Wednesday, February 13, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Nine Bodies from Boat that Sank Near Rakhine Island Found

Posted: 13 Feb 2019 07:09 AM PST

SITTWE—The bodies of nine victims who were on board a Myanmar Port Authority vessel that sank on Monday near an island in Manaung Township in Rakhine State have been found. Ten of the 26 people who were on board at the time the vessel went down remain missing, after seven were found alive on Monday.

The vessel, the 180-ft-long Bull Elephant, sank early Monday morning after being struck by a large wave while moored off Let Pet Taw Island.

Eight of the bodies, including that of the helmsman, U Tun Tun, were found on Tuesday and were sent to Manaung Township. The ninth was found on Wednesday and was still at the seashore, according to U Myint Hlaing, a Manaung Township administrator.

Relatives of the deceased had arrived in Manaung Township and were negotiating with officials from the Transport Ministry and preparing funerals. The authorities continued their search-and-rescue operation to find the 10 remaining missing people.

A total of 34 people—24 vessel staff, nine staff from the lighthouse and passenger U Tun Oo, from Yangon, who was not on the original list of those on board—were taken to Let Pet Taw Island from Yangon to repair a lighthouse on Feb. 7 and arrived at the island on Feb. 9, according to township General Administration Department officials.

Eight of the lighthouse staff disembarked on the island before the vessel sank. Authorities said the vessel's 24 crew members, one employee of the lighthouse and U Tun Oo were on board when the vessel capsized some 4 miles from the Zeetaw shoreline.

U Zaw Tun Lwin, the general manager of the Myanmar Port Authority who is in charge of the research operation, said officials were continuing the search and would follow the families' wishes regarding the disposal of the victims' remains.

He said, "The bodies will be sent to Manning Hospital and shown to the families. Then we will do our best, whatever they want to do—whether they want to take them back to Yangon or bury them here. We will coordinate with the local authorities and the funeral services.”

Then, he said, the ministry would provide support to the family members after the search and rescue operation.

The post Nine Bodies from Boat that Sank Near Rakhine Island Found appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

AA Chief Vows to Set Up HQ in Rakhine State Soon

Posted: 13 Feb 2019 05:29 AM PST

YANGON—Amid intense fighting between government troops and the Arakan Army (AA) in northern Rakhine, the armed group's chief, Major-General Tun Myat Naing, told the Arakanese public that the group will build a temporary headquarters in Rakhine State very soon.

The Irrawaddy saw a video message from the AA chief in the Arakanese language issued on Feb. 10. In it, he repeatedly urged Arakanese who live abroad to return to Rakhine State in order to take part in what he said was a turning point in the history of the region. It is the second such video issued by the group this month; AA deputy chief Brigadier-General Nyo Tun Aung released one last week.

Several sources close to the AA confirmed the authenticity of the AA chief's video message. In the video, he is seen telling an audience of villagers that the current battle against government troops in Rakhine State is not just an armed conflict between the AA and the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw), but a struggle between the Arakanese people as a whole and the country's military.

He said, "I absolutely believe that the Arakanese public and the AA stand side by side. We have also frequently said that the government military is fighting against the whole Arakanese public."

Maj-Gen. Tun Myat Naing said he suggested Arakanese return to Rakhine because once, many Arakanese went to other states or foreign countries to join in armed revolution. He said that era was over now because the AA's battlefield commanders and its supporters would recruit interested members. The AA chief promised they will fight until they achieve their ultimate goal.

"If you are interested in being a AA soldier, you don't need to travel Karen state. Just go back to your homes and enquire a bit about the AA," he said, adding, "The world-famous AK assault rifles, brand new AK firearms are waiting for you. Just come and join, OK?"

In the video, the Arakanese audience listening to his speech responds "Yes!" in unison. He appealed to women and disabled persons, explaining that carrying a gun in battle is not the only way to support revolution, and there are many different ways to revolt nowadays. For instance, acting as an informant on the ground is also a way of being a revolutionary, he said.

"Guns do not discriminate between men and women. All you need to do is just squeeze your finger," said Maj-Gen. Tun Myat Naing.

He asked the Arakanese public whether they were willing to join the AA this month and then instantly about 100 villagers in the audience raised their hands. He reminded them that a real battle is harder than they can imagine, and that there is a strong possibility of them dying or being wounded during the fighting. It is a tough journey, he said, but Arakanese need to sacrifice for a brighter future by taking action with their own hands for the sake of the next generation.

Ethnic armed affairs analyst U Maung Maung Soe commented that the AA's headquarters in N. Rakhine State could be a part of its "2020 Arakan Dream". By analyzing the AA's ambushes over the past few weeks, one could see that the conflict region has apparently broadened, and the AA had even attacked military columns where the Western Command of the Myanmar Army is based in Ann Township this month.

He pointed out that most of northern Rakhine State's townships in rural areas are under the control of the AA. U Maung Maung Soe said that looking at the number of clashes involving the AA, and their movements, the AA appeared to have a significant number of troops.

He said, "The AA has been trying to get a stronghold in Rakhine State since its establishment and they will probably stage a series of offensives against Army troops and then enter politics in 2020."

Another political analyst, Ko Win Aung, also concluded that the AA has been pragmatically and consistently implementing its dream on the ground both politically and militarily. The armed conflict in Rakhine State could even have major political consequences in near future, he said, as the AA and the Arakanese are now in solidarity. Based on the AA chief's message, he remarked that the government should reconsider its perspective on the AA. Failure to do so could see the area become a failed state, he said.

He urged all sectors of society—including the legislature, the military and the National League for Democracy-led government—to carry out a holistic approach to Rakhine, rather than working separately.

"I think they should seriously consider starting now. This is a very important time for the government," said Ko Win Aung.

The post AA Chief Vows to Set Up HQ in Rakhine State Soon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Village Head Shot Dead at His Home in Rakhine State

Posted: 13 Feb 2019 05:17 AM PST

A General Administrative Department officer was shot dead at his home in Rakhine State's Minbya Township on Tuesday night.

Two unidentified gunmen shot U Maung Kyaw, 50, the head of Kyauk Khot village, at his home after 8 p.m. on Tuesday, Tharyarkone village administrator U Maung Tun told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. Kyauk Khot is one of six villages in Tharyarkone village tract.

U Maung Kyaw's family members were not home when he was shot.

"He was shot and killed at his home. We heard two men come to his house and one pulled the trigger," the village administrator said.

U Maung Tun added, "His family members were at their noodle-making business. His daughter was warming herself at a fire with neighbors and ran back home when she heard the gunfire. She saw two men leaving their house."

U Maung Kyaw died after being shot four times, and his body was sent to Minbya Hospital, according to Police Captain Mya Zaw from Minbya Myoma Police Station.

He confirmed the killing but added, "We cannot provide further details of the case, as the body was taken to the hospital."

Rakhine State has seen a rash of fatal shootings of villagers, but authorities have yet to identify suspects or motives.

On the night of Jan. 22, U Maung Aye Thein, 56, a resident of Pan Myaung village in Minbya Township was shot dead by an unidentified gunman.

A month earlier on Dec. 24, 2018, U Khin Than Maung, a central committee member of the Arakan League for Democracy party from Kyar Inn Taung village in Myaybon Township was shot dead at his home while watching television.

The post Village Head Shot Dead at His Home in Rakhine State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

World Kachin Congress Awards Jailed Peace Activists

Posted: 13 Feb 2019 04:40 AM PST

YANGON — The World Kachin Congress has given its first Kachin human rights awards to three Kachin community leaders serving six-month jail sentences over an anti-war protest.

They were sued for defamation in May by the Myanmar military after leading a sit-in protest against armed fighting in Kachin State.

Clashes had broken out between the military and the Kachin Independence Army in Kachin State the month before, displacing more than 6,000 people in Tanai, Injangyang, Mogaung and Hpakant townships. Thousands of them became trapped between the two sides and about 3,000 Kachin youth staged a sit-in near the state government office from April 30 to May 6 to call for a ceasefire.

The military accused three of the leaders — Zau Jat of the Kachin National Social Development Association, Htoi Gender and Development Foundation Director Nang Pu, and lawyer Lum Zawng — of using defamatory terms against the Tatmadaw during the protest.

In December, a court sentenced them to six months in jail and fines of 500,000 kyats ($328).

"This [award ceremony] reflects the unity of the Kachin across the world and especially shows the support of Kachin people outside the country," said awards committee member U Steven Naw Awng.

Relatives of the three winners received the awards on their behalf in a ceremony at the Manau Grounds in the Kachin State capital, Myitkyina, on Wednesday morning. They each received a medal and 4 million kyats ($2,621).

U Steven Naw Awng said the award is intended to inspire Kachin youth to take an active part in promoting justice and human rights, and reflects the fact that Kachin across the world are working together for democracy in Myanmar.

"Anyone who strongly supports justice and human rights deserves this prize," said Sut Seng Htoi, another member of the awards committee.

U Steven Naw Awng said one of the winners, Nang Pu, had been suffering from diabetes and tuberculosis before her arrest and was in poor health in prison.

"They have suffered from cold weather, and after winter there are many mosquitoes. Because they are not allowed to use mosquito nets, we are concerned that they might catch malaria," he added.

The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has labeled the three of them political prisoners.

Some of those who joined April's sit-in held placards reading "Stop dropping bombs targeting civilians" and "Stop torture and killing of civilians." At a press conference, the three convicted leaders accused the military of preventing the trapped people from escaping, prompting the lawsuit.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post World Kachin Congress Awards Jailed Peace Activists appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Kokang Rebel Group Denies Military’s Conscription Claims

Posted: 13 Feb 2019 03:19 AM PST

On Dec. 21 the Myanmar military, or Tatmadaw, declared a unilateral ceasefire lasting until April 30. It said it hoped to hold talks with non-signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement during that time. Nearly two months after declaring the ceasefire, however, it has not held talks with any of them.

