration with other [ethnic armed organizations]."

Peace negotiations with both signatories and non-signatories of the NCA have been on and off under the current National League for Democracy government.

Though State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi leads the National Reconciliation and Peace Centre (NRPC), it is former military leaders U Thein Zaw, the center's vice chair, and Peace Commission Secretary U Khin Zaw Oo who lead the face-to-face negotiations with various ethnic armed organizations.

The current chief negotiators believe that sessions of the Panglong Peace Conferences—which are to be held biannually—should be conducted only when all NCA signatories take part, emphasizing the importance of KNU being involved in the process.

The Peace Commission has also been holding talks with NCA non-signatories and this month they are to meet ethnic armed organizations based in northern Shan State and Kachin State, according to U Zaw Htay.

The post KNU Likely to Rejoin Formal Peace Talks appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Best Bars for Live Music in Yangon

Posted: 14 Jan 2019 03:10 AM PST

YANGON — After a busy day, or a long week, most people just want a nice place to chill and relax with their friends. There are plenty of pubs, bars, clubs and karaoke parlors across Yangon. But some people prefer live music. So here’s a list of some great live music venues to try.

7th Joint Bar & Grill

7th Joint Bar and Grill is the only reggae bar in town and is popular with teens and adults alike. The bar is always packed with both foreigners and locals, especially on Tuesdays, Wednesdays and weekends. It has an open mic on Tuesdays, Burmese music on Wednesdays and international music on Fridays with local bands. On Sundays the bar hosts unplugged music nights.

The bar is located on the ground floor of the Urban Asia Center, at the corner of 47th Street and Maha Bandula Road. It's open from 5 p.m. to 1 a.m.

The Reasonabilists perform at the 7th Joint Bar & Grill. / Htet Wai / The Irrawaddy

Atlas Rooftop Bar & Lounge

Named the “Best Nightlife Experience” in Yangon by Myanmore in 2017, this rooftop bar will give you the best views of the night and has a live band every Wednesday and on weekends. This Saturday, the international artists of SamRaz will play Latin and jazz tunes.

It's located at No. 84 Pan Hlaing Rd. in Sanchaung Township. Hours are from 5 p.m. to 11 p.m.

SamRaz performs at the Atlas Rooftop Bar on Jan. 5. / Atlas Rooftop Bar / Facebook

Hard Rock Café Yangon

The popular Hard Rock Café chain has come to Yangon and you can enjoy authentic American dining with live music. It has its own bands from abroad playing Tuesday to Sunday.

Hard Rock Café Yangon is located on the fourth floor of Myanmar Plaza and is open from 5 p.m. until late.

50th Street Restaurant & Bar

50th Street Restaurant & Bar is already popular with expats and locals because of its good food, cool vibes and music nights. It hosts both live music nights and DJ events. The bar has acoustic sessions every Friday and announces special events on its Facebook page.

50th Street Restaurant & Bar is located on the lower block of 50th street and easy to find. It’s open from 10:30 a.m. to 1 a.m.

Terminal5 Bar & Grill

Terminal5 is a small bar but has two branches, one at the corner of Sanchaung Street and Padonma Street and another on 19th Street. The drinks are cheap but good and the bar has live music on Wednesdays, Saturdays and Sundays. Most of the bands play Burmese songs. It is a nice spot to chill and stays open from 4 p.m. until late.

The Four performs at Harry’s Bar, Myanmar Plaza. / The Four

Harry's Bar Yangon

The Yangon branches of this Singapore brand offer the best of Singapore's dinning experience and Harry's Premium Larger beer. The first Harry's Bar in Myanmar opened on the ground floor of Myanmar Plaza, the second at Junction Square. The bars are popular, with unplugged nights at the Myanmar Plaza branch every Tuesday.

After a long day at work, a drink with good music is the perfect way to unwind for the music lover. We hope you all have a great time.

The post The Best Bars for Live Music in Yangon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Kachin Leaders Condemn Chinese Embassy Dam Comments

Posted: 14 Jan 2019 02:58 AM PST

YANGON—Prominent political parties in Kachin State announced on Monday that a statement released by the Chinese embassy in Yangon, which described the Kachin people's support for a controversial hydropower project in the state, was "inaccurate and misleading" and that the Kachin want to "permanently" halt the project.

In response to The Irrawaddy's story published about recent meetings between Kachin leaders and the Chinese ambassador to Myanmar, the Chinese embassy on Sunday released a statement saying that Kachin people were not against the resumption of the dam project which has been suspended for seven years.

The embassy said the Ambassador Hong Liang visited Kachin State at the end of December to meet the leaders of local political parties and social organizations.

"The local people of Kachin State do not oppose the Myitsone hydropower project: it is some individuals and social organizations from outside that oppose the project," said the statement.

Locally known as the Myitsone Dam, the $3.6 billion project slated to be developed at the confluence of two rivers which form the start of the Irrawaddy River, known as Myanmar's lifeline, was suspended by then-president U Thein Sein in 2011 amid widespread public outcry over the dam's serious social and environmental impacts. Environmentalists warned that it could potentially flood an area the size of Singapore, destroying livelihoods and displacing more than 10,000 people.

The three prominent Kachin party leaders who met with Ambassador Hong Liang said the embassy statement was inaccurate and misleading.

The Chinese ambassador visited Kachin State on Dec. 28 and 29, 2018 and met with Gumgrawng Awng Hkam, president of the Kachin Democratic Party (KDP), Manam Tu Ja, president of the Kachin State Democracy Party (KSDP), U Hkyet Thing Nan, president of the Unity and Democracy Party of Kachin State (UDP-KS) as well as Rev. Hkalam Samson, president of the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC).

The three political parties are the most popular among Kachin people and they recently merged as a single party called the Kachin State People's Party and will contend for the 2020 elections. KBC is the largest and most influential religious organization in the state and has a reputation for providing assistance to war refugees, working in drug eradication and educational support for locals.

The Chinese ambassador also separately met U Si Phar Lar Lu, chairman of the Lisu National Development Party which won two seats in the Lower House of Parliament in 2015's general election and U Sai San Wae, chairman of the Shan Ethnic Affairs Society which represents Shan communities living in Kachin State.

The Irrawaddy contacted the political and religious leaders for their responses to the Chinese embassy statement.

 

A photo used in the by-election campaign of Gumgrawng Awng Hkam, president of Kachin Democratic Party in November 2018. / Kachin Democratic Party / Facebook /

 

Gumgrawng Awng Hkam, President, Kachin Democratic Party

"We have been opposed the Myitsone Dam project since the outset of the project. Our people don't agree with project and our party is also against it."

"We oppose the project now and forever. However, China refuses to give up and keeps trying [to move forward with the project]. They are giving the reasons that Chinese investors are hesitant to make new investments [in Myanmar] due to the failure of the Myitsone Dam.

"We did not say in the meeting with the Chinese ambassador that we agree to restart the Myitsone Dam. They wrote the statement as they want. We don't agree with it.

"I would like to again say clearly to the Chinese ambassador and China that our party and I totally disagree with the Myitsone project."

 

Manam Tu Ja, president of Kachin State Democracy Party, at his party office in Myitkyina, Kachin state in 2017. / The Irrawaddy /

 

Manam Tu Ja, President, Kachin State Democracy Party

"We three Kachin parties met with the Chinese ambassador together. It took more than one hour. I did not say what they mentioned in the statement. I definitely did not say it. Our people have not changed their minds. They don't agree with the construction of the Myitsone project in Kachin State.

"Our stance on the Myitsone project has not changed. We also discussed the peace process and other IDP issues. The [Chinese embassy] should have issued a clearer statement. It made the Kachin people confused. It is misleading, they should not say that."

