Shan Herald Agency for News

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• How Real is Thein Sein's Reformation in Burma, and what it means to the Non-Burman Ethnic Nationalities
• Ceasefire and political settlement two sides of the same coin
• Weekly Diary, No.635 (8-20 July 2013)
• Ethnic meeting calls on Naypyitaw to improve on its planned ceasefire text

How Real is Thein Sein's Reformation in Burma, and what it means to the Non-Burman Ethnic Nationalities Posted: 23 Jul 2013 04:41 AM PDT Tuesday, 23 July 2013 16:17 Sao Noan Oo   There couldn't be a greater blow to all ethnic nationalities than when Britain offered to train the Burmese dictatorial army; and hearing the news that The British government has approved arms export licenses worth over US$5 million (£3.3 million) to Burma, even though it is considered a country of "serious human rights" concern and continues to be the subject of an EU arms embargo. By following and studying the behavior and mentality of members of the Burmese military/political Institution for many decades, can anyone blame me if I am skeptical of the promises made by any of these members? Bertil Lintner wrote in his article, "The Military's still in Charge": "It is too often forgotten that Thein Sein came to power through the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), the name for Burma's military regime. ---." His positions included General in the Burmese army, First Secretary of SPDC, and later Prime Minister (a position he held up until he became president). "At no stage in his career did Thein Sein display any political independence or initiative. He was a loyal soldier, hand-picked by then-SPDC chairman and prime minister, Than Shwe. Thein Sein always said and did what he was told". During the two years of Thein Sein's "civilian" government, no doubt, things are better, and have improved in big cities, but the opposite is true in the internal regions of the Shan and other ethnic states. Although there has been cease-fire agreement between the Thein Sein Government and many of the ethnic resistance armies, warring and committing crimes against the Kachins and Rohingya are still continuing. The Burmese soldiers are still attacking the Shan army bases, recently there were three clashes in a day. Villages are being set on fire, and a Shan Buddhist monastery was burnt down to convert it into an army base, making the monks homeless. Many villagers are also still fleeing from their own homes, while those who had fled to foreign countries during the past decades should be returning to their homelands, are still scared to return. The transition to civilian rule is supposed to be making steady progress, yet power still lies in the same hand, the military dictators. Burma is still ruled by dictators, with the full apparatus intact. In areas where non-Burman ethnic nationalities dominate wars seem to be non-stop, and large number of military battalions are advancing on ethnic areas, while the Thein Sein Government and the ethnic leaders are supposed to be discussing the peace process. One after the other, all the Shan, Karen, Karenni, Arakan, Kachin, Chin and Mon, without exception, each by turn had a full share of the evil of this war. The effect has been tragic: people are suffering and hurting. Countless have died, women and girls have been raped and children have become orphans and many have grown up without education. Their countries' resources and the environment have been vandalized and depleted. It is hard for the non- Burman ethnic nationalities to be optimistic as their dream of freedom from the control of the dictatorial army, regaining their ethnic rights, equality and genuine democracy seem to be further away. The dictatorial army, with the power of weapons is still shaping the politics of Burma. As the world's superpowers are experienced in dealing with many dictators and authoritarian governments, the Shan and other ethnic nationalities thought they could rely on them to do the right thing. On the contrary, they seem to be promoting dictatorship rather than democracy. The speed with which the international community moved to relax sanctions, and hastened to engage with the Thein Sein Government came as a shock to many ethnic nationalities and their advocates. There couldn't be a greater blow to all ethnic nationalities than when Britain offered to train the Burmese dictatorial army; also with the news that "The British government has approved arms export licenses worth over US$5 million (£3.3 million) to Burma, even though it is considered a country of "serious human rights" concern and continues to be the subject of an EU arms embargo." Ta Emi commented:" I think the present British Government is very shortsighted, and ignorant of what is really going on in Burma. The Burmese dictatorial army, who is noted for its heinous crimes against humanity is being encouraged and spurred on by the government to continue to remain as an army of the country, as if they were the heroes. In order to have a credible central army to defend and protect the whole Federal Union, the present army will have to be dissolved. A new Army will have to be formed by recruits from all ethnic nationalities of Burma". Paul Hubrich says: July 18, 2013 at 7:05 pm "I lived in Myanmar for a year and I can promise you that this is the worst idea one could have. The Myanmar military is not only in control of Thein Sein, it is a melting pot of rapists and criminals. For further question I want to suggest to read the conflict barometer of the Heidelberg Institute of Conflict Research where you get an overview over all the military activities in Myanmar during the last year. The systematic killing of Karen and Kachin is a crime against humanity and is supported by the British government. Congrats, well done guys" If the British really want to help Burma towards peace and progress, it should make it a priority to put pressure and advise Thein Sein to settle the fifty year old political crisis, instead of concentrating on what it can get out of Burma, and trying to be on the right side of the President, and rewarding and praising him for every superficial reform he makes. Peace will not come to Burma as a result short fixes, or even widespread economic development, but it can be resolved by the removal of the greatest obstacle, the powerful dictatorial army. When the dictatorial armed forces are withdrawn from all the ethnic states there will be instant peace. As in all democratic countries, the new military formed should be the real protector of the country and its people, not the enemy of the people nor be above the law. It should be accountable to the democratically elected Government. This could be followed by a dialogue between the Thein Sein Government and other stakeholders. The Federal System, which is the root cause of the fifty years old conflict, should be debated and discussed. It is the only thing that can iron out the dire political crisis in Burma. All Western Governments, especially Britain should encourage the adoption of the Federal System in Burma and not try to avoid and back away from the topic. The contributor is the daughter of the ruling prince of Lawksawk and the author of "My Vanished World".