Meanwhile, fresh fighting has broke out in northern Shan State’s Kunlong Township between the Tatmadaw and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army — the MNDAA or Kokang Group, a member of the Northern Alliance — and continued into this week.

The Office of the Commander-in-Chief says hundreds of civilians in Kunlong have fled their homes to avoid conscription by the MNDAA and that it will do whatever it takes to protect the population. Yet more than 300 civilians in Kunlong fled their homes on Jan.28 and 29.

The Irrawaddy reporter Nan Lwin Hnin Pwint interviewed Lt. Col. Phone Win Naing, spokesman for the MNDAA, about developments since the Tatmadaw declared the ceasefire in late December.

What steps were taken to have peace talks after the Tatmadaw announced a ceasefire?

The Northern Alliance was the first to release a statement in response. China helps us and meets our requests for help. We have considerable trust in China. We also have trust in the government for the time being. But the Tatmadaw still looks at us with a jaundiced eye. After it announced a ceasefire, we stayed back. But the Tatmadaw launched attacks on our friend and ally, the Arakan Army. We want the international community to know that the Tatmadaw is treating us unfairly.

There were also clashes with the TNLA (Ta'ang National Liberation Army). They attacked us on Feb. 4. Clashes took place at Hon Aik, our headquarters, and around Hsenwi, west of the Thanlwin River. The Tatmadaw does not keep its promise. It bullied our civilian members and set their houses on fire. It does whatever it wants and puts the blame on us. It is not that civilians fled because we are listing them for conscription, but because it (the military) is bullying them.

So we are relocating local people [to safety], and it is attacking us as we do so. Many of our soldiers were killed and civilians have suffered. We don't know what to do. We wish the international community knew this.

How did the Tatmadaw attack Hong Aik? Is it targeting your headquarters?

It is always present in the areas surrounding our headquarters. It fired artillery at us, and infantry also came and attacked us. They might have been targeting our headquarters, or they might have been preparing.

But the Tatmadaw said it attacked because your group is conscripting.

This is our region. This is the place where our ethnic people live. It is just their accusation. They came and burned our villages and forced our people to leave (their houses on) the hills. Because our people could not stand it, they have joined us and are taking part in the revolution.

But hundreds of people fled from the Kokang, and they said they fled because of conscription. What do you want to say about that?

There will be bad people in any ethnic group. They will accuse us of doing bad things. They are just pretending.

The Tatmadaw said your group has had nine call-ups.

That is wrong. All the ethnic people living along the border are our friends, our ethic people. We are united. We don't need to conscript. In spite of the Tatmadaw doing those things [to mar our image], many have fled to join us in order to rise up against the Tatmadaw. The Tatmadaw just claims nine times, 10 times or even 100 times.

Are there still clashes today? What is the situation like?

First, we value China's help. We have to keep our promises when a foreign country helps our country. Second, we want the government to properly control the Tatmadaw [to make sure it observes its ceasefire]. We will keep our promise. We also want the international community to help [with the peace process]. We are sorry that our country has such a Tatmadaw. It kills its own people. I think Myanmar is the only country in the world where the Tatmadaw kills its own compatriots.

Has the Tatmadaw offered to hold peace talks with ethnic leaders?

We have been waiting for it. But it hasn’t come.

Hasn't the government contacted your group yet?

It might have contacted the FPNCC [Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee, or Northern Alliance]. As we are under the FPNCC, we are waiting for its order.

What does the MNDAA want to discuss with the Tatmadaw and the government?

Yes, there are many things. We, the MNDAA, don't have the right to say. I can't say anything without the order of the FPNCC.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Kokang Rebel Group Denies Military’s Conscription Claims appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Bangladesh Steps Up Patrols to Stop Rohingya Risking Boat Trips to Malaysia

Posted: 13 Feb 2019 12:25 AM PST

DHAKA — Authorities in Bangladesh say they are stepping up patrols to thwart Rohingya refugees from risking dangerous boat journeys to Malaysia now that calmer seas have returned with the dry season.

"We are mobilizing our teams to prevent human trafficking,” said Lt. Col. Asaduz-Zaman Chowdhury, commanding officer of Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) in the Teknaf region of Cox’s Bazar District, where the camps are located.

At least 150 Rohingya believed to have been preparing for the journey, mostly women and children, have been “rescued” in Teknaf since November, according to reports from the police, coast guard and BGB.

Eighteen alleged traffickers have also been arrested and three criminal cases filed accusing 16 of them, Cox’s Bazar police said.

On Nov. 9, the coast guard arrested six suspected traffickers and caught 33 Rohingya refugees from a fishing trawler headed for Malaysia in the Bay of Bengal.

Abul Kashem, executive director of Help Cox's Bazar, which is working in the Rohingya camps, said refugees were desperate to reach Malaysia with the help of paid traffickers.

"The situation is alarming now," he said.

Rohingya community leaders said the refugees, who are Muslim, were targeting Malaysia because they had relatives there and because it was a majority Muslim country.

"Many of their relatives are asking them to travel to Malaysia by any means," said community leader Muhammad Ali.

More recently, BGB caught six Rohingya preparing to board a boat bound for Malaysia on Tuesday and another 22 on Sunday. They caught 30 on Friday and arrested two suspected traffickers.

Lt. Col. Chowdhury said those caught on Friday left their camps a week earlier and were staying in makeshift accommodations provided by the traffickers, whom they had paid between 50,000 takas ($596) and 100,000 takas ($1,192) to take them to Malaysia.

Two young women caught Friday told reporters that they were about to board their boat but changed their minds after seeing the sea and growing worried for their safety.

“My parents could not arrange my marriage, so I was planning to travel to Malaysia by sea because the Bangladeshi brother [the suspected trafficker] assured me he would arrange my wedding and provide money. But I retreated after seeing the danger of the sea,” said Nur Jahan Begum.

Shahena Akhter said her parents died in Myanmar when she was a child and afterwards lived with her uncle’s family.

"They could not arrange my marriage,” she said. “I am going to Malaysia for my marriage there."

On Thursday police caught 20 Rohingya refugees from the camps during a raid on the home a suspected trafficker. Police said the refugees told investigators they had relatives in Malaysia who had already made the sea journey and found jobs.

The U.S. State Department’s 2018 Trafficking in Persons Report said the Rohingya refugees were at high risk of trafficking because of their stateless status and inability to work legally in Bangladesh.

The report said Bangladesh was a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children subjected to forced labor and sex trafficking and placed it on the department’s Tier 2 Watch List. It said the government was making strides to combat the problem but still “does not fully meet the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking."

The report adds: "In the recent past, some Rohingya and Bangladeshi migrants who traveled by boat to Southeast Asian countries were subjected to exploitation when they were unable to pay ransoms and were instead sold into forced labor."

Bangladeshi officials say fewer refugees tried to flee the camps during the previous dry season because they were busier setting up their shelters, having just recently arrived in Bangladesh after fleeing a Myanmar military crackdown in Rakhine State in late 2017.

More than 720,000 Rohingya fled the crackdown for Bangladesh, according to the U.N.’s refugee agency.

Since October 2017, several dozen Rohingya women have also been caught in Cox’s Bazar and other districts trying to arrange passports through brokers to leave the country and sent back to the refugee camps.

Md Nikaruzzaman, executive officer of Cox’s Bazar’s Ukhia Sub-District, said local authorities have set up 11 security checkpoints around the camps and spoken to the refugees about the risks of being trafficked.

"We have also tightened our monitoring of the passport verification system" to thwart refugees trying to obtain Bangladesh passports for travel, he told The Irrawaddy.

In 2015, Bangladesh launched a crackdown on traffickers after authorities in neighboring Thailand discovered mass graves filled with the remains of Rohingya trafficking victims and caught boats overcrowded with thousands of them adrift at sea.

The post Bangladesh Steps Up Patrols to Stop Rohingya Risking Boat Trips to Malaysia appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Cases Dropped Against 55 Karenni Anti-Statue Activists

Posted: 13 Feb 2019 12:25 AM PST

YANGON—The Karenni State government has agreed to drop lawsuits against 55 rights activists charged for their participation in a series of protests over the past year against the installation of a bronze statue of General Aung San in a park in the state capital, Loikaw.

Protest leaders and the state government reached an agreement after holding talks at noon on Tuesday, said rights activist Ko Kyaw Htin Aung, adding that the crowds outside the park then peacefully dispersed.

The talks came after thousands of local residents led by the Karenni State Youth Force staged a protest march earlier Tuesday against the bronze statue. Police used water cannons and rubber bullets to disperse demonstrators who attempted to break through a police cordon. Over 20 people were injured in the clash, according to the committee that organized the protest.

Protesters had also demanded that the state chief minister and planning and finance minister, who they said are responsible for the statue, resign from their posts, and that all those detained for participating in the protest be unconditionally released.

The heated talks started around 3 p.m. and went on for four hours. "Youths agreed to suspend the demonstration in exchange for a promise [from police] that unfair lawsuits against 55 youths would be dropped," Ko Kyaw Htin Aung said.

Since February 2018, authorities had opened 86 cases against 55 youths for protesting against the installation of the Gen. Aung San statue, and for offenses relating to their efforts to promote a Karenni perspective on history.

They were charged under Section 505 (b) and (c) of the Penal Code for defamation of the state, and under sections 19 and 20 of the Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law, Ko Kyaw Htin Aung said, adding that there were 86 cases because some youths were charged multiple times.

The state government said that the Gen. Aung San statue was funded by a committee comprising civil society organizations, and asked the protesters to hold talks with the committee. It said the talks should be aimed at reaching a decision within one month.

"And they said it was not the protesters' place to demand the resignation of the state chief minister and the finance and planning minister, and that was [an issue] to be handled by the Union government," Ko Kyaw Htin Aung said.