 

Rev. Hkalam Samson, president of the Kachin Baptist Convention, at his office in Myitkyina, Kachin State in 2017. / The Irrawaddy /

 

Rev. Hkalam Samson, President, Kachin Baptist Convention

"I expressed my concern for the people who are living downstream of the dam project if the Myitsone Dam were to collapse. I also told them we don't want to destroy the beauty of Myitsone which is also the [starting point] of Myanmar's lifeline river, the Irrawaddy.

"I told them that I could not make any decision on my own on whether to restart the Myitsone Dam. I have to discuss it with all the leaders in our organization. In my opinion, it would be better to have a public consultation about the dam instead of only our leadership's comments on the issue.

"I was also misquoted in the statement which said I told them about the differences between China and other countries and about strengthening cooperation with China. I only said that western countries' first priority is human rights while China is focused on development issues. We have a lot of Kachin people in Yunnan, China so our religious leaders want to propagate the Kachin people in Yunnan.

"I told them we could have closer friendships between the KBC and Kachin people in Yunnan. I did not mean that we should have more cooperation with their country [China]. I actually meant that I would like to have more cooperation with Kachin people in China."

The post Kachin Leaders Condemn Chinese Embassy Dam Comments appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rakhine Politician Loses Appeal to Drop Defamation, High Treason Charges

Posted: 14 Jan 2019 12:02 AM PST

SITTWE—The Rakhine State High Court has rejected the appeal to withdraw charges against a prominent Arakanese politician and an author who have been detained since their arrest in January last year over their remarks at an event commemorating the 233rd anniversary of the fall of the Arakan Kingdom to the Burmese in 1785 held in Rathedaung Township, northern Rakhine.

At the event, politician U Aye Maung and author Wai Hin Aung reportedly expressed support for the Arakan Army (AA), an ethnic armed group recently denounced as an insurgent group by the Myanmar government after it launched attacks on four border police outposts in Buthidaung Township, northern Rakhine on Jan. 4.

The two men were facing charges for high treason, defamation of the State and unlawful association.

In September 2018, Sittwe District Court dismissed the unlawful association charges.

They then lodged an appeal to the Rakhine State High Court to withdraw the charges. The court however denied the appeal, said defense lawyer U Kyaw Nyunt Maung.

"That our appeal was dismissed means the verdict of the Sittwe District Court is affirmed," said defense lawyer for Wai Hin Aung told reporters.

The two will face their trial at the Sittwe District Court. It is not yet clear if they will appeal to the Supreme Court of the Union.

If found guilty, the two face death sentences or life imprisonment for high treason, while the defamation of the State charge carries a maximum two years in prison and/or a fine.

The post Rakhine Politician Loses Appeal to Drop Defamation, High Treason Charges appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

19 Diplomatic Missions Considering Move to Capital: Govt

Posted: 13 Jan 2019 10:12 PM PST

NAYPYITAW — Nineteen countries have proposed opening embassies in the diplomatic zone of Myanmar’s capital, Naypyitaw, and three have already acquired land there, said U Min Thu, a member of the Naypyitaw Development Committee.

Bangladesh and Malaysia have bought land in the diplomatic zone while Brunei has exchanged its embassy compound in Yangon for property in the capital, U Min Thu told reporters in Naypyitaw on Saturday.

"They have paid money and signed agreements. And Qatar is in the final stage of signing the agreement," he said.

"South Korea and Australia have also come and seen the land in the diplomatic zone and made inquiries," he added.

The Naypyitaw municipality has set the price of land at $500,000 per acre. Each plot measures over five acres, and diplomatic missions are allowed to purchase two plots each.

Major powers such as the United States, China and India have proposed purchasing more than two plots, said U Min Thu.

Naypyitaw could benefit from the relocation of the diplomat community, said Daw Pyone Cathy Naing, a member of the Lower House’s International Relations Committee.

"Their relocation will attract investment in healthcare and education [for the diplomats’ children] and related infrastructure development, so it is good," she said.

The diplomatic zone is located in Dekkhinathiri Township and covers a total 1,500 acres, including 120 plots for foreign missions. Roads, electricity and water have been provided to facilitate their relocation.

The Naypyitaw municipality is also preparing to build hospitals and colleges that meet international standards, said U Min Thu.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post 19 Diplomatic Missions Considering Move to Capital: Govt appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Too Scared to Return Home, Myanmar Refugees in Thai Camps Face an Uncertain Future

Posted: 13 Jan 2019 08:24 PM PST

MAE LA, Thailand—When her first child—a daughter—was born, Pa Pa Win dreamed of a grand wedding for her many years down the line, with a big celebration in their village in Myanmar’s Mon State.

Instead, when the time came 20 years later, Pa Pa Win and her family settled for a modest gathering in the Mae La refugee camp in northern Thailand.

They are among about 31,000 refugees in Mae La, the largest of nine camps on the Thai-Myanmar border. She and her family have been there for 13 years.

“We came here because we were not safe in Myanmar. We thought we could go back after a while, or that we could make a life here in Thailand,” said Pa Pa Win, who is Muslim.

“But it is not safe for us to go back, and we do not know what is to become of us here.”

There are 97,439 refugees from Myanmar in the camps—half of them children—according to the UN refugee agency UNHCR.

Most are ethnic minorities who fled fighting between the military and ethnic armed groups. Some have lived in the camps for more than 30 years—one of the world’s most protracted refugee situations.

Thailand is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol, which spell out the minimum standards and legal obligations towards refugees.

However, it has pledged to develop a screening system for refugees to curb trafficking, and to provide access to education, healthcare and birth registration.

But refugees live in limbo as they are not legally allowed to work or to leave the camp except for specified reasons.

“The older refugees still want to go back to Myanmar, because they left behind a home or land and they are still attached to it,” said Oranutt Narapruet of the International Rescue Committee, a non-profit that provides services in the camps.

“Many younger ones know they have nothing to go back to. Some have only known the camp, and would rather be in a city in Thailand (where) they are able to get a job and a home.”

Dangerous and degrading

Worldwide, a record 68 million people have been forced to leave their homes, according to UNHCR.

Refugees in Thailand have three options: repatriation to their country of origin, local integration or resettlement in a third country.

Since 2005, more than 90,000 have been resettled in the United States, Australia and Canada and other countries, according to UNHCR. But resettlement programs for refugees from Myanmar ended in 2016.

Thousands returned to Myanmar after a democratically elected government took charge, and hundreds more have signed up for facilitated voluntary return with UNHCR.

But fighting continues in several ethnic regions despite a nationwide ceasefire agreement in 2015.

“We had an ancestral home in our village, but we hear in the news what is happening to Muslims in Myanmar,” Pa Pa Win said.

“How can we go back?”

The second route—taking Thai citizenship—is long and arduous even though changes in the laws in 2016 opened a path for some 80,000 stateless persons, mainly from Myanmar.

Members of a soccer team who were rescued last July from a flooded cave in northern Thailand were granted citizenship in weeks under these provisions.

In the recent case of a young Saudi woman who fled to Thailand saying she feared her family would kill her, UNHCR processed her application for refugee status within days ahead of her resettlement in Canada.

Meanwhile in the camps, services by charities have reduced since peace talks began in Myanmar, campaigners said.

Thousands of refugees have left the camps to live elsewhere in Thailand, despite the risk of arrest.

As they are not legally permitted to work, refugees often engage in work that is “unauthorized and characterized as dangerous and degrading,” according to Human Rights Watch (HRW).

And most refugee children are unable to attend school in Thailand due to restrictions on movement, as well as language barriers and discriminatory treatment, HRW said.

“Many of the refugees don’t even want citizenship; they just want to get an education, work legally, and have freedom of movement,” Oranutt told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

“If Thai authorities decide to close the camps tomorrow, and they are all loaded on trucks and dropped off on the other side of the border, what will they do? They should have a plan, and they should have some skills.”

Suicide rate

Mae La, a sprawling expanse of thatched bamboo huts ringed with barbed wire and set among hills, was established in 1984.

It is considered better off than the other camps—all called “temporary shelters”—as it has electricity and mobile and internet services, as well as schools until grade 12.