Ceasefire and political settlement two sides of the same coin Posted: 23 Jul 2013 04:40 AM PDT Tuesday, 23 July 2013 15:23 Sai Wansai   By: Sai Wansai Tuesday, 23 July 2013 President Thein Sein during his recent, UK visit said that by the year's end there would be no prisoner's of conscience or political prisoner left for all will be released. At the same time, he said that a nation-wide ceasefire agreement will be signed between the government and all non-Burman ethnic armed groups, most possibly within a few weeks time. Sai Wansai While the release of all political prisoners could be easier to fulfil single-handedly by the government, the signing of a nation-wide ceasefire agreement, which would take at least two to happen, is somewhat problematic, for the ethnic armed groups, particularly the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), made up of eleven non-Burman ethnic armed groups, could not agree to the government's roadmap and framework, which is quite far apart from its own. On 13 July, the Technical Teams of Union Peace Working Committee (UPWC) headed by Hla Maung Shwe and UNFC led by Padoe Mahn Mahn met in Chiangmai, Thailand, to talk about how to go about with the reconciliation process. According to The Irrawaddy 15 July report, "Mahn Mahn also called on the government to agree to a concrete political framework and asked the government not to settle merely for ceasefire agreements nationwide. He said government peace representatives wanted to push first for achieving ceasefires nationwide before establishing a framework for discussion of political issues, a timeline at odds with the UNFC technical team's demand for simultaneous negotiating tracks." What Padoe Mahn Mahn said was that durable ceasefire agreement could only be sustainable, if the national political agenda is first agreed upon. In other words, the UNFC position is that political settlement framework has to be included, before agreeing to sign a nation-wide ceasefire earmarked to pull it through by Thein Sein government within a few weeks time. According to SHAN Editorial of 19 July, the Working Group for Ethnic Coordination (WGEC), formed by the armed groups in February 2012, which was made up of both UNFC and non-UNFC armed organizations - Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), as well as representatives from civil society organizations (youth, women and issue-based) – fell out in June this year, due to different principles and personalities. But despite their unwillingness to reconcile with each other, both, the UNFC and non-UNFC members have taken the same position (without consulting each other) against the government's proposal that a ceremony signing the 5 point nationwide ceasefire agreement be held in Naypyitaw. The 5 points, as stated by the President on 1 March 2012, which exclude the framework for political negotiations, are: To stop all hostilities To stay only in the agreed areas Not to hold any arms in places except from those agreed areas To open liaison offices in the mutually agreed places To fix the venue, time and date for Union level dialogue Not surprisingly, both the UNFC and the truncated WGEC, had rejected it saying a framework for political negotiations must be included in the text of the said nationwide ceasefire agreement, or else no group would turn up for the signing. In addition to the fact that the ball is now in Thein Sein's court, the UNFC and non-UNFC members need to earnestly ask on how and when will the Burma Army stop its military occupation of all non-Burman ethnic areas, under the guise or pretext of "area cleansing and control" operations all throughout non-Burman nationalities' territories. This is the most crucial obstacle, which must be overcome, if meaningful ceasefire agreement is to be implemented. It wouldn't do just to downplay the armed clashes as usual happening, occurring now for more than hundred times with both the Shan State Army/ Shan State Progress Party (SSA/SSPP) and Shan State Army/ Restoration Council of Shan State (SSA/RCSS), which have signed ceasefire agreement for the last two years. The ongoing armed clashes with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in northern Shan State and elsewhere, even though the de-escalation of armed conflict agreement was signed, a few weeks ago; and the recent Burma Army's attack on the New Mon State Party (NMSP), which has also signed ceasefire agreement with the government, on 16 July, in Mon State are not conducive to the implementation of ceasefire agreement. The Burma Army and as well, the regime, are down playing the armed confrontations as usual happening, partly to show that the peace process is still going on for international consumption, while all along it is sticking to its "area cleansing and control" policy to subjugate and occupy ethnic nationalities' areas as much as possible, so that when the area demarcation of contending troops take place it will be at advantage. And even if the negotiation breaks down, leading to total war again, it will still have a military edge over the ethnic armies. To sum up, Thein Sein regime is moving ahead with its agenda, presuming that the ethnic armed groups are coming along with its