According to protesters, hundreds of people rallied in support of the statue during an inauguration ceremony on Feb. 2 and several National League for Democracy members, including the state chief minister, attended the event.

The two sides agreed that no further rallies, either for or against the statue, would be held at the park during the one-month negotiation period between the protesters' committee and statue installation committee. However, rallies can be held at the Karenni State Hall.

At noon on Tuesday, Karenni youths and activists in Yangon staged a protest over the police use of rubber bullets against the demonstrators in Loikaw.

Holding placards reading, "What ethnic communities want is Gen. Aung San's promise, not his statue," and "Don't kill Gen. Aung San again", the demonstrators marched along Bo Aung Kyaw Street, Anawrahta Road and Sule Pagoda Road to Maha Bandoola Park.

"Local ethnicities have no right to determine their own destiny, and reveal their 'true' history. What's worse is youths who reveal the true history are arrested and shot [with rubber bullets]. This is not an answer," said Ma Ei Thinzar Maung, who participated in the demonstration.

The statue of the late independence hero was brought to Loikaw on Jan. 29. Local residents were surprised by its arrival, and accused the government of breaking a promise the state's chief minister made in July not to erect it without the public's approval.

Karenni State Chief Minister L Phaung Sho announced on June 12 last year the plan to unveil the statue on July 19 to mark Martyrs' Day, which commemorates the anniversary of the assassination of Gen. Aung San and his cabinet members. The plan was then shelved after it met strong opposition from locals.

The post Cases Dropped Against 55 Karenni Anti-Statue Activists appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thai Princess Apologizes After Being Disqualified From PM Run

Posted: 12 Feb 2019 08:28 PM PST

BANGKOK — The Thai king’s sister, disqualified this week by the Election Commission from running for prime minister, apologized on Tuesday for causing “problems” for the Thai people ahead of next month’s election, the country's first since a 2014 coup.

Princess Ubolratana Rajakanya Sirivadhana Barnavadi’s comments came a day after the commission dropped her name from an official list of prime minister candidates.

The commission said members of the royal family should stay above politics, echoing a sharp rebuke from King Maha Vajiralongkorn that her bid was “inappropriate” and unconstitutional.

“I am sorry my genuine intention to work for the country and Thai people has caused such problems that shouldn’t have happened in this era,” she said on Instagram late on Tuesday, after making a public appearance in central Thailand. She ended her statement with the hashtag “#howcomeitsthewayitis.”

Ubolratana’s unprecedented nomination by a party allied with populist ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra unsettled the Southeast Asian nation, where the monarchy is revered by millions of Thais and remains above politics.

The Election Commission is also considering dissolving the Thai Raksa Chart party as a result of the nomination. Electoral laws forbid involving the monarchy in political campaigns.

The March 24 election is set to be a showdown between the military-backed, royalist Prime Minister, Prayuth Chan-ocha, and supporters of Thaksin, who was ousted in a 2006 coup and forced into exile but remains immensely popular.

The post Thai Princess Apologizes After Being Disqualified From PM Run appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

With ‘On-the-Go’ Loans and Tech, Social Firm Boosts Myanmar Farmers

Posted: 12 Feb 2019 08:12 PM PST

YANGON — A social venture in Myanmar is boosting farm outputs with customized technologies and giving loans for seasonal migration to raise incomes in one of the world’s poorest countries.

Proximity Designs, which was set up in 2004 in the country’s commercial hub, Yangon, focuses on farming, on which more than two-thirds of the population relies to make a living.

The ethical business gives farming advice, custom-designed irrigation products and loans for crops, livestock and migration to about 200,000 clients in the country.

“It’s about improving access of smallholder farmers to knowledge, technology and capital,” said Ben Warren, head of strategy and finance at Proximity.

“Myanmar was closed for so long, it was hard for farmers to access these. While access is better now, not many products are made for farmers or reach them.”

Myanmar began emerging from nearly half a decade of military rule in 2011. Helping its smallholder farmers requires a deep understanding of context, as well as empathy and creativity, Warren told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Across Southeast Asia, businesses with a social purpose are improving the lives of vulnerable communities and helping narrow inequality.

In Myanmar, farmers rely heavily on the monsoon rain, and the country has one of the lowest percentages of irrigated farmland in Asia, according to Proximity.

The company designed a range of products including drip and sprinkler irrigation systems, and solar-powered pumps that can help increase yield by about a third, Warren said.

As a social venture, Proximity is better placed to help farmers than businesses with a purely profit motive, he said.

“Some areas are not viable or are hard to get to. Since we are supported by some funding, it allows us to subsidize our products and go the extra mile to reach farmers,” he said.

Proximity started giving micro loans to farmers in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, Myanmar’s worst natural disaster, which killed nearly 140,000 people and affected some 2.4 million people.

About two years back, based on feedback from its clients, Proximity began “on-the-go” loans to help families during the dry season from November to April, when many men move to cities in search of factory or construction jobs.

A loan of about 200,000 kyats ($130) helps the family in the village until they receive remittances from the city, and also pays for the initial trip to the city, Warren said.

While on-the-go loans are a small part of Proximity’s portfolio now, they could grow because of demand, Warren said.

“Seasonal migration is an annual occurrence in nearly every rural family. With a loan from a reliable source, they can do it without worry,” he said.

The post With ‘On-the-Go’ Loans and Tech, Social Firm Boosts Myanmar Farmers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
Posted by at No comments:

Tuesday, February 12, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

President Foreshadows Peace Dividend on Union Day Anniversary

Posted: 12 Feb 2019 12:21 AM PST

President U Win Myint urged people to cooperate with the government, lawmakers and the military in building a democratic federal state and achieving national reconciliation and socio-economic development during the 72nd anniversary of Union Day.

In an anniversary message on Tuesday, he addressed the ongoing peace process, negotiations with ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference, which he said, "is a pragmatic approach to achieving the dream of building a democratic federal Union that the people have longed for for 70 years."

Prior to Myanmar's independence from Britain in 1948, national leader Gen. Aung San joined 22 Saohpas and representatives of the ethnic Chin, Kachin and Shan in signing the Panglong Agreement on Feb. 12, 1947. The agreement states that, "freedom will be more speedily achieved by the Shan, the Kachin and the Chin by their immediate co-operation with the Interim Burmese Government."

U Win Myint said the agreement helped lay the foundations for independence. But he added that, "due to that undesirable legacy and a variety of reasons, there was misunderstanding, mistrust and doubt among the ethnic people, thus leading to 70 years of armed conflicts. And it has not yet ceased."

Despite an ongoing peace process, including the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference meetings, fighting continues today in Kachin, Rakhine and Shan states.

The 21st Century Panglong has convened three times since the National League for Democracy took power 2016, with 52 basic principles for the formation of a democratic federal Union agreed to date.

"In the meantime, based on the principle of all-inclusivity, the government is moving toward the goal to peace through negotiations with both the signatories and non-signatories of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA],” the president said.

"I firmly believe that when we achieve peace throughout the country, we can see the development of our states and regions in a short time."

The government's National Reconciliation and Peace Center, which oversees the peace process and is led by the State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, invited the 10 EAOs that have signed the NCA to Naypyitaw to join a Union Day dinner and to hold informal talks on Wednesday.

The center will meet with the leaders of the Karen National Union (KNU), including Chairman Saw Mutu Say Poe, in the morning and with all 10 groups in the afternoon.

Formal peace talks have been on hold since November, after the KNU said it was withdrawing from the process indefinitely and the Restoration Council of Shan State stopped participating in the Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee.

The post President Foreshadows Peace Dividend on Union Day Anniversary appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

French National Detained for Flying Drone near Union Parliament

Posted: 11 Feb 2019 11:52 PM PST

NAYPYITAW—Naypyitaw police have detained a French national for illegally flying a drone in a restricted area near Gate 2 of the Union Parliament building on Feb. 7.

Police Captain Min Tin, the head of Phayarkone Police Station in Ottara Thiri Township in Naypyitaw, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that a case was filed against French national Arthur Desclaux under the 2012 Export and Import Law for illegally bringing a drone into the country. "We are currently investigating and will proceed in accordance with the law," he said.

The 27-year-old French citizen was remanded until Feb. 22. Police said they would complete their investigation by then and Desclaux would be referred to the court.

Desclaux entered Myanmar through the Myawaddy border checkpoint from Mae Sot town in Thailand's Tak province on Jan. 30. He rode a bicycle and arrived in Naypyitaw on Feb. 7. He was arrested while flying the drone on arrival in Naypyitaw and had not even booked a hotel yet.

According to police sources, he asked the authorities to inform his family about the arrest. He said he is the eldest of three siblings and works for six months a year, spending the other six months travelling. He added that he loves traveling in Myanmar.

It is not clear what kind of images Desclaux had captured with his drone, said Police Capt. Min Tin, who had not yet seen the pictures. "That is confidential [evidence for the investigation] and we have asked for help from the relevant authorities. We are working together with the Criminal Investigation Department."

The police captain added, "[Desclaux] said he flew his drone as this road is wide and very beautiful. But we do not know his intention and he could not show us any documents. Therefore, he is charged under the Export and Import Law."

In October 2017, Malaysian Mok Choy Lin, a producer for Turkish state broadcaster TRT World, freelance camera operator Lau Hon Meng from Singapore, and their interpreter Ko Aung Naing Soe and driver U Hla Tin from Myanmar were arrested for attempting to take pictures with drones. They faced charges including violating Section 8 of the Export and Import Law, which later was dropped. They spent two months in prison under the 1934 colonial-era Myanmar Aircraft Act for filming with a drone and released in December of that year.

In Myanmar, those who fly drones should only be charged according to specific regulations and not under the Export and Import Law, said Naypyitaw-based lawyer U Khin Maung Zaw, who served as the defense lawyer for the TRT drone case in Naypyitaw. He said those who brought in such materials from foreign countries and used them here should not be charged with a crime.