There are also shops, clinics, community centers, playgrounds and places of worship.

In Mae La’s Zone C, there is a bustling market of shops selling household articles, food and snacks; there are also tailors and hair salons. Motorbikes, which refugees are not officially allowed to own, are parked everywhere.

But the makeshift homes are crowded together next to open drains. Depression is common, as are alcohol and substance abuse.

The suicide rate in Mae La is three times the global average, according to a 2017 report by the International Organization for Migration.

Since Myanmar transitioned to a civilian government, the Thai authorities have said they want to close all the camps.

Developments in Myanmar offer “real opportunities for safe and dignified voluntary return,” a UNHCR spokeswoman said.

If some individuals were unable to return, then UNHCR and the Thai authorities would handle them on a case-by-case basis, she said.

But campaigners say conditions are not yet conducive.

“If the camps are closed now, it would leave refugees vulnerable to traffickers and other dangers,” said Kyaw Win, director of the Burma Human Rights Network.

“Instead, Thai authorities should open up employment opportunities for them to settle in Thailand and contribute to the country’s economy,” he said.

That is what Pa Pa Win wants for her family.

“We would like our children to finish their education, be able to leave this camp, get a job, live like others do,” she said.

“But we do not know what our future is.”

The post Too Scared to Return Home, Myanmar Refugees in Thai Camps Face an Uncertain Future appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Poland Could Limit Use of Huawei Products After Worker Arrested

Posted: 13 Jan 2019 08:14 PM PST

WARSAW — Poland could consider banning the use of Huawei products by public bodies, a senior government official said on Sunday, following the arrest of a Chinese Huawei official in the east European country last week.

The Polish government could also look to tighten legislation to allow the authorities to limit the availability of products made by any company deemed to pose a threat to security.

Poland arrested a Chinese employee of Huawei and a former Polish security official on spying allegations, officials and sources told Reuters on Friday, a move that could fuel Western security concerns about the telecoms equipment maker.

A government official who is responsible for cyber security told Reuters “abrupt” policy changes towards Huawei were not warranted after the arrests.

But he said the use of the company’s products by state entities could be reviewed.

“We will analyze whether … our decision can include an end to the use … of Huawei products,” Karol Okonski told Reuters.

“We do not have the legal means to force private companies or citizens to stop using any IT company’s products. It cannot be ruled out that we will consider legislative changes that would allow such a move,” he added.

A spokesman for Poland’s security services said on Friday the Polish official arrested by the country’s Internal Security Agency had been responsible for issuing security certificates for equipment used by public administration.

“[He] used to work for a number of public institutions, held important managerial positions and was also connected with … institutions that protect internal security,” he told public broadcaster TVP.

Seeking to distance itself from the incident, Huawei said on Saturday it had sacked its employee, adding his “alleged actions have no relation to the company.”

Huawei, the world’s biggest producer of telecommunications equipment, faces intense scrutiny in the West over its relationship with China’s government and U.S.-led allegations that its devices could be used by Beijing for spying.

No evidence has been produced publicly and the firm has repeatedly denied the accusations, but several Western countries have restricted Huawei’s access to their markets.

Poland’s internal affairs minister, Joachim Brudzinski, called for the European Union and NATO to work on a joint position over whether to exclude Huawei from their markets.

“We are examining the readiness of the [EU and NATO] countries to work on a joint position,” Okonski told Reuters, referring to the new generation of 5G telecoms infrastructure.

The post Poland Could Limit Use of Huawei Products After Worker Arrested appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

From Tibet to the ‘Nine Dragons,’ Vietnam’s Mekong Delta is Losing Sand

Posted: 13 Jan 2019 08:10 PM PST

MO CAY, Vietnam — In the dead of night, the entire front half of shopkeeper Ta Thi Kim Anh’s house collapsed. Perched on the sandy banks of the Mekong River, it took just a few minutes for one half of everything she owned to plunge into its murky depths.

“Our kitchen, our laundry room, our two bedrooms, all gone,” said Kim Anh, speaking amongst the twisted metal and rubble of her house, from which she still sells eggs, soap and instant noodles to villagers in Ben Tre, a province in Vietnam’s Mekong Delta region.

“We’d be better off living in a cave instead,” said Kim Anh, who has used coconut husks and old tires to reinforce the riverbank under her home.

Upstream damming and extensive mining of the Mekong’s riverbed for sand is causing the land between the sprawling network of rivers and channels near the mouth of one of the world’s great rivers to sink at a pace of around 2 cm a year, experts and officials said.

The 4,350-km river, known as the Lancang in its upper reaches, flows from China’s Tibetan Plateau along the borders of Myanmar, Laos and Thailand, through Cambodia and finally Vietnam, where it forms the delta known in Vietnam as the “Nine Dragons.”

Reuters visited three provinces straddling different branches of the delta, where it has supported farming and fishing communities for millennia.

Across the region, local authorities are struggling with a rapid pace of erosion that is destroying homes and threatening livelihoods in the Southeast Asian country’s largest rice-growing region.

A key cause is the years of upstream damming in Cambodia, Laos and China that has removed crucial sediment, local officials and experts said.

That sediment, vital for checking the mighty Mekong’s currents, has also been lost due to an insatiable demand for sand — a key ingredient in concrete and other construction materials in fast-developing Vietnam — that has created a market both at home and abroad for unregulated mining.

“It’s not a problem of the lack of water, it’s the lack of sediment,” said Duong Van Ni, an expert on the Mekong River at the College of Natural Resources Management of Can Tho University, the largest city in the Mekong Delta region.

‘Sand never reaches us’

At this time of year the waters of the Mekong used to flow into Vietnam as a milky-brown crawl, locals and officials said.

Now, the river runs clear. And without fresh sediment from upstream, the deeper riverbed creates stronger currents, which in turn eat away at the banks of the Mekong, where those who rely on the river for their livelihoods have their homes.

The problems began when China built its first hydropower plants in the Upper Mekong Basin, said Ni at Can Tho University. That left Laos, Cambodia and Thailand as the main source of sediment for the Mekong in Vietnam, he said.

Sand mining in Cambodia boomed over the last 10 years, fuelled in part by demand from wealthy but cramped Singapore, where it is used to reclaim land along its coast, and culminating in a government ban of all Cambodian sand exports in 2017 under pressure from environmental groups.

Hydroelectric projects have continued, however. Earlier this month, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen opened a $816 million hydroelectric dam in Stung Treng Province, near the border with Laos, built by companies from China, Cambodia and Vietnam.

The new dam is the Southeast Asian country’s biggest hydroelectric project to date and will have a catastrophic impact on fisheries and biodiversity in the Mekong River, environmental groups have said. Hun Sen has dismissed criticism of the project, which he says benefits Cambodia and its people.

“Since China built hydropower plants, new sand almost never reaches us,” said Ni. “If we use up the sand we have here, there will be no more.”

China’s Foreign Ministry said in response to Reuters’ questions that it “pays great attention to the concerns and needs of downstream countries on the Mekong,” adding that its regulation of water flows from hydro dams “has already become an important instrument in preventing floods and droughts.”

Singapore’s Ministry of National Development said in a statement emailed to Reuters the city state imports sand on a commercial basis from various countries. “We have stringent controls to ensure that suppliers obtain sand in accordance with the source country’s laws and regulations,” it said.

Slingshots and sand thieves

Regional officials in southwest China’s Yunnan Province have defended the building of dams on the Mekong there as “fully legally compliant.”

Downstream, however, the problem is made worse by thieves who illegally mine for sand, usually at night.

“The unlicensed sand miners are very quick and devious,” Nguyen Quang Thuong, vice head of Ben Tre Province’s Agriculture Department, told Reuters in a recent interview.

“They escape very fast, so having groups of local people helping out the authorities is very helpful.”

One such group in Ben Tre, some of whom are as old as 67, have been using homemade weapons such as slingshots and rudimentary catapults to drive the sand thieves away.