demand of first signing the ceasefire agreement, give up armed struggle, enter political arena by forming political parties, participate in elections, and finally amend the constitution from within the parliament, accepting the existence of a single army within the country. Another unspoken problem is that although the UNFC is addressing its adversary as "The Government", in reality, it is only acknowledging it as a military dominated entity and not even as a quasi-civilian government. On the other hand, the Thein Sein regime sees itself, rightly or wrongly, as a legitimate elected government of the whole country, including the non-Burman ethnic nationalities. The reason for such an unspoken assumption from the part of the non-Burman ethnic nationalities is that the present Union Solidarity Development Party (USDP), plus military, dominated regime comes to power through a series of orchestrated manipulation; from self-drawn, military-favoured, 2008 Constitution, rigged constitutional referendum to flawed 2010 general elections. In short, Thein Sein regime is taken as a de facto and not de jure government by the non-Burman ethnic nationalities. That has been exactly the reason why the UNFC is demanding a tripartite dialogue, involving the USPD, plus the military, the democratic opposition groups and the non-Burman ethnic nationalities, which would lead to the 1947, Panglong Agreement-like understanding, paving way for a genuine federal structure. Meanwhile, Eleven Media reported, on 22 July, the government chief negotiator, U Aung Min said that nation-wide ceasefire could not be materialized yet and that only four or five groups have agreed to the government's overture of signing the nation-wide ceasefire agreement. And so it seems, the much desired nation-wide ceasefire signing ceremony wouldn't come about anytime soon, even though this could bring a huge political boost for Thein Sein's reform process, heightened international recognition as a true reformer and solicit more foreign investment. Finally, it will do us all good, if we all could accept the fact that "political settlement" and "ceasefire agreement" are two sides of the same coin and that it would have to be tackled simultaneously and not one after another. The contributor is the General Secretary of Shan Democratic Union (SDU) - Editor

Weekly Diary, No.635 (8-20 July 2013) Posted: 23 Jul 2013 04:39 AM PDT Tuesday, 23 July 2013 14:46   HAPPY SWEET SIXTEEN, MALALA! UK SELLS ARMS TO THEIN SEIN! BURMA CAN GROW OLD BEFORE BECOMING RICHER! NPT, WA AGREE NOT TO FIGHT! NPT REFUSES TO WITHDRAW RESTRICTIVE LAWS! FAREWELL, LO HSING HAN! Cartoon Tips for leaders: You should have known better! Think Piece Hurdles for AEC 95-98% of all business in the Asean market are small and medium enterprises, most of which have little interest and opportunity to expand across national borders Many of the bigger enterprises are outward-oriented and tend to concentrate on getting across to US, EU and China markets Ratio for the poorest and richest in Europe is 1:8 while it is 1:61 in Asean. Asia Focus, Bangkok Post, 15 July 2013 The flaring up of the issue of Burmese nationalism outside Myanmar, especially in countries like Indonesia, Malaysia and now India, is certainly going to affect the peace and stability of the region. The ongoing sectarian violence in Myanmar therefore is no longer an internal affair of Myanmar alone. Somu Trivedia, University of Delhi, Bangkok Post, 15 July 2013 The World 7 July 2013 Bomb blasts in Bodh Gaya, India, wound 2 monks. Two more bombs found and defused. There have been tensions following clashes in Burma. (Bangkok Post) 12 July 2013 Malala Yousafzai, girl shot by Taliban 9 months ago for her campaign for girls' education, marks 16th birthday at the UN. (AFP) International Relations 14-18 July 2013 President Thein Sein flies out to UK and France. (Bangkok Post) 15 July 2013 President Thein Sein, on a visit to UK, says he has disbanded a security force accused of violations against Muslims and promises to free all remaining political prisoners by brokering a nationwide ceasefire. (Reuters) There is no proposal to amend the 1982 citizenship law, he says. (Today's Zaman) 16 July 2013 Daily Telegraph reports that Britain will appoint a defense attaché to oversee the establishment of contacts between Burmese and UK armed forces. (BBC) 17 July 2013 Visiting President Thein Sein meets his French host President Hollande for an hour. (AP) 18 July 2013 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) says while Cambodia and Laos will probably see their proportion of workers continue to rise, Burma's population will start ageing in the next two decades. "If the momentum for development created by the country's opening and internal peace process is not seized, Myanmar could get old before it gets rich." (Bloomberg) 18 July 2013 UK Government has approved $5 million arms export licenses to Burma, even though it is considered a country of "serious human rights" concern and continues to be the subject of EU arms embargo. (DVB) Thai-Burma Relations 8 July 2013 Mae Tao clinic founder Dr Cynthia Maung says the main clinic would not suffer from the land sale that is under dispute. Sulak