He said this action "undermines the country's tourism image and it is a shame. Now drones are used to take pictures of weddings or merit-making ceremonies. It is not clear how these people obtain drones, with permits or not. And we have not heard whether there are any restrictions upon them. But this case, there was a feeling that the Parliament was being assaulted."

Police Capt. Min Tin said he could not comment on whether the arrest of the foreign tourist would damage Myanmar's tourism image, but he said there is a sign near the No. 2 Gate of Parliament that no drones are allowed to fly over the Parliament building.

He said, "He [Desclaux] could not prove that these materials were brought in with permission. If he declared what he had been carrying and filled in the form at the border entrance [in Myawaddy], there would be no problem. But if he did not declare it, he violated the Export and Import Law."

Article 8 of the Export and Import Law prohibits people from exporting and importing restricted materials. Violators face imprisonment and a fine.

The post French National Detained for Flying Drone near Union Parliament appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Many Arakanese Embrace AA’s Presence

Posted: 11 Feb 2019 07:30 PM PST

Rakhine State has been the scene of the country's worst fighting so far this year, as opposed to last year, when Kachin State was the focus. Each year the fighting moves from one area of the country to another, but it never seems to break out everywhere at once, despite the fact that most ethnic groups have their own armies. Some people have even asked why this should be. But, as we all know, the history of ethnic revolutionary armed groups shows that there is no common interest that would lead to a coordinated attack on the Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw).

Until recently, the Arakanese had no fighting in their region for over 60 years. So, they did not have experience with IDPs being forced to flee the fighting, as is the case today. The Arakanese did not have a strong armed force based in their region. The Myanmar military had sole control of the region, though it was unpopular among ethnic Arakanese.

Ethnic Arakanese were split when the Arakan Army returned to base forces on their land. For good reason, many Arakanese were happy, as their ethnic armed group was able to return and set up bases. They feel that now they have an army that can protect their security and even fight for their political rights.  When it comes to the Myanmar Army, if you do not have a strong armed force, they ignore your requests for political talks. So, for many years, Arakanese were upset, as their political voices were ignored by the Myanmar government and Army.

When the AA came back to the region, it was the first time Arakanese had seen their own army face to face. They compare their army to the Ye Baw Ton Jade (Thirty Comrades led by General Aung San) who went to study military training in Japan, then came back secretly to Myanmar to fight against the British for independence. Unfortunately, the Arakan region, especially the northern part, has become a war zone, forcing many local people to flee the fighting. However, the fighting has continued to spread. About 7,000 IDPs have fled their homes since the Myanmar Army launched a military offensive in Arakan after the AA attacked three police bases in Maungdaw and killed 13 police officers on Jan. 4.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the State Counselor, instructed the Myanmar Army to use a military offensive to crush the AA as a threat to the country's sovereignty. The Myanmar Army declared it would eliminate those AA based in Arakan. The Myanmar Army uses the "Four Cuts" policy, an old military strategy used to fight against ethnic rebels in the past. The strategy aims to cut off food, funds, intelligence and support for the groups it is fighting. The Myanmar Army arrested 38 people and charged them under the Unlawful Association Act 17 (1) and 17 (2), according to Narinjara news agency based in Arakan State. The state government has even allowed the Army to check civilian houses whenever the Army suspected families of supporting the rebels. The Army uses different types of repression on the ground to stop local Arakan from supporting the rebels, but the fighting has gotten worse and local people continue to support them.

KIA: AA's 'big brother'

The AA describe the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) as being like a brother organization that helped it to build up a strong armed force. The KIA was the main group providing assistance to the AA when it was being set up. So, the Arakanese are thankful to the Kachin for allowing their army to be established on Kachin land. A Kachin friend who works for a foreign embassy described how he was happy when he visited Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State. He said that when he told them he was Kachin, many locals were happy to see him, and said they were good comrades. So, the Arakanese feel a close friendship with their Kachin brothers.

The KIA and the AA cannot be split when it comes to the current armed conflict in Myanmar. The Myanmar Army is not happy that the KIA allowed the AA to be set up in Laiza. Some members of the Tatmadaw have posted hate messages on Facebook saying that they cannot forgive the KIA, and blame it for what is happening in Arakan.

The AA set up its headquarters in Laiza in 2009. The AA has even been based in the area controlled by the Karen National Union. But they were forced to move those bases after the KNU signed a ceasefire in 2012 with the Myanmar Army.

The AA has also been based in northern Shan State in an area under the control of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, as well in the Kokang area, where they helped the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) fight the Tatmadaw. When the MNDAA launched a strong attack in Laukkai, some AA troops were also killed alongside their Kokang comrades. Some people criticized the AA for letting its soldiers die on other people's ground. But leaders from the AA said they needed to gain fighting experience before returning to their land.

In the 1970s, the former Arakan armed group known as the Arakan Liberation Army led by Khaing Moe Linn tried returning to their motherland after forming an armed group in the KNU-controlled area. They tried to cross into Chin after traveling through Karen, Shan and Kachin, then go to Arakan. But the Myanmar Army attacked as the group was on their way into Chin State. Many Arakan Liberation Army troops were killed, so they could not reach their region.

The AA is smart to use the area of the Kachin first, then move into Paletwa in Chin State, where the population on the border of Rakhine State is mixed Chin and Arakanese. The AA was able to survive by relying on Arakanese living in Paletwa. It took five years for the AA to up build troops in Arakan, and for them to be able to fight back against the Myanmar Army.

The Myanmar Army has ruled in Arakan for a long time, dispensing patronage to help poor people in the Arakan region. Local Arakanese now use the language of the Burmans, who provide security on the Bangladesh border and prevent the Rohingya from spreading into other townships in the region. Nonetheless, the local Arakanese view Burmans as not much different from the British who once came to colonize their region. They ask why, given the lack of fighting there in recent decades compared to other states, Rakhine remains the poorest state. They accuse the central government of taking natural resources from their region but failing to develop it. The Arakanese even feel that they need their own armed group in their region to stop religious violence. They feel the Army will only try to create problems between Arakanese and Rohingya.

Local Arakanese have struggled under a poor economy and repressive Burman rule for over 60 years. The director of the Myanmar President's Office, U Zaw Htay, warned local Arakanese people early in January not to support the rebels, saying the Arakan region was in danger of becoming a war zone. Some locals say they are prepared for the worst, but hope for best now that they have their own army in the region.

The post Many Arakanese Embrace AA's Presence appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Duo Marks 104th Birthday of Gen. Aung San With Art Show

Posted: 11 Feb 2019 06:30 PM PST

YANGON — While artists MPP Ye Myint and Han Kyaw Moe commemorate the 104th birthday of independence hero Aung San with a new show, Myemone Lwin, the founder of Yangon Book Plaza, is marking the occasion by opening the We Creation art gallery to host it.

Mingalarpar 104 will show through Sunday at We Creation, at the Yangon Book Plaza, Thazay Market, Lanmadaw Township.

MPP Ye Myint and Han Kyaw Moe have brought their own perspectives on the life of General Aung San to the show. One of the paintings by MPP Ye Myint brings the general to life with rough brushstrokes and an excerpt from one of his fiery speeches.

Portraits drawn with a CD pen on pin-ni cloth woven from fawn-colored cotton reflects the political dignity of the general and the trust and love he engendered among ethnic minorities.

"Pin-ni is a Myanmar tradition. His portrait matches perfectly with pin-ni cloth. I don't mind that it isn’t durable. The essence is about artistic freedom," said MPP Ye Myint.

Han Kyaw Moe focuses on Gen. Aung San’s family life with his daughter Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s serving state counselor and de facto leader. His paintings represent the pair’s efforts and sacrifices in the name of peace.

Gen. Aung San was a critic of the journal and periodical illustrations of his time, a patron instead of military paintings at a time when Myanmar was under colonial rule.

According to the records of author Tekkatho Ne Win, who served as an aide to Aung San, the general was fond of the painting "Shwe Taung Battle" by U Ngwe Kaing.

More than 50 paintings will be on display at Mingalarpar 104, with prices ranging from 200,000 kyats to 2 million kyats.

This is MPP Ye Myint’s and Han Kyaw Moe’s second joint exhibit. They also showed together four years ago to mark the centenary of the general’s birthday.

The gallery will serve visitors free boiled peas and Indian flat bread, and the first 100 will get postcards featuring paintings created by Gen. Aung San when he was young. Books about the general will also be on sale.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Duo Marks 104th Birthday of Gen. Aung San With Art Show appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
Posted by at No comments:

Monday, February 11, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Hundreds More Flee Fighting in Northern Rakhine Over Weekend

Posted: 11 Feb 2019 07:02 AM PST

YANGON — Fighting between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar military’s Light Infantry Division 22 drove more than 500 residents of Saung Du Village, in northern Rakhine State's Kyauktaw Township, out of their homes over the weekend.

Village official U Kyaw Thaung said fighting erupted in a densely forested area 1 mile from Saung Du on Saturday. Though the mortar shells and bullets did not hit the village itself, he said, they could be heard from the homes, convincing more than half the population to flee to neighboring Ponnagyun Township for safety.

The village official declined further comments because he was busy accompanying soldiers and police on an inspection of the village to find out exactly who had left.

On Sunday the AA also announced that it recently clashed with a column of 200 soldiers in Kyauktaw Township near Taung Minkalar Village and that one of its fighters was killed. It said some Myanmar military soldiers were also killed but did not specify how many.

In the same statement, the AA said it had killed 16 soldiers in a series of clashes in Shin Ma Dein Village, in Chin State's Paletwa Township, on Feb. 4.

The Irrawaddy could not independently verify the claims.

A Saung Du Village resident currently sheltering with 283 others at the Yoe Ta Yoke monastery in Ponnagyun told The Irrawaddy on Monday that most of the displaced villagers want to return home rather than rely on aid donations. But he said they heard that the military detained a 43-year-old farmer who had stayed behind while he was mending a fence and that they were worried the same could happen to them if they went back.