“We patrol 24/7, and in the first few months we managed to get rid of 90 percent of the thieves,” said Nam Lai, a member of the group. “Since 2018, none of them dare to go near our shore.”

Still, activists and environmental groups worry that on the Mekong, which runs through six countries with competing needs to exploit the river’s hydroelectric potential, the damage has already been done.

Pianporn Deetes, at the International Rivers campaign group, who has worked on the Mekong for two decades, said there was a lack of political will among the countries that share the river to acknowledge the cross-border impact of such projects.

“Without the recognition of the existing problems, I don’t think there is any hope,” she said.

The post From Tibet to the ‘Nine Dragons,’ Vietnam’s Mekong Delta is Losing Sand appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Saturday, January 12, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


The Causes and Likely Effects of the Arakan Army’s Attacks

Posted: 11 Jan 2019 08:56 PM PST

Ye Ni: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss the Arakan Army (AA)'s attacks on four border police outposts in northern Rakhine State on Jan. 4, Myanmar's Independence Day, and their impact on politics and the peace process of the country. Political analyst U Maung Maung Soe joins me to discuss this. I'm Ye Ni, editor of The Irrawaddy Burmese edition.

As you know, the AA launched attacks on four border police outposts in northern Rakhine State on Jan. 4, Independence Day. Thirteen police were killed in the attacks, and the AA briefly held 18 persons prisoner. There have been many clashes since the AA took steps in 2014 and 2015 to establish a stronghold in its homeland of Rakhine State. But my personal view is that the AA has raised the stakes by launching its latest attacks on Jan. 4. What do you think is the AA's goal? What message does it want to send through its latest attacks?

Maung Maung Soe: The AA was founded in 2009 on the Myanmar-China border. It seems that it took lessons from previous [Arakanese] organizations such as the AIA [Arakan Independence Army] and ALP [Arakan Liberation Party], which came into existence in 1968. At that time, the ALP was founded in Karen State. After assembling hundreds of troops by around 1975, it marched from Karen to Shan State, then to Kachin State and to Chin through the Naga mountain range. There they were surrounded and annihilated by Tatmadaw troops. Similarly, the AIA led by U San Kyaw Kyaw Tun was founded with the support of the KIA [Kachin Independence Army], and it too was annihilated by Tatmadaw troops as it marched from Kachin State to Chin State. It seems the AA learned a lesson from them, and took its time to build a strong army on the Myanmar-China border. First, it apparently chose to infiltrate into Rakhine rather than marching its troops in there. Second, it chose to base itself in the thickly forested area of Chin State's Paletwa, upstream from northern Rakhine State. The AA started participating in the peace process around 2014, 2015. It joined the UNFC [United Nationalities Federal Council]. But when [former] President U Thein Sein met the UNFC leaders on Sept. 9, 2015, the AA, TNLA [Ta'ang National Liberation Army] and MNDAA [Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army] were barred [from participating in] the peace process. This was followed by the attacks of the AA. Clashes broke out in northern Rakhine State in 2015. There were sporadic clashes in 2016 and 2017, especially in Chin State's Paletwa, toward the end of 2017. But at the same time, some AA troops remain in northeastern areas of the country, and have participated in joint military operations with the KIA, the TNLA and the MNDAA. AA troops have infiltrated gradually, and their activities intensified in Rakhine and Paletwa in 2018. And around the end of 2018 they came down to the outskirts of four townships—Buthidaung, Rathedaung, Ponnagyun and Kyauktaw—in northern Rakhine State. There were attacks on convoys, and clashes with the Myanmar Army in the forest. There were allegations that the Tatmadaw used helicopters in the clashes. The Tatmadaw on Dec. 21 declared a ceasefire in five military regions on the Myanmar-China border [to further the] peace process. The truce covers areas in Kachin and Shan states, but it does not cover the area overseen by the Western Command. The Tatmadaw said it could not implement a ceasefire there due to ARSA [the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army]. But in my opinion, it is because of the infiltration of AA troops in northern Rakhine State. If the Tatmadaw were to halt its operations there, it would amount to an acceptance of [the AA's] existence there. The Tatmadaw already has a policy to negotiate with the AA, but it is hard for it to halt its operations in the absence of an agreement. For this reason, I expected [the Tatmadaw] would hold talks promptly to solve the problem. But that didn't happen. The AA has concerns that [the Tatmadaw] will bring troops from Kachin and northern Shan State to Rakhine and launch large-scale attacks. Due to such concerns and reservations, clashes broke out and continue. On Jan. 4, the AA launched its first-ever attacks on [police] outposts. The aim of the AA since it was founded in 2009 has been to return and establish a stronghold in Rakhine. I think the AA is preparing to base itself in Paletwa and northern Rakhine State. There will be fierce clashes if the Tatmadaw doesn't accept this. You can look at the example of MNDAA troops returning to Kokang in 2015. There will be fierce clashes if the Tatmadaw doesn't accept the AA building a base in Paletwa and northern Rakhine State as part of implementing what [the AA] calls "The Way of Rakhita."

YN: At a press conference at the President's Office on Monday, [government spokesperson] U Zaw Htay said the President, the State Counselor and the Army chief held talks immediately after the Jan. 4 AA attacks. He said the President's Office has allowed the Tatmadaw to attack the AA. So it seems that clashes are inevitable. What can be done to avert or reduce the chances of fighting?

MMS: It should be noted that this is the first time the National League for Democracy-led government, since it took office, has instructed the Tatmadaw to conduct military operations, and it is in Rakhine State. The government has neither instructed nor restricted the Tatmadaw in clashes in Kachin and northern Shan State. It should be noted that this is the first time. So regarding future attacks in Rakhine State, not only the Tatmadaw but also the government has to ensure responsibility and accountability. We will monitor this. It will be interesting to see how ethnic armed organizations including the AA assess this. Because the decision to launch attacks was not made by the Tatmadaw alone. Our previous understanding was that the Tatmadaw made decisions about military matters, according to the Constitution. But this decision was made by the government. So, it will be interesting to see how other ethnic armed groups view it. But the door to peace talks remains open. U Zaw Htay said political negotiations would be held [with the AA]. And the AA said in its statement that it would continue talks. And I think China will also broker the talks despite its denunciation of the AA attacks. Skepticism will grow if clashes break out. And we need to wait and see the response of the ethnic armed organizations to the fighting waged by the government. Again, as I've said, whether or not the Tatmadaw can accept the existence of AA troops in northern Rakhine is also a very important factor.

YN: At the press conference, U Zaw Htay warned that big powers are at play in the Rakhine issue. Paletwa, where the AA is currently based, borders India and Bangladesh. And U Zaw Htay accused the AA of having two bases on the Bangladeshi side of border [where he also claimed there are] ARSA bases. And as you've said, China is a big player in Myanmar's peace process. So, it seems the President's Office views it not just as an internal issue, but a regional political chessboard. What is your assessment of this?

MMS: Western countries and others have alleged that the seven ethnic groups based in northeastern areas of Myanmar that opted out of signing the NCA [Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement] and which formed the FPNCC [Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee] did so because they are tied to China's apron strings. They accuse them of having close ties to China. But on the other hand, China is urging them to sign the NCA for the success of the peace process.

Anyway, it is indisputable that a big power is involved in our peace process. There are also accusations that China has backed the AA motivated by its own interests in Rakhine State. The AA says it is simply realizing its "Way of the Rakhita". It troops have reached the India border as it attempts to realize this. Bangladesh and the AA have denied having ties with each other. We'll wait and see on this.

However, I'm more interested in [the role of] India. India is a big power, the main rival to China in the region. It keeps an eye on China's steps. India and Japan are planning to build [an economic] corridor to counter China's Belt and Road Initiative. India is one of the countries that is particularly wary about China's steps in Myanmar.