Sivaraksa, founder of Metta Thammarak Foundation (MTF), says its chairman Phra Kittisophano, had approved the unauthorized sale. (Irrawaddy) 8 July 2013 Federation of Overseas Employment Agency has received requests to send 5,000 migrant workers per month to Thailand, up from 3,000 in previous months. (Eleven Media) 10 July 2013 Leaked audio clip posted last week of an alleged conversation between Gen Yutthasak Sasriprapa and Thaksin Shinawatra contains discussion about the possibility of using their links with Burma's supreme commander Min Aung Hlaing to confluence over Myanmar leaders. (Bangkok Post) 12 July 2013 25 schools, teaching as many as 5,000 students in Tak province, left without financial assistance for the 2013-14 academic year, according Migrant Workers Education Committee. There are 74 migrant schools in Tak. (DVB) 15 July 2013 Bangkok Hospital Group says it handled 22,200 patients from Burma in 2012. (Irrawaddy) 16 July 2013 Survey conducted by Karen Refugee Committee at Tham Hin Camp among 6,195 refugees say: 46% want to resettle in a third country 27% want to remain in Thailand 27% want to go back to Burma if peace is guaranteed (KIC) Politics/ Inside Burma 12 July 2013 Vice President Sai Mawk Kham, in his opening speech at a ceremony commemorating World Population Day, calls for end to teen pregnancy. The adolescent birth rate is 16.9 per thousand among those aged 15-19, according to a 2007 survey. (Mizzima) 12 July 2013 Dr Pe Thet Khin, Minister of Health, reports on child malnutrition to People's Assembly. UNICEF announced in May that due to malnutrition, 2.5 million children were undersized and 200,000 have died. (Mizzima) 14 July 2013 President Thein Sein announces the notorious Nasaka force that guards the border with Bangladesh was disbanded on 12 July. It was established in 1992. (DVB) Ethnic Affairs 5 July 2013 President Thein Sein issues announcement of filling of vacancies in Union level Peacemaking Central Committee (UPCC), (Eleven) 8 July 2013 Nationalities Brotherhood Federation (NBF), an alliance of 15 parties, will be submitting constitutional amendments to the parliament, says MP Zo Zam, a day after its meeting in Naypyitaw. It is attended by Chin expert Ngun Zung Lian. (RFA) 9 July 2013 Karen National Union (KNU)'s Saw Moses from its 7th Brigade announced earlier that its Moe Ko San company has started an export-import business along with tourism in a bid to channel revenue to provide its members and their families. Export-import business was approved on 4 May and tour services on 8 June by Naypyitaw. (DVB) 13-14 July 2013 Nationalities Brotherhood Federation (NBF) holds workshop on political dialogue in Naypyitaw. There are 2 participants from outside: Dr Johannes Siebert and Harn Yawnghwe. (Eleven News Media) 14 July 2013 88 Generation Students representative Mya Aye meets United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) in Chiangmai. We are all walking on the same path, he says. (Mizzima) 15-17 July 2013 Karen National Union (KNU) and Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) discuss ongoing peace process. (SHAN) Shans/ Shan State 8 July 2013 Yoma Bank manager in Muse says it has not received any extortion letter from the Shan State Army (SSA) South. The New Light of Myanmar and Myawady newspapers reported earlier that a motorcyclist had presented a letter of extortion to the bank on 4 July. (Myanmar Times) 11 July 2013 Shan leader Lt-Gen Yawdserk attends 22nd anniversary ceremony marking the passing away of his former boss, Gen Gawn Zerng (1926-1991) (SHAN) Economy/ Business 8 July 2013 The Union Assembly agrees with President Thein Sein's proposal to join with the World Bank's Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) that will provide opportunities for foreign investment and support for economic development. (Mizzima) 12 July 2013 Myanmar Economic Bank (MEB) sitting under finance ministry, has not turned a profit in 22 years since 1990, says Thurein Zaw, Vice Chairman, Public Accounts Joint Committee. (Eleven Media) 12 July 2013 President Thein Sein signs a new law to make the country's central bank an independent body. (AFP) Human Rights 8 July 2013 Ashok Nigam, UN resident coordinator in Burma, says Burma has released 42 children and young people from its armed forces. (Al Jazeera) 9 July 2013 Burma News International (BNI), an alliance of 11 news agencies, issues protest against Printing and Distribution Bill approved by the People's Assembly on 4 July. "It is giving freedom to the information to restrict registration of news agencies and greatly endangers freedom of the press," says BNI chair Nan Paw Gay. (Statement) 9 July 2013 National Police Chief and Deputy Home Minister Kyaw Kyaw Htun tells parliament there is no need to amend the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act (Article 5j) and the 1975 State Protection Law (Article 10a and 10b). He adds that they are not in contravention with the 2008 constitution. Article 5j carries a prison sentence of up to 7 years for anyone who prevents civil servants and army officers from carrying out their duties Article 10a and 10b give authorities power to detain anybody who has committed or is about to