He said about 100 soldiers entered Saung Du after the fighting to search for collaborators, but most of the villagers had fled by then.

"Only the elderly and some men remained in the village to watch their homes. Maybe between 150 and 200 residents stayed in the village to look after their homes," he said, speaking on condition of anonymity out of fear for his safety.

The man said about 300 of those who left were at the monastery while the rest went to stay with their relatives in Kyauktaw or Ponnagyun.

Ko Zaw Zaw Tun, an aid worker with the Rakhine Ethnic Congress who visited the monastery, said the new arrivals told him that the village had been thrown into chaos by the fighting nearby and that residents scattered in many directions.

He said the weeks of fighting have now displaced some 7,000 people and that of those sheltering at the Yoe Ta Yoke monastery 32 were children under 5 years old.

Ko Zaw Zaw Tun said the villagers had a legitimate fear of arrest, noting that 38 ethnic Arakanese were already being held in jail in the state capital, Sittwe, accused of having ties to the AA. He said they were from Sittwe and the townships of Kyauktaw, Rathedaung, Buthidaung, Kyauktaw and Ponnagyun.

The post Hundreds More Flee Fighting in Northern Rakhine Over Weekend appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Namtu River Villagers Urge Foreign Firms to Cancel Participation in Dams

Posted: 11 Feb 2019 05:59 AM PST

Local residents along the Namtu (or Myitnge) River in northern Shan State are urging all foreign companies involved in dam projects on the river to follow the decision of Engie, the French company that pulled out of the Upper Yeywa Dam project.

Nang Lao Kham, a resident of Ta Long village, which would be directly affected if the Upper Yeywa Dam is built, said in a Feb. 11 statement from Action for Shan State Rivers that the Engie company's withdrawal is "a great victory" for the local residents, who fear being submerged if the dam is built.

On the Namtu River, since the early 2010s the government has planned four dams with combined capacity of 1,200 megawatts: the Deedok dam in Kyaukse Township in Mandalay Region, and the Middle Yeywa Dam, the Upper Yeywa Dam and the Namtu Dam in northern Shan State's Nawngkhio, Kyaukmae and Namtu townships, respectively.

According to local residents, public consultations for the Middle Yeywa Dam, site clearing for the Upper Yeywa Dam and road building for the Namtu Dam started last year.

The locals called for the withdrawal of the foreign companies' investment in the dam projects in October. The villagers from the areas delivered a written appeal on Dec. 5 to several foreign embassies in Yangon—including those of China, Japan, Germany, Switzerland, and Norway—asking them to stop involvement in all four planned dams on the Namtu River.

Engie was included in the Burma Campaign U.K.'s "Dirty List" of companies linked to human rights violations in Myanmar in December  but, according to BCUK, the company asked to have their name removed from the list due to concerns of reputation risk, and said their subsidiary—the Germany company Lahmeyer—was no longer involved in the Upper Yeywa Dam project.

Sai Thum Ai, a spokesman for Action for Shan State Rivers, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that they hoped the government will listen to the concerns of local residents, who also sent a letter to President U Win Myint calling for a halt to the dam project.

"We would like the president to listen to the people's voices. And the politicians also should do outreach to the communities and wards. We want genuine peace, not total investment, as the residents of these areas would have to relocate and could become displaced," he said.

He said the villagers had already said no to building dams, but "they told us that the compensation and relocations would not be less than Paung Laung dam projects [some 40 km east of Pyinmana Township near Naypyitaw]," he said, referring to a completed dam which joined the national grid in late 2015.

“At that time the villagers near Paung Laung were given 1 million kyats for an acre of land, but look at their lives now,” the spokesman said, adding, "The residents understand and have observed those situations and we are not that naive."

State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said in Keng Tung during her trip to eastern Shan Sate last week that if local people want the electricity from the hydropower project, she would make it happen.

"With regards to the hydropower, we have to consider it from every side: the technical need, finance, the public desire and the environmental impact. If the public desire is there, we will make it happen using our natural [water] resources," she told Keng Tung residents on Dec. 6.

However, there have been attempts to build more dams on the Namtu/Myitnge River amid locals’ objections. Local communities in Hsipaw, northern Shan State, object to a plan to construct a dam near Hsipaw on the river by a local company known as Unienergy Company Limited, and have urge the company and the authorities to stop the project.

Unienergy has been visiting the area around the Nam Ma and Nam Paung tributaries, which flow into the Namtu River, in Hsipaw and conducted public consultations in Hsaileng village tract in Hsipaw in 2017, and in Jan. 27 and Feb. 2 of this year, said Sai Sar Lu, a resident spokesman for the village tract.

"The company has not shared any information with us yet on how big the dam would be, but we do not think the dam project would be good for us; we are concerned about the negative impacts," said Sai Sar Lu.

He feared that if the dam were built, not only the three villages near the construction area, but a total of 21 villages with farms and orange plantations would become submerged.

The post Namtu River Villagers Urge Foreign Firms to Cancel Participation in Dams appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Fortunate Failure of ‘Voluntary Repatriation’ For Rohingya Refugees

Posted: 11 Feb 2019 01:23 AM PST

In 2017 and 2018, between 600,000 and 800,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar following attacks and clearance operations targeting their villages and coordinated by the Myanmar military. The result is the world's largest refugee camp, Kutupalong, situated in a low-lying corner of Cox's Bazar District in Bangladesh. The camp is there because the Bangladesh government saw it as a humanitarian way to deal with the refugee influx and preferable to a military operation. The international community, led by the UNHCR, was invited to receive the refugees and coordinate the establishment of a large camp in the low-lying district.

The initial success of this operation is not in doubt. The Bangladesh government, UNHCR and international partners successfully housed hundreds of thousands — perhaps as many as 1 million — refugees in a manner that recognized their needs for protection in a situation that could otherwise lead to a war involving Myanmar, Bangladesh, and other countries. Mobilizing the international donor community and establishing such refugee camps quickly is indeed what the UNHCR and the international refugee regime is good at, and it is why they are such a positive force in the world for blunting the consequences of acute conflict. In recent decades the UNHCR has done this in the former Yugoslavia, Africa, Latin America, and Asia.

But the next step is a bigger problem. What do you do after the refugees arrive and settle into "temporary" refugee camp life? Traditionally the UNHCR has said that there are three "durable solutions" to a refugee crisis like this. They are voluntary repatriation, local resettlement with the permission of the host government, and third-country resettlement with the permission of another country. Governments inevitably say "not me" to the second and third options, which means it falls on the refugees to "voluntarily" go home and on the sending country to receive them irrespective of local conditions. This was the solution proposed by the UNHCR in the months following the Rohingya flight — and as a result, negotiations immediately opened between Bangladesh, Myanmar, the UNHCR and the largely Western donors. Left out of the equation, as usual, were the refugees themselves, who, when asked, consistently indicated that the "solution" would involve not just return to Myanmar but also second and third country resettlement.

Fortunately, in the case of the Rohingya, UNHCR programs to return them to Rakhine State were unsuccessful. Despite much publicity, persuasion, and even threats to cut rations, the Rohingya stayed put in the temporary refugee camps in Cox's Bazar. In the meantime, Rakhine itself was pushed into yet another round of military action, this time between the Arakan Army, which is seeking independence, and the Myanmar military. The Rohingya refugees are now watching the new strife from Cox's Bazar, rather than contemplating fleeing back to Bangladesh from the refugee resettlement camps the UNHCR tried to establish for them in Rakhine. In other words, the failure of the UNHCR’s policy means that yet another complication has been avoided.  Paradoxically, the failure of the official "voluntary repatriation" programs should perhaps be counted as an unintended success by the international refugee relief regime. Yet again, the spread of conflict was prevented by the presence of safe-haven refugee camps, albeit inadvertently.

Which brings me to the de facto "fourth solution" to refugee crises, which the UNHCR and international community routinely avoid citing. This solution is to permit "temporary" camps become permanent homes for refugees. This de facto solution has been used repeatedly around the world. The best known example is the Gaza Strip in Palestine, which is really just a 70-year-old refugee camp, as are Palestinian settlements in Lebanon, the West Bank and elsewhere. In Africa, Kenya is home to refugee camps for Somali and South Sudanese, and in Tanzania there are decades-old camps for Congolese, Rwandans and Burundians.

The creeping permanence of such camps are of course not in the interests of anyone — not refugees, home countries, second countries or third countries. But time after time they emerge, often with similar consequences. In such contexts, grievance festers and radicalization occurs.  High birth rates lead refugee camp populations to double within 15 to 20 years, as they did — and continue to do — for some Palestinian populations. Grievance, despair, rapid growth and radicalization are a predictable consequence of letting refugee camp situations fester.

And this is independent of the problems created by premature repatriation plans implemented by the UNHCR and Western donors in recent decades. The most brutal repatriation was the forced expulsion of 2 million Rwandan refugees by Zaire, Tanzania and Uganda in 1996 at the behest of international donors from the West. The result? The immediate deaths of 300,000 to 400,000 refugees in the Congolese forests fleeing westward, and wars triggered in central Africa that killed 4-6 million people by 2004 and continue today. In other words, the world community would have been better served if the camps in Tanzania and Zaire had been left in place and policies leading to multiple peaceful solutions tried. But they weren't, and as a result the financial and humanitarian costs of a poorly managed refugee situation continue to be paid with bills for war, violence and refugees.