And I found that the Indian government paid attention to border security in 2018. As far as I know, the Assam Rifles is responsible for security on the India-Myanmar border. I heard that a proposal was submitted to the Indian Parliament in 2018 to form another border guard force. I don't know if the decision has been made. Anyway, the Indian government has given attention to border security.

The Naga armed group, which the Indian government has declared an unlawful association, is based inside Myanmar. Again, India assumes that the Kuki group, which often launches attacks in Manipur, has bases inside Myanmar. There are allegations. So, we need to wait and see how the Indian government views the AA on its border. It will be interesting to see.

YN: Racial tensions are inevitable as clashes escalate. We have now seen some netizens on both sides [from the Bamar and Arakanese communities] attacking each other on social media. What is your advice to ethnic groups, especially the Arakanese politicians and civil society organizations (CSOs), as they try to handle this?

MMS: [The government], if it has the will, should easily be able to overcome the [Arakanese] displaced persons crisis, which needs urgent attention. If the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement, the Rakhine State government and Arakanese CSOs work together, they will be able to solve the problem of some 5,000 displaced persons, and of any new displaced persons. At the press conference on Monday, [government spokesperson] U Zaw Htay urged political organizations and CSOs [to help displaced persons]. This is not enough. The government has accused the AA of having ties to ARSA. The AA has denied it, and Bangladesh has also denied that the AA has bases on its side of the border. On this problem, we will have to wait and see. But the Arakanese people don't accept that the AA has links to ARSA. Even if the AA has ties to ARSA, [the government] should separate internal issues and handle them separately. If the two problems are combined, it will become more difficult to solve not only the problem of AA, but also the refugee crisis. We have yet to solve the [Rohingya] refugee crisis. If the government doesn't cooperate with the community, either with Arakanese CSOs or political parties, and if there is hatred between the two communities, it will be hard for the government to solve the refugee crisis. Besides that, there is talk that sanctions will be imposed against Myanmar. This will put the country into deeper trouble. So, in my view, it is not enough for the government just to urge Arakanese political organizations and CSOs [to take action]. It has to invite them and cooperate with them. It also important that [the government] broaden the federal framework. Only then can this problem be solved.

YN: Thank you for your contributions!  

The post The Causes and Likely Effects of the Arakan Army's Attacks appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Friday, January 11, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


A Close-Up Look at Mergui Archipelago’s Nascent Eco-Tourism Industry

Posted: 11 Jan 2019 07:18 AM PST

MYEIK, Tanintharyi Region—With its pristine natural islands and Moken "sea gypsy" tribes—whose way of life is rapidly disappearing—the Mergui Archipelago has long held a special fascination as a travel destination for outsiders.

Myeik town itself is famous for its pearl shops, edible-nest swiftlet, fish, shrimp and crab farms, as well its British colonial-era structures. A walk around downtown and along the Strand Road will let you admire the architecture and allow you to enjoy the local attractions. 

 

Myanmar pearls are available at the Royal Pearl Shop in downtown Myeik, an area with many old colonial-era buildings. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy 

 

Beyond Myeik lie the islands of the archipelago, which were long closed to outsiders, especially foreigners, but reopened about five years ago.

Since the tourism business in the region took off in 2014, travelers have been able to take package tours to some 20 islands out of more than 800 in the archipelago. You can take a day trip or stay overnight to enjoy the natural surroundings. Travelers can also observe the way of life of the local people.

The tourism industry provides hundreds of locals with employment as tour guides, travel agency staff and boat workers. Some 40 travel agencies are currently operating, according to U Khin Maung Nyo, the secretary of the Myeik Tourism Entrepreneurs Association (MTEA).

Myeik's tourism sector has also opened up opportunities for niche businesses like boat-makers and is providing skills training for locals to become tour guides. It has also seen the development of community-based and other forms of responsible tourism.

But as the industry develops, it faces the challenge of how to sustain growth without damaging the natural environment.

The marine life of the Mergui Archipelago region has long been under threat due to overfishing and blast fishing. These days, another challenge has emerged: plastic waste.

As part of efforts to protect the local ecosystem and preserve marine biodiversity, the MTEA has urged its members to follow a list of rules for maintaining a clean environment.

"We instruct staff and tour guides not to throw litter on the islands or into the sea, and to pick up litter from the islands whenever we are there," said U Khin Maung Nyo.

This writer encountered plastic waste both on the islands and in the sea during a recent visit. On one occasion, the tour boat had to stop in the middle of the sea as plastic waste had gotten caught in the propeller; after it was removed, the trip continued.

"In December we started to use glass bottles for drinking water, instead of plastic ones, in order to reduce the amount of plastic waste in the sea," explained U Myint Than, marketing manager of the Mergui Dolphins Travel and Tour company. His company introduced the idea of providing reusable bottles for drinking water and eco-friendly food packaging, and has encouraged other companies to follow suit.

Locals are trying to promote responsible tourism, while also being eager to move forward with building permanent bungalows and hotel resorts for travelers on the islands.

Yet, despite entering the business four years ago, they still have not obtained permission to do so, said U Aung San, assistant manager of Blue Ocean Star Resort and Travel Company.

Currently, only a few islands in the south of the archipelago, near Kawthaung Township in the deep south of Myanmar, have hotels and resorts.

U Aung San said the company he works for was permitted to run eco-tourism activities, camping, a restaurant and eco-friendly buildings on Marcus Island (also known as Lay Kyun, or Harris Island), but they are not yet allowed to build hotels or permanent buildings on it.

 

Tourists play football on the beach at Lay Kyun (also known as Marcus Island or Harris Island). / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy

 

 

On day trips, the tour boats drop travelers off for a few hours on Lay Kyun, where they can enjoy snorkeling, kayaking, resting on the pristine white sands and exploring the island. It takes about one hour from the jetty in Myeik to reach this island by speedboat.

It is the only island on which foreigners are currently allowed to stay overnight, with government permission.

What I love about Lay Kyun is that all the facilities on the island are made from natural materials. This encourages travelers to practice eco-tourism. The restaurant on the island is clean and the local food is delicious. Moreover, all of its structures are made from environmentally friendly materials such as bamboo and timber.

 

Part of the restaurant building on Lay Kyun / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy

 

To properly explore Myeik's various islands and the local people's way of life, you'll need at least three days. The islands are about 15 minutes to two hours' ride away by speedboat. There are two or three islands that can be reached for a day trip, which is enough to get a brief experience of the archipelago's amazing natural scenery. Travelers can also take cruises to the islands, but locals prefer to take smaller boats on day trips.

There are several other islands where tour boats take visitors for snorkeling around coral reef and sea grass areas, and to enjoy the waterfalls on islands where fresh water runs into the sea, and observe fish farms. Tours of pearl-producing operations on some islands can also be booked.

 

Tourists enjoy a white sandy beach in a cove on Smart Island. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy

 

If you're looking purely to relax and enjoy the beach, Smart Island is another option. It has two beaches; on one side is a beach with pure white sand, while the other has a stony shore. Locals enjoy camping on this island, but permission has not yet been granted for bathroom facilities to be built here. Tour agencies are pushing to secure permission.

Another island travelers should not miss is Drakes Island (or Daung Kyun). Tour operators can arrange a lunch of local dishes on the island at Done Nyaung Hmine village.

The village has ethnic Moken, Bamar and Karen residents and community-based tourism is practiced.

This area, too, has a white sandy beach, which is a good spot to relax on and meet Moken families (also known as Salone or "sea gypsies"). The village is home to some 70 Moken people. Tourists can meet and chat with them and learn a little bit about their way of life. It can be hard to meet the adult men, however, as they stay out at sea fishing for months.

Every boat that docks on the islands must pay 5,000 kyats to the island committees. The funds support Moken children's education, health and vocational skills training, according to tour guide Ko Zay Yar Min.

The post A Close-Up Look at Mergui Archipelago's Nascent Eco-Tourism Industry appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Two Years After U Ko Ni Assassination, Key Witnesses Yet to Testify

Posted: 11 Jan 2019 04:24 AM PST

YANGON—A number of key witnesses surrounding the assassination of National League for Democracy's legal advisor U Ko Ni are yet to testify in court despite the 100th hearing having taken place on Friday.