commit an act that may be considered an "infringement of the sovereignty and security of the Union" or as "threat to the peace of the people," allowing authorities to detain suspects without trial for long periods of time. (Irrawaddy) 10 July 2013 The controversial publishing bill passed by the lower house last week "falls far, far below international standards and if it were adopted would, in effect, retain a system of full government control over the media," says Dr Agnes Callamard, Executive Director of ARTICCE19. (DVB) 11 July 2013 Way Phyoe, Generation Wave secretary, arrested by Prome police for a Free Political Prisoners poster campaign which he organized in July 2011. (Mizzima) 16 July 2013 Defense minister Wai Lwin tells parliament the army is ready to return 18,800 acres (6%) of the land it confiscated during the 1988-2010 period. (Bangkok Post) 17 July 2013 6 people suspected for their role in the massacre of 10 Muslim pilgrims in Arakan last year nabbed in Taungup. (DVB) 18 July 2013 Wirathu, monk who has risen to prominence by spreading anti-Muslim rhetoric, says nearly 2.5 million have signed a petition in support of proposed law restricting intermarriage in Burma between Buddhists and Muslims. It would be sent to Parliament, according to him. (Irrawaddy) 18 July 2013 Bauk Ja, Kachin activist, arrested for negligent homicide in Myitkyina. It is over a person who died reportedly from her treatment a year ago, according to her lawyer. (Irrawaddy) 20 July 2013 President lifts emergency order in Meikhtila, 4 months after secular violence. (AP) 20 July 2013 Mosque in Lashio, closed since 28 May during the start of sectarian riots to be reopened, according to Dr Tin Aung, a Muslim leader. (SHAN) Drugs 17 July 2013 K 140 million ($ 140,000) worth drugs and 18 suspected users arrested in Taunggyi. The house is owned by a Wa officer Maj Toom Kham, according to police officer Aung Soe Kyaing. (The Voice) War 12 July 2013 The UWSA and the Union Peacemaking Work Committee vice Chairman U Thein Zaw sign a 5 point agreement that requires each to withdraw to its pre- 18 June positions. (SHAN) 16 July 2013 Brief firefight in Mon State kills 8 New Mon State Party soldiers. It violates 18 year old ceasefire agreement, says a Mon commander. (Mizzima) 20 July 2013 Shan State Army (SSA) North dismisses statement by President Thein Sein blaming ethnic groups extorting money from local villagers as the cause for the ongoing clashes despite ceasefire. He was was being interviewed by BBC in London on 18 July. (Eleven News Media) Obituary 6 July 2013 Lo Hsing Han, dubbed Godfather of Heroin, passes away in Rangoon. He is 77, 79 according to some. (Agencies) 17 July 2013 Lo Hsing Han's funeral attended by Upper House lawmaker Haw Hsiao Chan. "He was my teacher," he says. Lo and his son Steven Law have been on US sanctions list since February 2008 (Irrawaddy)

Ethnic meeting calls on Naypyitaw to improve on its planned ceasefire text Posted: 23 Jul 2013 04:37 AM PDT Tuesday, 23 July 2013 12:59 S.H.A.N.   A meeting attended by armed group representatives and resource persons last week had urged U Thein Sein's government to revise the text of the nationwide ceasefire agreement to be signed in a special ceremony in Naypyitaw before the end of the year. "By restricting it to just the 5 point guideline (as outlined by the President on 1 March 2012), the government would only be underming its own achievements," a resource person reminded the meeting. "In other words, it would only be taking a step back, not forward." U Aung Min and Sao Yawd Serk (Photo: SSA) The government, since 18 August 2011, when it issued an invitation to all armed groups for peace talks, has already signed ceasefire agreement with 13 groups. The agreements signed so far have also covered constitutional, political, economic, military and social concerns voiced by the 13 armed groups, that had incorporated in their Comprehensive Union Peace and Ceasefire Agreement (CUPAC) for the government to consider. Naypyitaw, through the MPC, had responded on 12 July that garnering support for the armed groups' draft within the government circles would take overly long, as the text was already a lengthy document (23 pages) ever without the Code of Conduct draft that is being negotiated separately between the Karen National Union and the Myanmar Army. "The military is naturally highly suspicious, as the draft was prepared by people who are also naturally very suspicious of the military," one MPC member had put it. A resource person who has been involved in peace processes in several countries also advised the participants of the need to keep the military well informed and happy. "According to my experience, the army is cooperative if they are fully informed," he said. "If on the contrary they feel sidelined, then they are liable to become spoilers." The armed groups had responded earlier that the government could expect a no turn-up by them at the planned ceremony if the nationwide ceasefire agreement text was not revised. "We will need to look up in to the (CUPCA) draft which points are indispensable for inclusion in the ceasefire text and which are not," said a participant. "But I would say that at least the following are key points: That a nationwide political dialogue will immediate follow the signing of the ceasefire That participants in the political dialogue are not subject to harassments during the talks That the framework presented by the armed groups would be discussed as a basis for the dialogue." The government, according to U Aung Min, Vice Chairman #2 of the Union Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC), is planning to invite world dignitaries including UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to the planned nationwide ceasefire ceremony.