The odd thing is that there are indeed good examples of the resolution to refugee crises involving multiple solutions, undertaken more or less voluntarily by refugees. The European refugee crisis that began after World War II was resolved by the late 1950s or so. Crises in Southeast Asia that began after the fall of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia in 1975 were by and large resolved by 1995. In both cases, refugees returned to their home countries, resettled in countries of first asylum legally and illegally, or were resettled in third countries. Bangladesh itself was of course born in the context of massive refugee movement, the first in 1947-1948 with the partition of British India, and the second in 1971-1972 with the Bangladeshi Revolution. These refugee movements were not resolved in any one fashion. They were resolved in the longer run by local countries and international donors with local resettlement, second and third country resettlement, and of course sometimes, tragically, with violent death. What each crisis has in common is that there are no longer refugee camps and the survivors and their descendants have integrated into the places where they landed.

What this means is that the Rohingya refugees in Cox's Bazar are probably right. The future for many, if not most, of them is not in Rakhine State. Rather, it is in the burgeoning cities of South and Southeast Asia, and for some in the West. Certainly some may well make their way back to Rakhine or, just as likely, cities like Yangon and Mandalay where there are growing industrial sectors, a solution that will please donors who are aware that, after all, it was Myanmar’s policies on residency and citizenship that led to the crisis in the first place.

But it is also foolish to presume that the best solution is a return to the pre-expulsion status quo. This is neither practical nor desirable. A successful resolution of the Cox's Bazar refugee crisis will involve statesmanship and generosity on the part of many countries both in the region and further afield. This is the only real "durable solution" available. Failure to pursue such durable solutions carries with it the risk of further radicalization of the Rohingya refugee population, instability, and future war.

Tony Waters is director of the Institute for Religion, Culture, and Peace at Payap University, Chiang Mai, Thailand, and a member of the faculty of the PhD program in peace building. He is the author of books and articles about refugees around the world, including Bureaucratizing the Good Samaritan.

The post The Fortunate Failure of ‘Voluntary Repatriation’ For Rohingya Refugees appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

18 Missing after Port Authority Vessel Capsizes off Rakhine Coast

Posted: 11 Feb 2019 01:11 AM PST

SITTWE—At least 18 people are feared dead after a Myanmar Port Authority vessel capsized early Monday morning near Manaung Township in Rakhine State, according to the state Fire Services Department.

The department said it dispatched a 10-member team to conduct a search-and-rescue operation.

The vessel, "Bull Elephant", was transporting 25 people to Let Pet Taw Island in Manaung Township to repair a lighthouse, Fire Services Department head U Thaw Dar told The Irrawaddy. According to another official from the department, seven people had been found alive but no other details were yet available.

It was not immediately clear if the workers were Myanmar Port Authority employees.

"We still don't know why it capsized. A search-and-rescue operation is under way," he said.

According to Rakhine State lawmaker U Bo Nwe, township residents said the vessel capsized after hitting submerged rocks.

"I was at the jetty heading for Sittwe this morning and I heard people say that the vessel capsized after hitting rocks some 4 miles from shore," the lawmaker told The Irrawaddy.

Manaung Township administrator U Myint Hlaing said the only information he had was that there were 25 persons on board the vessel.

The post 18 Missing after Port Authority Vessel Capsizes off Rakhine Coast appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Mall or Park? In Crowded Bangkok, ‘Last’ Open Space Stirs Debate

Posted: 10 Feb 2019 08:49 PM PST

BANGKOK — The fate of a large green space in the middle of one of the world’s most built-up cities is pitting communities and conservationists against developers and cash-strapped authorities in a battle that is increasingly common in Asia.

The Makkasan area in central Bangkok, measuring about 80 hectares — or roughly 80 rugby fields -— houses a train station, a workshop, warehouses and some homes in a green expanse that stands in contrast to the sleek high-rise buildings all around.

Debates around the Makkasan land — owned by the State Railway of Thailand (SRT) — have raged for years as it is the final remaining open space in a city with too few parks.

“It is the last big space we have in Bangkok, and our last opportunity to create a big green space for the people. We must not waste it,” said Pongkwan Lassus, an architect and designer.

“Besides the space, many of the buildings have historic and architectural value. We must conserve this heritage for future generations, not knock it all down for malls,” she said.

Across booming Asian cities, open spaces and older buildings are making way for expressways and modern office and apartment towers that critics say rob them of their character, widen inequalities and magnify the harmful effects of urban sprawl.

Last year, a community of more than 300 people living next to an old fort in Bangkok were evicted and their traditional wooden buildings razed to make way for a public park that critics say is meant only to impress tourists.

Authorities are also clearing vendors and food stalls from the pavements, and removing shops and shanties along the Chao Phraya river in a bid to modernize Bangkok.

Civic groups say the evictions and redevelopment plans mostly target poor communities who have no formal rights over the land or spaces they occupy in the congested city.

Authorities say they are removing encroachers to improve accessibility and liveability for residents.

That promise is being tested as a plan for Makkasan’s redevelopment is finalized.

“We have asked a consultant to study the best use of the land, and we will decide accordingly,” said Siriphong Preutthipan, a deputy governor of SRT.

“We are aware of the various demands for green space, a museum and commercial developments. We will consider all of them and see what makes best sense, the best use of the land,” he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Traffic snarls

With some 20 million visitors last year, Bangkok was named the world’s most visited city, beating favorites including London, Paris and New York, according to the Mastercard Index.

Yet the Thai capital was ranked a lowly 132 of 231 on a survey of liveable cities, which measures factors such as public transportation, natural environment and air pollution.

Bangkok has another unhappy distinction — among the lowest ratios of green space: just 3.3 square meters per person compared to New York City’s 23.1 square meters and Singapore’s 66, the Siemens-sponsored Green City Index showed.

Everywhere, space is at a premium. While Singapore is clearing cemeteries for highways and apartments, planners in other Asian cities are converting “dead spaces” underneath bridges and flyovers into walkways and bike trails.

The Makkasan land provides a unique opportunity, said Yossapon Boonsom at Bangkok landscape architecture firm Shma.

“It is prime area in the middle of the city, so it has high economic value. But we have to decide: Do we need yet another mall — or a park?” he said.

“We get so few chances to develop a large space like this in the center of the city. It is a chance for us to imagine and plan a better outcome: Can we combine the need for greenery and open spaces with the need to monetize the land?”

A 2005 plan had proposed twin 99-storey towers for offices and apartments, along with malls and conference facilities. There was even talk of locating Thailand’s first casino there.

But the plan was shelved due to concerns about increased congestion in a city already notorious for traffic snarls.

In 2015, the military government asked SRT to lease the Makkasan land to the Finance Ministry to clear some of its debt, as part of a plan to get better returns from state land.

At the time, the Finance Ministry said two-thirds of the land would be used for roads and commercial developments, with the remainder reserved for a rail museum and a green zone.

But a year later, SRT said it would redevelop Makkasan by itself. A plan will be finalized this year, said Siriphong.

Train cemetery

It is an unusual conundrum for SRT, said Ruth Banomyong, head of the logistics and transport department at Thammasat University in Bangkok.

“Public agencies, especially land-owning agencies, are something of an oxymoron: they do not always consider the public need for sustainable and responsible development versus the need for monetization,” he said.

The Makkasan land was gifted to the railway authority by revered King Chulalongkorn more than 100 years ago. The country’s first railway line was inaugurated during his reign.

Today, Makkasan station connects to the airport rail line and is one of the stops on the proposed high-speed railway that will link three major airports in one of the country’s biggest infrastructure projects.

At the large workshop, a few hundred people build, paint and repair coaches. The facility might be relocated when the land is redeveloped, said Siriphong.

Much of the rest of the land is largely abandoned, except for several rusting wagons, which have earned the area the nickname “train cemetery.”

A group of Bangkok residents had launched a social media campaign called the Makkasan Hope project to push for a park, a rail museum and the preservation of many of the old buildings.

If developed as a park, it would be Bangkok’s biggest.

“The land was intended for public purpose and public good; we cannot subvert that and make it all for commercial gain, especially when we have no open spaces left,” said Pongkwan.

“This could be Bangkok’s own Central Park. What can be a better use of the land?”

The post Mall or Park? In Crowded Bangkok, ‘Last’ Open Space Stirs Debate appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thai Election Commission to Rule on Princess Running For PM After King’s Rebuke

Posted: 10 Feb 2019 08:11 PM PST

BANGKOK — Thailand’s Election Commission will consider on Monday the surprise nomination of a Thai princess as a prime ministerial candidate for March elections after her brother, King Maha Vajiralongkorn, called it “inappropriate” and unconstitutional.

The commission will also consider a complaint seeking to ban the populist party that stunned the nation by nominating Princess Ubolratana Rajakanya Sirivadhana Barnavadi, 67, for the role.

The election on March 24 is the first since a military coup in 2014.

Thailand has been a constitutional monarchy since 1932, but the royal family wields great influence and commands the devotion of millions.

Ubolratana’s nomination last week was a shocking move by the Thai Raksa Chart party, made up of supporters of ousted ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra, and broke with a longstanding tradition of members of the royal family staying above politics.

She gave up her royal titles after marrying an American and she has starred in soap operas and an action movie.

But in a statement read out on all television stations within hours of her candidacy, King Vajiralongkorn said it was “inappropriate” for members of the royal family to enter politics.

The Election Commission has until Friday to rule on the princess’s candidacy. Its members are unlikely to disregard the wishes of the king, who while a constitutional monarch, is considered semi-divine in Thai society.

On Sunday, an activist said he would file a petition to disqualify the Thai Raksa Chart party.

“The royal announcement made it clear that the party violated electoral law,” Srisuwan Janya, secretary-general of the Association for the Protection of the Constitution, told Reuters.

Thai Raksa Chart’s Executive Chairman Chaturon Chaisaeng declined to comment on Sunday on the request to disband the party. In a statement, the party said it “will move forward into the election arena to solve problems for the country.”

Electoral law forbids parties from using the monarchy in campaigns.

Thai Raksa Chart is one of several pro-Thaksin parties contesting the election.

The junta leader, Prayuth Chan-ocha, is also contesting the race for prime minister as the candidate of a pro-military party. Prayuth was the Thai army chief in 2014 and led the coup that ousted a government led by Thaksin’s sister.