The 63-year-old lawyer was gunned down at Yangon International Airport two years ago this month. So far, four suspects—Kyi Lin, Aung Win Zaw, Aung Win Tun and Zeya Phyohave been arrested and brought to trial though Aung Win Khaing, believed to be the mastermind behind the conspiracy, remains at large. He was last seen in Naypyitaw in February 2017.

Since the beginning of the trial in March 2017, almost all witnesses for the plaintiff have testified in court. Despite witnesses for the defendant beginning their testimonies in July 2018, some key witnesses are yet to testify—including the police colonel who was chief of airport security at the time U Ko Ni was gunned down. Another is the wife of the accused Zeya Phyo.

Police Col. Win Min Thein, deputy chief of the Yangon Police Force, has yet to appear in court despite being summoned three times, each time giving the excuse that he is too busy to attend court. One of the accused, Aung Win Zaw, revealed in his testimony last year that he and his brother, Aung Win Khaing, had met with the police colonel for "some business" shortly before the lawyer's assassination on Jan. 29, 2017.

In Friday's hearing, another three witnesses submitted by Zeya Phyo didn't appear in court, causing the judge to remove their names from the witness list. If the remaining major witnesses, including Win Min Thein, fail to show up for hearings in the coming weeks, they are also likely to be dropped from the list.

If there are no more witnesses to testify, counter-claims from both sides will be heard before a verdict is reached.

One of the plaintiff lawyers U Nay La told the media that he expected the case will be concluded within the next month.

As for Aung Win Khaing, the suspect still at large, plaintiff lawyer U Khin Maung Htay said that if the suspect is arrested later he would testify separately.

The post Two Years After U Ko Ni Assassination, Key Witnesses Yet to Testify appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Confederation the Only Option for Arakanese People, AA Chief Says

Posted: 11 Jan 2019 12:34 AM PST

YANGON—The political objective of the Arakan Army (AA), an Arakanese ethnic armed group currently clashing with the Myanmar Army, is to obtain confederate status for Rakhine State, AA chief Major-General Tun Myat Naing told The Irrawaddy.

"We prefer [a confederation of states] like Wa State, which has a larger share of power in line with the Constitution," said Maj-Gen Tun Myat Naing, referring to the status of the AA's ally, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), adding that a confederation is "better" than federalism.

"And we think it [a confederation] is more appropriate to the history of Rakhine State and the hopes of the Arakanese people," he said.

"In a confederation, we have the authority to make decisions on our own. But there would be a common defense system. And there would be cooperation on market regulation and foreign affairs. To have control over our own destiny—self-determination—is the aspiration of every ethnic group. We can try," he said.

Resource-rich Rakhine State is home to a number of strategic projects, but the Arakanese people do not benefit from them and live in poverty, he said.

The armed group has come under the spotlight after staging deadly attacks on border police outposts in Rakhine State's Buthidaung Township on Jan. 4, prompting the President's Office to  instruct the Defence Ministry, which oversees the Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw), to launch attacks on it, including air strikes if necessary.

Maj-Gen Tun Myat Naing said the AA, which has won popular support among the Arakanese people both inside and outside Rakhine State, upholds the general policy drafted by the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), a bloc of seven ethnic armed groups based on Myanmar's northeastern border and led by the UWSA.

The FPNCC has put forward its general policy as an alternative to the government-proposed Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement as an instrument for joining the peace process. It details 15 demands and proposes a confederate system as the future structure of the state.

It calls for allowing ethnic states to maintain their own armies, whereas the Tatmadaw insists there can only be one army. It also calls for granting complete authority to local governments regarding independent jurisdiction, legislation, resource exploitation and taxation.

Regarding the AA's operations in Chin State's Paletwa on the Myanmar-India border, Maj-Gen Tun Myat Naing said he is working to reassure the Indian government that it need not be concerned by its activities.

Ethnic affairs analyst U Maung Maung Soe said, "It is true that ethnic armed groups like the Wa and Mongla have autonomy. They think they will be able to develop their areas if they have such autonomy."

The armed clashes will intensify if the Tatmadaw refuses to accept the confederate goal of the ethnic armed groups, he said.

"The Wa and Mongla are existing problems. If the same problem occurs in a new place, I think heavy fighting will recur. I don't want to comment on whether it is right or wrong. Everyone has his own opinion about federation versus confederation," he said.

Daw Aye Nu Sein, the vice chairperson of the Arakan National Party, declined to comment on the political objective of the AA.

However, she pointed out that when the ANP submitted a paper detailing the demands and aspirations of the Arakanese people to the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference, it was criticized as having exceeded the boundaries of federalism.

"We have abundant resources we can utilize to develop our region. But due to the [current] system of government, Rakhine State is the least [developed] among the 14 regions and states," Daw Aye Nu Sein said.

The post Confederation the Only Option for Arakanese People, AA Chief Says appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

President’s Office Demands Apology from BBC Burmese Over Video Blunder

Posted: 11 Jan 2019 12:30 AM PST

NAYPYITAW—Myanmar's President's Office has demanded that the BBC publish an official apology for using effects while broadcasting live a press conference from the President's Office on Monday.

The President's Office on Wednesday sent a letter to Myanmar Press Council, asking them to ask the BBC to issue a formal apology. The council has said it would discuss what steps to take and reply to them, deputy director general of the President's Office U Tint Swe told The Irrawaddy.

"As a branded media agency, they should not make such a mistake. They should be very careful because [they are] respected. We can't accept them calling it an error or oversight. It is fine if they apologize. They can apologize on their official page," he said.

As the BBC livestreamed the press conference on Monday evening at which the President's Office spokesperson U Zaw Htay spoke about Jan. 4 attacks carried out by the Arakan Army, the government spokesperson appeared with video effects applied to his face.

Nearly an hour later, the BBC said it was very sorry for the incident and that it stopped the livestream immediately after it spotted the mistake.

However, officials at the President's Office said that saying sorry is not enough of an apology. The BBC reporter who was responsible for the livestreaming of the press conference wrote a sorry note and posted it on his Facebook page.

The Press Council confirmed that it received the letter from the President's Office, and will mediate on the situation.

The post President's Office Demands Apology from BBC Burmese Over Video Blunder appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Court Rejects Appeal by Jailed Reuters Reporters

Posted: 11 Jan 2019 12:28 AM PST

YANGON—The Yangon High Court on Friday rejected the appeal of two Reuters reporters sentenced to seven years in jail on charges of breaking the Official Secrets Act, saying the defense had not provided sufficient evidence to show they were innocent.

Ko Wa Lone, 32, and Ko Kyaw Soe Oo, 28, were convicted by a lower court in September in a landmark case that has raised questions about Myanmar's progress toward democracy and sparked an outcry from diplomats and human rights advocates.

"It was a suitable punishment," said Judge Aung Naing, referring to the seven-year prison term meted out by the lower court.

The defense has the option of making a further appeal to the Supreme Court in Naypyitaw.

"Today's ruling is yet another injustice among many inflicted upon Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo. They remain behind bars for one reason: Those in power sought to silence the truth," Reuters editor-in-chief Stephen J. Adler said in a statement.

"Reporting is not a crime, and until Myanmar rights this terrible wrong, the press in Myanmar is not free, and Myanmar's commitment to rule of law and democracy remains in doubt."

In their appeal arguments made last month, defense lawyers had cited evidence of a police set-up and lack of proof of a crime. They told the appeal court that the lower court that tried the case had wrongly placed the burden of proof on the defendants.

The defense also said prosecutors had failed to prove the reporters gathered and collected secret information, sent information to an enemy of Myanmar or intended to harm national security.

The judge said the defendants did not follow journalistic ethics and that the court could not determine whether the arrest of the reporters was a trap.