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Democratic Voice of Burma

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• UN faces ‘serious funding shortfall’ for Kachin humanitarian relief
• Activists call on govt to free whistleblowers during next amnesty
• Explosion at radical monk’s event injures 5: police

UN faces ‘serious funding shortfall’ for Kachin humanitarian relief Posted: 22 Jul 2013 03:49 AM PDT The United Nations humanitarian relief programme geared towards assisting those displaced by the Kachin conflict has so far raised only US$14.6 million of the US$50.9 million UN officials estimate is needed. “In view of the serious funding shortfall, the Emergency Relief Coordinator earlier this week allocated US$3 million from the Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) under the under-funded window," said UN General Secretary Ban Ki Moon’s spokesperson Eri Kaneko in an exchange with DVB last week. According to Ban’s spokesperson, the CERF funding "is intended to fill critical gaps in humanitarian programme to sustain operations, including needs associated with the current rainy season, while other funding sources continue to be identified". Officials with the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) estimate that there are 85,600 internally displaced people (IDP) in Kachin state with 35,000 sheltering in government-controlled camps and an additional 50,600 living in camps located in the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO)'s territory. The UN says that as of the end of June there were also an additional 4,400 displaced people living in government-controlled camps located along a stretch of Kachin-inhabited parts of northern Shan state mainly Namkham, Namtu, Manton, Muse and Kutkai. Aid workers report that the actual number of IDPs in government-controlled areas may be significantly higher than the UN estimates because large numbers of Kachin are reluctant to register with camp authorities out of fear that the government would punish them. Many appear afraid of ending up like Brang Shawng, a displaced Kachin farmer who was living with his family in a camp near Myitkyina until last year when he was arrested last for his alleged connection to a KIO plot – a charge his family strongly denies. Apart from having difficulty raising funds for Kachin humanitarian relief, the UN and its agencies have struggled to gain access to those IDPs living in camps located in areas controlled by the KIO. Last month, when a UN aid convoy reached the KIO’s second largest town of Mai Ja Yang, it was the first time that the international body had been given permission to travel to KIO territory by the Burmese government in nearly a year. It remains unclear when further aid convoys will be allowed to travel behind rebel lines. Figures provided by the UN show that from December 2011 to June 2013, UN teams made a total of 11 cross-line aid missions to KIO territory. The aid that the UN delivered reached about 20 percent (approximately 10,000 people) of the total number of IPDs living in non-government controlled territory. Because of the serious restrictions preventing aid reaching IDPs in KIO territory, the situation in these camps remains very serious. According to a report released in May by the US aid group Refugees International (RI), the IDPs camps in KIO areas were described as  "a crisis in waiting". The Washington-based group recommends that the UN and international NGO’s do more to support the Kachin civil society organisations already operating on the ground in KIO territory. Yet this has largely not happened since their report was published. Instead a serious lack of food and opportunities to earn an income has driven many displaced Kachin to venture into China in search of paid work. This has in turn led to conditions where many Kachin women refugees have been tricked into forced marriages with Chinese men or other forms of human trafficking after crossing into China. It remains to be seen what the UN will do about the increasingly dire conditions in the Kachin IDP camps. The RI report criticised the global body for failing to hold the government to account for its "broken promises of humanitarian access to parts of Kachin State held by the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO)". While the RI report also urged the UN’s Burma policy team to "change its current, overly cautious approach to its advocacy with the government", aid workers say it remains very unlikely the UN will do so out of fear that their agencies will have their already limited access in Kachin and Arakan states further restricted.