Parties loyal to former telecommunications tycoon Thaksin have defeated pro-establishment parties to win every election since 2001, but since 2006 each of their governments have been removed by court rulings or coups.

The gambit to nominate a member of the royal family could backfire on Thai Raksa Chart, said Titipol Phakdeewanich, dean of the faculty of political science at Ubon Ratchathani University.

“Things are now more unpredictable," Titipol told Reuters.

If the party is dissolved, it could give more seats to anti-Thaksin affiliated parties, he said, although there are other parties loyal to the ex-premier contesting the election.

Thaksin, himself ousted in a coup in 2006, lives in self-imposed exile after being convicted by a Thai court of corruption in absentia.

The post Thai Election Commission to Rule on Princess Running For PM After King’s Rebuke appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
Posted by at No comments:

Saturday, February 9, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

This Week in Parliament

Posted: 08 Feb 2019 08:30 PM PST

In the Lower House, military representative Major Zin Lin questioned the practicality of proposals approved by the national legislature, saying there was no way to measure their contributions to government projects because the government lacked a five-year plan for the term of the current administration.

Tuesday (Feb. 5)

The Union Parliament debated a proposal to form a joint committee to work on amending the military-drafted Constitution. None of the military-appointed lawmakers in Parliament — all of whom boycotted last week's vote to schedule the debate — took part in the discussion.

Wednesday (Feb. 6)

Nearly 67 percent of Union Parliament lawmakers voted in favor of forming a committee to draft amendments to the Constitution.

Lawmaker U Myo Win of the ruling National League for Democracy called for transparency and accountability for public expenditures, saying the government should be careful with its spending if it is to fund itself with taxes from members of the public.

According to statistics from the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration, only 36,000 of more than 80,000 registered companies are paying tax, and there are only 600,000 private tax payers among a national population of 52 million.

Thursday (Feb. 7)

NLD lawmaker Daw Thet Thet Khaing called for the abolition of the so-called "other accounts" held by government ministries and agencies while raising questions about the government's efforts to improve transparency in the reporting of revenue by government departments involved in extractive industries.

Friday (Feb.8)

The Upper House approved a proposal from lawmaker U Soe Moe urging the Supreme Court to require judges to take an oath during trials that they will administer justice fairly. He said it would improve the credibility of Myanmar's judicial system.

The post This Week in Parliament appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Will Sound and Fury Over Constitution Reform Committee Signify Something?

Posted: 08 Feb 2019 07:42 PM PST

Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! I would call the topic we are going to discuss this week “constitutional amendments and the five Ws.” After the National League for Democracy (NLD) took steps to amend the Constitution, there are questions: why the NLD took steps at this point in time to amend the Constitution; who would support and who would oppose the constitutional amendments; what main provisions will be amended; the time frame for amending the Constitution; and how the Constitution can be amended. Ko Mya Aye, a member of the political leading committee of the federal democratic force, and political analyst Dr. Yan Myo Thein join me to discuss this. I am Kyaw Zwa Moe.

Ko Mya Aye, as I've said, it is interesting to see what can be called in journalism terms the five Ws and one H of the NLD's move. People are asking why the NLD has taken steps only now to amend the Constitution and did nothing over the past three years in Parliament. There are just two years until the next elections. Can you explain briefly your views on its motives? I’ve also obtained some information.

Mya Aye: People are speculating different things, and I have my own assessment. My view is simple. I'd like to look at the principles of politics. It (the NLD) could not amend it over the past three years and it is just now making attempts to amend it. Some people accuse it of targeting the next elections. I don't see it like that. Amending the Constitution is one of the points raised by the NLD during its (2015) election campaign. My view is that the NLD has started trying to amend the Constitution in order to fulfill a promise it made to the people. Presumably, the NLD party or the government believes it is time to amend it now. On the other hand, as everyone knows, the 21st Century Panglong Conference is making little progress while the peace process and constitutional amendments are intertwined. I think (the NLD is taking steps to amend the Constitution) to facilitate the peace process.

Kyaw Zwa Moe: I heard— this is privileged information that can be confirmed by only the two of them, and I don't know if it is true or not — that after the NLD won the election in 2015, former Snr. Gen. Than Shwe and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi verbally agreed not to amend the Constitution immediately. Nobody can officially confirm it. Only the two of them know if it is true or not. The military raised objections when the proposal (to form a committee to draft constitutional amendments) was submitted. During the debate in Parliament, lawmakers from the USDP (Union Solidarity and Development Party) also strongly opposed it. So who supports it and who opposes it?

Yan Myo Thein: Amending the Constitution, no matter when it is done, is necessary for Myanmar politics. There is no point in arguing if it is too soon or too late. It is important that the amendments are approached strategically. I mean, the NLD proposed forming a joint committee to amend the Constitution. The proposal met opposition in Parliament. But all the people who opposed the proposal said they agree on amending the Constitution. The difference is the extent or degree of the amendments they want to see. Military representatives support amending the Constitution, and so do the USDP lawmakers. But they differ on the extent of the amendments they want to make. My view is that provisions in the Union Accord signed by the president, state counselor, commander-in-chief, deputy commander-in-chief and parliamentary speakers at the 21st Century Panglong Conference must be met and implemented in any way. Otherwise, public trust will decline.

KZM: Military representatives spoke in Parliament against changes to the Constitution  that they haven’t seen yet. In 2014, the NLD proposed 168 amendments…. I think the upcoming constitutional changes will be based on those 168 proposed amendments. Overall, three provisions are the most important. The first is to reduce the role of the Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) in politics and to reduce the privileges it enjoys. The second is to reduce the authority of the president. In my view it is intended to grant greater autonomy for chief ministers of regions and states. These two are the main points. They are advisable according to democratic norms. But reducing the role of the Tatmadaw is quite problematic — 25 percent of the seats in Parliament are reserved (for lawmakers appointed by the military) and the Tatmadaw has a political leadership role. The NLD proposed amending those provisions. How serious will the confrontation be? And can the committee deliver good results?

MA: The Tatmadaw and USDP oppose the formation of the committee, saying that it does not comply with the procedures. They don't say they oppose changing the Constitution. But then, we can't hold expectations. When it comes to politics, reality and wishes are two different things. The reality is we have reasons to be concerned that the country will be thrown back into chaos when there is growing friction.  But we must step up to the plate. In principle, we can't make concessions. No way. My view is that it is important that our country has a 100 percent civilian government. There is a convergence in the NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement) and Union Accord, which mention a Union based on democracy and federalism. I think this is the most basic point in amending the Constitution. It was agreed and signed by the commander-in-chief, NLD, ethnic political parties and ethnic armed groups. It is enshrined in both the NCA and the Union Accord. There is a need to amend the Constitution in line with that. If this yardstick is to be applied, all we need is the Tatmadaw's approval of discussion on these provisions.

KZM: Article 8 of Chapter 1 of the Constitution says the Union is constituted by the Union system. But as you two said, what was agreed at the Panglong Peace Conference by all, including the Tatmadaw, was a Union based on democracy and federalism. So, as they have already agreed on it, can related provisions be amended?

YMT: Yes, it should be possible to amend them. Section 7 says the Union practices a genuine, disciplined, multi-party democracy system. But in the Union Accord, "genuine" and "disciplined" are not included. The Union Accord is a pact agreed and signed by the leaders of the government, Parliament, Tatmadaw, ethnic political parties and ethnic armed groups. So what we are waiting to see is whether the constitutional amendments due to take place in Parliament can make changes in line with the Union Accord. Who will deter those changes? And how can we overcome the deterrence? We need to think about it.

KZM: So it is likely that the NLD leaders will change the Constitution with reference to the Union Accord. The Constitution mentions genuine, disciplined, multi-party democracy. In its proposed amendments, the NLD says it need not modify democracy. But in the view of some authoritarians and conservative leaders around the world, democracy is anarchy. So (the military) put "disciplined" before democracy.

YMT: In the Union Accord, it is simple. It just says multi-party democracy, with no adjective before it.

KZM: With the word disciplined, it seems that democracy itself is not disciplined. There was opposition when the proposal to form the committee was submitted. Ko Mya Aye, how can the NLD convince the opposition?

MA: It is no longer the time to sing lullabies. The Tatmadaw said that it wishes to change the Constitution. And so did the USDP. The key is the phrase "the Union based on democracy and federalism." This is the terminology for the interim period before we reach federal status. There is a need to amend the Constitution in line with that phrase.

KZM: What should be done if the lullabies can't be sung?

MA: Politicians should seek the public’s opinion. The Constitution is eight years old now, and it doesn't serve the country but causes delays in the peace process. Suffice it to say that it is not good in all aspects. In my view, people should express peacefully, within the legal framework, their desire to change the Constitution, whether or not (the military) accepts it. It would be best for the country if the commander-in-chief and the people's leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, negotiate around a table.

KZM: For the time being it remains a dream. Ko Yan Myo Thein, as it has been agreed in the Union Accord, it (Article 8) can be changed in the Constitution to a Union based on democracy and federalism. But the most important thing, I think, is the role of the military. For example, 25 percent of the lawmakers in Parliament are military representatives nominated by the commander-in-chief. Perhaps the NLD is pragmatic. It doesn't say such provisions must be changed immediately. Instead, it says they shall be amended gradually through negotiation focused on harmony. So it seems that a space is reserved for the Tatmadaw and Tatmadaw leaders, doesn’t it?

YMT: The most important thing to do to tackle the constitutional crisis is to have dialogue between the decision makers — the civilian leaders and the military leaders. Another thing is that the Tatmadaw said it would leave Parliament some day, but we don’t know when. We don't know how long it will take. Taking a look at the closest example, there were military representatives in the Indonesian Parliament. But they have a roadmap for what percent to reduce their representation by in certain years. Due to the lack of such a roadmap, we don't know how long we have to walk to get to the end of the tunnel.