Khine Khine Soe, a legal officer representing the government, told the appeal hearing the evidence showed the reporters had collected and kept confidential documents. He said they intended to harm national security and the national interest.

Before their arrest, the reporters had been working on a Reuters investigation into the killing of 10 Rohingya men and boys by security forces and civilians in Rakhine State during an Army crackdown that began in August 2017.

The operation sent more than 730,000 Rohingya fleeing to Bangladesh, according to UN estimates.

The post Court Rejects Appeal by Jailed Reuters Reporters appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon Timeout

Posted: 10 Jan 2019 09:09 PM PST

Rose Comedy Live Show

Famous actors and actress will perform the comedy show directed by Mg Myo Min (Yin Twin Pyit).

Jan. 11 and 12 | 7 p.m. | Taw Win Garden Hotel | No.45 Pyay Road | Tickets 30,000 – 50,000 kyats, 100,000 kyats(VIP)

Yangon Farmer's Market

A growing community of farmers and producers come together weekly to sell fresh, local, healthy products including bread, veggies, eggs, plants, honey, coffee, tea, juice, salad and more.

Jan. 12 | 8 a.m. to 12 p.m. | Karaweik Compound | Kandawgyi Gardens, Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township |

Brazlian & South American Music Night

Brazilian and South American music night, featuring musicians from Brazil, Taiwan, the Philippines and the US.

Saturday Jan. 12 | 7 p.m. | Thiripyitsaya Sky Bistro| Sakura Tower, Bogyoke Aung San Road, Kyauktada Township

Emerald Art Exhibition

The second solo art show of painter Thett Naing Win is held to commemorate his 55-year artist career.

Jan. 12-15 | 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. | Gallery 65 | No. 65, Yaw Min Gyi Road, Dagon Township

Maker's Market

Meet the makers and designers behind Amazing Grace Souvenirs, Charlotte Bijou Design, E.B. Eco Candles and many more and enjoy craft activities, food vendors and music.

Jan. 13 | 4 p.m. to 9 p.m. | Karaweik Compound | Kandawgyi Gardens, Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township |

Yangon City at a Junction

A discussion with Prof. Kyaw Lat, architect and urban planner, on shaping the future of an attractive and livable metropolis.
Monday Jan. 14 | Goethe-Institute Myanmar | Corner of Kabar Aye Pagoda Road and Nat Mauk Street, Bahan Township

Philipp Klier Photo Exhibition

German photographer Philippe Klier (1845-1911) was one of a few to capture Myanmar soon after the invention of the camera. The exhibition opening will involve a seminar by Werner Kraus, expert on the history of Southeast Asian arts.

Tuesday Jan. 15 | 7 p.m. | Goethe-Institute Myanmar | Corner of Kabar Aye Pagoda Road and Nat Mauk Street, Bahan Township

Joint European Chambers Networking

The second edition of a networking event with seven European chambers. Registration mandatory.

Wednesday Jan. 16 | 6.30 p.m. to 8.30 p.m. | Novotel Hotel| Pyay Road, Kamayut Township

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India Launches National Anti-Pollution Program, But Experts Skeptical

Posted: 10 Jan 2019 08:40 PM PST

NEW DELHI—India on Thursday launched a program to rein in dangerous pollution levels in more than one hundred cities where the government said it expected to improve air quality significantly.

But the plan drew immediate criticism from environmentalists, who said it lacked a clear framework to tackle toxicity levels that have led to millions of deaths.

India is home to the world’s 14 most polluted cities, according to the World Health Organization. Toxic air claimed 1.24 million lives there in 2017, a study in Lancet Planetary Health showed last month.

The National Clean Air Program (NCAP) aims to cut pollution in the 102 worst affected cities by 20-30 percent by 2024.

Launching it, Environment Minister Harsh Vardhan said he believed it would substantially improve air quality. “We need to ensure that we give clean air to our children and the generations to come,” he told a news conference.

The plan aims to push through cuts in industrial emissions and vehicular exhaust fumes, introduce stringent rules for transport fuels and biomass burning and reduce dust pollution. It will also upgrade and increase monitoring systems.

Its launch, put back from last year due to bureaucratic delays, coincides with the annual peak of pollution levels in northern India, including New Delhi.

Since October residents of the capital, home to more than 20 million people, have struggled to breathe under a thick smog.

Last week pollution surged to “emergency” levels, as the Central Pollution Control Board’s air quality index of poisonous particulate matter hit 440, more than 12 times the US government’s recommended limit.

Sunil Dahiya, senior campaigner with environmental group Greenpeace, welcomed the launch of the program but said it lacked focus and ambition.

“We hoped that the NCAL would be much stronger, would provide sector-wise targets, specific targets for the cities and mention a strong legal backing to take action against non-implementation,” he said.

“We hope that the environment ministry shows more seriousness in implementing and strengthening the plan.”

As pollution spiked in New Delhi in October and November, the government adopted measures ranging from a temporary ban on construction activities and garbage burning to a clampdown on coal-fired power stations.

But the measures were inadequate and poorly implemented, largely because of a lack of resources and political will.

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Women who Defied Indian Temple Ban Unable to Return Home After Threats

Posted: 10 Jan 2019 08:26 PM PST

KOCHI/NEW DELHI—Two women who made history by becoming the first in centuries to enter a hill temple in southern India are in hiding after threats by hardline Hindu groups.

The Sabarimala temple in the state of Kerala has been the site of tension since India’s Supreme Court ruled in late September to end a ban on women of menstruating age entering it.

There have since been sporadic outbreaks of violence between the authorities and protesters attempting to prevent women from entering, setting off a cultural battle in what is still a deeply religious country.

Bindu Ammini, 40, a law lecturer at Kerala’s Kannur University and Kanakadurga, 39, a civil servant, told Reuters they were determined to enter despite threats of violence.

“A lot of people tried to dissuade us and make us turn back—police officers, our friends… because they knew we were facing a lot of backlash,” Kanakadurga said.

After the Supreme Court’s judgment, the women made an unsuccessful attempt to enter the temple on Dec. 24, before finally succeeding on Jan. 2.

A third woman aged 46 has since entered the site, the office of the chief minister of Kerala said on Jan. 4.

“We felt no fear. We had only one aim: we wanted to go to that shrine,” Bindu said.

Their entry sparked widespread protests and a day-long strike in Kerala led in part by members of India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

“This BJP government has a duty to regulate and control their members,” Bindu said.

The women—speaking in an undisclosed location on the outskirts of the city of Kochi—say they have since faced threats from protesters, but that they trusted the authorities to keep them safe and plan to return home next week.

“I always say that I trust the police persons, the state government of Kerala and also our democratic society of Kerala,” Bindu said.

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Jackson Estate Slams as ‘Pathetic’ Abuse Claims in New Documentary

Posted: 10 Jan 2019 08:11 PM PST

LOS ANGELES—Michael Jackson’s estate on Thursday condemned an upcoming documentary about alleged child sexual abuse by the late singer as another “outrageous and pathetic attempt” to cash in on his fame.

The documentary “Leaving Neverland” will be screened at the Sundance independent film festival later this month and will be shown on cable channel HBO and Britain’s Channel 4 television network this spring, festival organizers and HBO said.

It features interviews with two men, now in their 30s, who say they were befriended by the singer and sexually abused by him when they were young boys, according to the filmmakers.

The “Thriller” singer, who died in 2009, was acquitted at a 2005 criminal trial in California on charges of molesting a different 13-year-old boy at his Neverland ranch.

The documentary focuses on the experiences of Wade Robson and James Safechuck. Both men filed lawsuits against the Jackson estate alleging sexual misconduct after the singer’s death and both cases were dismissed. Robson had testified at Jackson’s 2005 trial in the singer’s defense.

“This so called 'documentary' is just another rehash of dated and discredited allegations,” Jackson’s estate said in a statement. “This is yet another lurid production in an outrageous and pathetic attempt to exploit and cash in on Michael Jackson.”