Activists call on govt to free whistleblowers during next amnesty Posted: 22 Jul 2013 03:17 AM PDT The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) is calling on the Burmese government to recognise whistleblowers as political prisoners following a pledge from President Thein Sein last week to free all of Burma's prisoners of conscience by the end of the year. In a press statement published on Friday, AHRC said military officials and staff from the country's foreign affairs ministry staff, who were incarcerated for leaking information about the former junta's relations with North Korea, should be officially declared as political prisoners before the next presidential amnesty. The organisation called on the government to the review the cases of five individuals that AHRC claims are whistleblowers, including Win Naing Kyaw who was handed a death sentence for leaking information about top-level Burmese military visits to Russia and North Korea. Ministry of Home Affairs staff Thura Kyaw and Byan Sein, who were jailed under the 1950 Emergency Provision Act for leaking photos and official documents from the then-military joint-chief of staff Thura Shwe Mann's visit to North Korea in 2009, were also listed in AHRC's statement. The group also called for Burma to review the case of Muslim community leader Dr Tun Aung, who was accused of inciting religious riots in Arakan state last year after he reported news about the first round of sectarian violence. Lawyers say they have lobbied the government-backed committee charged with verifying all remaining political prisoners to review the five cases, but without success. "We learnt that Thura Shwe Mann himself, during a visit with US President Obama and in meetings with EU governments, promised to not continue the nuclear project with North Korea and therefore, we are recommending that the [government] consider individuals like Win Naing Kyaw, sentenced on political grounds, for the next amnesty," said Min Lwin Oo, a Burmese lawyer with AHRC. Thein Sein made international headlines last week for promising to release all of the country's remaining political prisoners, but activists say the government has yet to hold transparent consultations with the committee charged with freeing political prisoners. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – Burma, prisoner release lists are compiled in secret by the prison department or president's office and then passed onto the government-backed committee for endorsement. "For this mechanism to mean something, it has to be open to scrutiny and government officials involved need to recognise that the weight should fall on the state to prove someone should be held rather than on the families to negotiate a legal maze to prove that the prisoner's intent was political," said Phil Robertson, deputy director of Human Rights Watch's Asia Division. "The fact that government and military whistleblowers have been excluded from the political prisoner listings should also be examined very critically." The news comes amid reports that authorities in northern Burma's Myitkyina arrested ethnic Kachin activist Bawk Ja last week, while Kachin farmer Brang Shawng was sentenced to two years in prison for allegedly carrying out a terrorist attack for the Kachin Independence Army. - David Stout contributed additional reporting

Explosion at radical monk’s event injures 5: police Posted: 21 Jul 2013 10:48 PM PDT A small blast near an event by a radical Burmese monk who stands accused of inflaming Buddhist-Muslim tensions has left five people injured in Mandalay, police said Monday. “The scene was about 100 yards (90 metres) away from the preaching event,” said an officer from police headquarters in the capital Naypyidaw who asked not to be named. Police said five people – a Buddhist child novice monk, three women and one man – were slightly injured in the blast, which occurred in a residential area of Burma’s second largest city on Sunday evening. “We do not know the cause of the blast yet and are still investigating. But we think it could be from a homemade device,” the officer told AFP. He added that a vehicle where the blast was thought to have originated was slightly damaged. The cleric Wirathu confirmed the incident and blamed “the minority” linked to an article in Time magazine, which highlighted his anti-Muslim sermons as a key factor in inciting a wave of deadly religious violence this year. Several episodes of unrest — mainly targeting Muslims — have exposed deep rifts in the Buddhist-majority country and cast a shadow over widely praised political reforms since military rule ended two years ago. Burma in June banned the controversial Time magazine cover story on Buddhist-Muslim unrest, which featured a picture of Wirathu and the caption ‘The Face of Buddhist Terror’. The article, one