MA: I think the NLD government must have discussed it, as it is now three years since it took office. They (the military) oppose the formation of a committee on constitutional amendments. We don't want the country to suffer. It is wasting time to get back into the argument, and the people will suffer. So there should be negotiations. When we talk about constitutional change, one group thinks it is about purging the 25-percent block of military representatives, and the other group, the military, thinks the same. But it is not the case.

KZM: To be frank and pragmatic, it is also not impossible.

MA: Given the situation, we have to go step by step. Rather than asking them to leave gradually, what I would like to focus on is the emergence of a new Constitution that guarantees a Union based on democracy and federalism. The Tatmadaw says it would leave Parliament only after peace is achieved. Its meaning is broad. It calls for agreement between the Tatmadaw, Parliament, government, ethnic leaders. As there is little progress implementing the Union Accord, it is time lawmakers, including the Tatmadaw’s, try to collaborate to change the Constitution in order to facilitate the 21st Century Panglong.

KZM: It is now 2019, and the NLD has more than 20 months until the next elections in 2020 to amend the Constitution. When do you think it intends to end the process whether amendments are made or not? Do you think it has a time frame in mind to realize as many of the 168 proposed amendments as it can through the committee? The current government has a roadmap for peace that calls for amending the Constitution and holding elections based on those amendments before transferring power to the next government.

YMT: The first Parliament [under U Thein Sein] dissolved in 2015, the year of the election. So I think the (amendment) process is intended to end in early 2020. We want to change many things, but according to Article 436 (a) and (b), no amendment can be made without the approval of more than 75 percent of lawmakers. This means the Constitution can't be changed without the consent of military representatives. But I expect that there will be potential for constitutional amendments that allow local people to elect their own chief ministers. There are many impossibilities and uncertainties, but I hope it is possible. Presumably the Tatmadaw has given it the green light. Ethnic lawmakers and ethic political parties also want it. So I think it is possible. I don't deny that there should be more significant amendments than that.

KZM: It is one of the NLD’s proposed amendments. It is about reducing the authority of the president and granting greater autonomy to regional chief ministers and parliaments. Regarding Article 436, the NLD in 2014 proposed that it should be amended by two-thirds of elected lawmakers or more than 50 percent of all Union lawmakers, in which case military representatives would also be included. So that proposed amendment is interesting to see. The most interesting proposed amendment to me is to replace the existing state flag. Perhaps you two have read it. The proposed amendment says it is unacceptable that the state flag is completely different from the previous one that boosted the morale of the people during the independence struggle and that people cherished greatly. So they have even thought about this. They have thought about subtle details. But we don't know to what extent the Constitution can be changed. Ko Mya Aye, what is your view on constitutional amendments?

MA: The Tatmadaw said it agrees to amend the Constitution, and the NLD has now submitted the proposal to form the committee, and [the Tatmadaw and USDP] oppose forming the committee. I wish everyone would cooperate to amend the Constitution. I don't want to see a blame game being played in amending the Constitution. The country will suffer if a blame game is played. I would like to urge the leaders of the Tatmadaw, government, NLD and ethnic groups to seriously consider this.

KZM: Everyone agrees the Constitution should be amended. But the USDP’s and Tatmadaw representatives' objection to forming the committee amounts to indirect opposition to constitutional amendments. Ko Yan Myo Thein, how do you think this can be overcome?

YMT: It should be overcome through dialogue. There is a need to hold a national referendum again on the 2008 Constitution.

KZM: It will cost a lot of money.

YMT: It is because 92.48 percent (the official “yes” vote in a referendum on the Constitution in 2008) is not genuine. No matter how much effort we make based on a fake foundation, the country can't be (a) genuine (democracy). So I think there is a need to conduct a nationwide referendum on the existing Constitution.

KZM: This is another issue. Thank you both for your contributions! We will wait and see how successful the constitutional amendment efforts are.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Will Sound and Fury Over Constitution Reform Committee Signify Something? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The NLD Is Following Its Roadmap on Charter Change

Posted: 08 Feb 2019 06:27 PM PST

Like many people around the world, there are those in Myanmar who honestly believe that democracy necessarily brings about civil rights, freedom of speech, equality, autonomy, religion, good governance and even property rights.

I disagree. Simply speaking, democracy is a political system in which the people elect the government. Under that basic definition, Myanmar has been a democracy since March 2016, when the National League for Democracy (NLD) managed to form a government after winning the general election in November 2015. But as news reports remind us on a daily basis, here in our country obstacles remain in terms of achieving civil rights, equality, press freedom, autonomy and many other political goals.

The fact is, democracy gives people the right to vote for the party of their choosing; it doesn't guarantee rights or any of the underpinnings of a liberal society mentioned above. Only constitutional liberalism can deliver those rights as well as the rule of law to citizens. In the United States, constitutional liberalism protects civil rights and liberties, even under an elected illiberal leader like President Donald Trump. In other words, democracy alone isn't enough.

We need a constitution that can protect those rights and liberties for the people.

Myanmar's current Constitution is not really designed for the people; rather, it serves the interests of the military leadership. It's the Constitution itself that keeps the country from moving forward. Only constitutional reform will bring about a radical departure from Myanmar's military-dominated system. The charter must be fundamentally transformed.

Last week, the NLD initiated in Parliament the process of forming a joint committee to discuss amending the Constitution. Predictably, the customary objections were raised and heated objections lodged by the military and lawmakers from its proxy, the Union Solidarity and Development Party. Nonetheless, the proposal to form the committee was approved by Parliament, in which the NLD and ethnic lawmakers hold a majority.

This is a battle, is it not? A constitutional battle!

It's a fight between the ruling NLD and the country's powerful military—and the majority of Myanmar people, including members of the ethnic communities, are on the side of the NLD.

In reaction to the NLD's move, some critics have asked, "Why now? Why didn't the party start this right after it took office in 2016?"

Actually, the NLD is acting according to an established plan. That plan was the basis of my analysis written in October 2016. The following paragraphs of that article help to explain the NLD's policy in regard to amending the Constitution:

When the incumbent government led by the State Counselor announced its policy for national reconciliation and Union-level peace in mid-October, it indicated a certain level of determination to suggest that this could be completed in accordance with a predetermined schedule. The policy was published in the government's newspapers after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi described them in her speech on the first anniversary of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement on Oct. 15.

The first two steps of the government's seven-point policy are to review and amend the political dialogue framework that was drafted by the previous government led by ex-general Thein Sein. The third and fourth steps are to continue convening the 21st Century Panglong Conference and to sign a Union peace agreement based on the 21st Century Panglong Conference.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her government never officially disclosed a timeframe for their political roadmap in establishing a democratic federal union, but she seems to have a specific deadline in mind. The fifth point clearly mentions amending the current Constitution in accordance with the Union agreement, while the sixth says to hold multi-party democratic elections in accordance with the amended Constitution.

These two points reveal her timeframe. The general elections mentioned in the government's policy must be a reference to the next election in 2020. Thus, before the 2020 election, the State Counselor must aim to execute the other points of the policy, including the Union-level agreement, and the amendment of the Constitution.

This clearly shows that the government's policies do not only aim to achieve peace but also to change national laws. In fact, such an attempt to amend the Constitution could be considered the bigger challenge, as the military—which enjoys the Constitutional privileges—will definitely resist any change to its current status. Yet one of the longtime goals of the National League for Democracy, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has been to create a Constitution that ensures "all the people of Burma can live together in tranquility and security." It was officially written as such in the NLD's 2015 election manifesto.

Thus, for their fifth point, the NLD introduced its proposal to form the committee last week. My analysis is based on two things—the first is an assumption that the NLD leadership has deliberately waited for this moment to kick the process off. The second is based on "privileged information" from a reliable source who told me that the top leader of the former military regime, U Than Shwe, asked Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at a meeting in December 2015—about one month after the NLD won a landslide victory in the general election—to wait for a couple of years before moving to amend the Constitution.

It's quite likely true, though only those two people would be able to confirm this information. If this agreement was in fact reached, it was likely in the form of a verbal exchange between the country's most powerful ex-military leader and its most popular elected leader. At that time, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would have known at what pace she and her victorious NLD could proceed. At least she was able to do so in the knowledge that she was not opposed by U Than Shwe, who is believed to retain his influence in the military.

Back then, U Than Shwe was quoted as saying on his favorite grandson's Facebook page: "After winning the election, it's the reality all have to accept—that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be the country's future leader." The grandson continued in his post that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi reportedly said, "For the success of establishing [a brighter] future of Burma, I want to talk to Snr-Gen. Than Shwe for all-inclusive collaboration, including with the Tatmadaw [the military]."

After their meeting on Dec. 4, 2015, according to his grandson's post, U Than Shwe pledged to support Suu Kyi "as best he can," so long as she truly works for the development of the country.

With these two points in mind, I think the NLD put the wheels in motion in late January in order to try and achieve its goal, as planned, before 2020. Whether the military will collaborate with the NLD or not remains an open question, as demonstrated by its objection to the party's move in Parliament. But the current military commander-in-chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and his appointees in Parliament said the military is not opposed in principle to amending the Constitution.

My main question is this: Might U Than Shwe be inclined to counsel the commander-in-chief to accommodate the NLD's constitutional reform to some extent? If he were to keep the promise of help that he made to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in 2015, the NLD's attempt to change the Constitution would be significantly more likely to yield fruit.

Certainly, the NLD will not try to amend every undemocratic article in the Constitution. Knowing that success depends on the military's support, the ruling party will have to leave some space for the military to play a role in politics, even as it implements its plan to amend the Constitution.

Stay tuned for my next column to find out more about which articles of the Constitution the NLD wants to amend.

The post The NLD Is Following Its Roadmap on Charter Change appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
Posted by at No comments:
Subscribe to: Posts (Atom)