Director Dan Reed said he had no question about the validity of the stories of the two men.

“If there's anything we've learned during this time in our history, it's that sexual abuse is complicated, and survivors' voices need to be listened to,” he said in a statement.

Jackson’s sudden death at age 50 of an overdose of the anesthetic that he was using as a sleep aid triggered worldwide grief and a surge in record sales.

According to an annual Forbes survey, Jackson has been the top earning dead celebrity for the past six years. In 2018, Forbes estimated he earned $400 million, thanks to the sale of his stake in EMI Music Publishing and other ventures including a television special and the Las Vegas Cirque du Soleil show “One.”

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What Does the Arakan Army Bring to Rakhine State?

Posted: 10 Jan 2019 05:30 PM PST

A small, roofless light-truck loaded with large loudspeakers drives around the town of Sittwe, capital of Rakhine State. The truck is surrounded by youths who walk by house after house holding silver bowls for the collection of money. The gigantic speakers are playing songs in the Arakanese language on repeat. One of the songs called "People Who Sacrificed" praises those who have given up their lives for the "fatherland."

Many such groups of self-motivated youths have independently organized fundraising drives to collect money for the people recently displaced by fighting between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army (AA) in four townships of northern Rakhine. They receive many in-kind donations and send them up to groups of internally displaced persons (IDPs) via local networks. The networks are frequently facing deterrence from local authorities along the way.

But their actions amount to much more than raising funds—they are conveying messages which they cannot openly speak. What are the messages they are bringing? How do local Arakanese interpret those messages? And the authorities? How do people from other parts of Myanmar take their message heard through mainstream media? What will the implications be?

The recent outbreak of conflict in Rakhine State indicates an increasing trend of political violence. The AA, with steadily increasing mobility, is expanding geographically in Rakhine State with the intention to consolidate its bargaining power through rising public support which it gains through a systematic psyche-war on social media. So far, 4,500 locals have been displaced from their homes due to the recent clashes.

What message is the Arakan Army bringing?

The AA's messages, rhetoric in style, are heard across social media, the tool of free speech. Over the last year, the AA has been gaining momentum with their crafty use of social media in spreading an online campaign called "Arakan Dream 2020." This flagship strategy drew many sympathizers, not only among poor rural youths but also from the educated and the politicians. And the AA has succeeded in mobilizing youths from the region which has been engulfed in poverty and inequality for decades.

Arakan Dream 2020 is an initiative, according to AA chief Gen. Twan Mrat Naing, that 2020 will be the start of struggles in the name of "The Way of Rakhita," a concept with self-determination at its core. There has not yet been any explicit mentioned of how "The Way of Rakhita" will be materialized but the AA is positioning itself as a leading agency for carrying out the movement. One extreme interpretation of "The Way of Rakhita" could be that the Arakanese are pursuing an independent state and this provokes concern among the Burmese elite who largely hold onto a paternalistic view on guarding sovereignty.

In the deep psyches of many Arakanese, stories of the Burmese occupation of the once mighty Arakanese Kingdom in the late 18th century are still vivid. It may be felt that they remain enslaved in terms of their lack of self-determination and their marginalization from political processes. The notion of Rakhita is re-evoking that psyche. Historical facts are carried as hurtful and painful experiences. In that sense, the Arakan Dream is not a new concept but rather a revival of the wishes of their ancestors to rebuild a sovereign state.

An ethnic Rakhine scholar once wrote, "They aren't inspired by the words of Aung San Suu Kyi on catching up with other countries (Singapore). They don't trust Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing's speeches on peace. But they do care about every word spoken by Gen. Htun Mrat Naing. His speeches inspire the Rakhine public. Arakanese people are excited about Rakhita."

Why do the Arakanese hold so tightly these messages?

This historical grievance, the Burmese occupation of Arakan, has never been fully put to rest by successive governments. Upon that, the Arakanese construct their racial identity that narrowly encompasses the Buddhist Rakhine. In his latest book, "Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment" political scientist Francis Fukuyama argues that liberal democracies—as in the nominal democracy of Myanmar—have not fully solved the problem of "thymos," a term referring the part of the soul that craves recognition of dignity. In the case of the Arakanese people, they have both "isothymia," the desire to be respected equally to others, and "megalothymia," the want to be recognized as superior.

Similar to other ethnic groups, the prevailing argument of the Arakanese is that they have economic inequality and are lagging behind in development despite having plenty of natural resources. A political transition in Myanmar creates uncertainty. Populists have used the transition and the democratic election to gain strength. They reawaken the dream of greatness. They raise Arakanese concerns that they are neglected and their dignity is disregarded.

When intercommunal violence broke out in 2012, the Rohingya community, which had been facing severe human rights violations, received the sympathy of the international community. Support from the international community mounted when the fresh exodus of refugees occurred in 2017. When the central government tries to steer a conflict situation, the Arakanese are not able to meaningfully participate. A perception of exclusion takes root. This perceived voicelessness has been made stronger by recent political developments.

The NLD government refused to share executive power at state level after the Arakan National Party won a majority of votes in Rakhine State in the 2015 election. The Arakanese repeatedly complain that their proposals in parliament are frequently rejected or not addressed. At the Rakhine state parliament, members of parliament are not influenced by any actions of the government. The only success has been the removal of a state minister on the grounds of poor performance. Apart from that, all they can do is denounce the government's actions. In addition to that, weak leadership and internal conflicts within the leading Arakan party upsets the public. There is a vacuum of leadership in Rakhine politics.

Negative sentiment towards the central government, weak local political leadership and no visible improvement in the daily lives of the Arakanese have all converged. Arakanese trust in democratic institutions has sharply fallen. The AA is making a timely emergence, even under the democratic government, as an aspiration for the Arakanese. While this is a real opportunity for the Arakanese, it is also an option borne out of what they see as a failing democratic system. If democracy cannot provide them with better options, they cannot be blamed for wanting to do something about it. Addressing economic issues will not guarantee a resolution yet. It is still too early to say whether leaders from the AA will lead Rakhine politics, but it is difficult to deny that they are going to play an important part.

How do the government and other Myanmar citizens interpret the situation?

Any violent fighting is unwelcome but the people will fight with words which hurt less than bullets and bombs. The Independence Day attack drew the attention of the public—mainly the Burmese majority—and cried out for being attack police posts on this special day. Government is also promptly responded by branding the AA as "a terrorist group." U Zaw Htay, spokesperson for the President's Office warned the Arakanese not to support the AA and this drew backlash from the Arakanese. U Zaw Htay blamed the AA of "taking advantage" while the military and government are trying their best to protect Rakhine from terrorists and international pressure. This comes from many people from Myanmar thinking of the Rohingya community as outsiders and that the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) is a legitimate threat to national sovereignty and territory. Most of the mainstream media also reflects the majoritarian view.

U Zaw Htay's speech ignited public reprisal at a local level but drew popular support from the majorities who see themselves as thinking on behalf of the pyidaunsu, or the Union. This pulls an already divided society apart along the racial line. There are deep divisions between the Arakanese and other majority ethnic groups. Both sides point fingers at the other. Words do hurt people to some extent. The government also interpreted, as authoritarian regimes have done in the past, that the situation must be responded to with more forces and troops. Even Ma Ba Tha, a nationalist Burmese group with strong anti-Muslim sentiments, denounced the AA's attacks. The escalation of conflict will benefit no one.

If political leaders believe that peace is not just the signing of a truce but cohesive living between different segments of society, they should refrain from the use of words and physical forces. The Arakanese should think twice before going to war or supporting armed groups because war itself brings destruction. Civilians in the war zone have already suffered. Burmese hegemonic views should also be self-critical rather than easily falling to the trick of words. They should be willing to listen to the minority rather than supporting militarization. This situation also calls for a speedier and more inclusive peace process which reforms power structures and ensures equal rights and respect. If not, history will repeat itself. We don't want the vicious cycle of civil war unfolding in new locations.

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