of a host of stories by the international media that have caused consternation in Burma, was met with anger on social media sites and its author, Time East Asia Correspondent Hannah Beech, has been singled out for personal criticism. In an article on his Facebook page entitled “This is the beginning of the cultural acts of the minority loved by Hannah Beech”, Wirathu said the blast had injured audience members. The monk has been the focus of scrutiny after emerging at the forefront of a nationalistic group calling for the boycott of Muslim businesses by Buddhists. He has recently campaigned for restrictions on marriages between Buddhist women and men from other faiths. In March, at least 44 people were killed in sectarian strife in central Burma, with thousands of people left homeless after Buddhist mobs set whole Muslim neighbourhoods ablaze. In one area alone, at least 20 pupils and four teachers from a Muslim madrassa were hacked to death. Communal unrest last year in the western Arakan state left about 200 people dead and up to 140,000 displaced, mainly Rohingya Muslims. Some robed monks have taken part in the clashes.

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Getaway at the Gallery Bar Posted: 22 Jul 2013 07:32 AM PDT A large bar overlooks a seating area with comfortable chairs and couches arranged in café style at Gallery Bar. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) From the bustling streets of Yangon's business district, the cool, dimly lit lounge of the Gallery Bar at Traders Hotel offers an easy escape from the city's heat and heavy traffic—with decent drink specials during happy hour and reliably fast WiFi. The upscale Traders Hotel has become somewhat of a landmark in Myanmar's commercial capital over the years, thanks in part to its convenient location just east of Bogyoke Aung San Market, and the hotel's Gallery Bar & Restaurant—on the second floor above the lobby—has become popular among businesspeople, travelers, expats and some locals as the city's tourism sector grows. The space has a full-service bar and was completely renovated last year, with dark wood paneling and glass windowpanes on the exterior wall that create a more authentic pub feel than the average hotel bar in Yangon. The seating is comfortable, with plush chairs and couches arranged in a café style around small circular tables, while the atmosphere is relaxed, with a pool table in the corner and music that's quiet enough for conversation. Happy hour specials run daily from 5-8pm, with two drinks for the price of one. The bar offers a standard selection of beers starting at $3, aperitifs and hard liquors, but if you're in the mood for something more unique, opt for the Mandalay Sour cocktail ($5). Reminiscent of a whiskey sour with sugar and lemon, the drink is made with a local Mandalay rum. "I haven't seen it yet anywhere else," Philip Lemerle, the hotel's director of food and beverages, said of the drink. The house wine, a smooth Cabernet-Shiraz blend for $5 a glass, comes with crackers topped with raisins and dried papaya. The tapas menu, a new addition from December, offers basic bar snacks like garlic bread ($3) and more exotic dishes like pan-fried tiger prawns ($12) that can be shared at the table, an option Lemerle says is popular among the bar's business clientele. Guests can also choose the monthly platter, which has featured Mexican, Italian and Indian dishes in past months. "We're basically going around the whole world," he says. Another option is to order a la carte from the same menu available at the hotel's café and restaurant, with Western bar favorites like fish and chips or buffalo chicken wings and a mix of Asian cuisine. Try the signature dish, a Myanmar mango and papaya salad with cucumber, dried shrimp and shallots ($9). The staff also recommends the Balti butter chicken ($10)—tender pieces of meat with steamed rice or warm naan and curry that's enough to share as a light meal between two people. The dish is about 10 times the price of Indian curries available at other nearby eateries, but the delicious blend of spices makes it worth the splurge. Beyond the food, one of the bar's biggest draws is its reliable WiFi—the hotel's Internet connection, among the fastest in the city, can easily support a Skype conversation or music downloads, although the latter is officially discouraged by the management. The waitresses are attentive and knowledgeable of the menu, answering questions about the cocktails and dining options and making careful recommendations. Other than the paintings of old-time Myanmar adorning the walls and a handful of Myanmar dishes on the menu, don't expect to find much here in the way of local culture, which is arguably better experienced at one of the city's ubiquitous teashops. But if you're looking for a place to relax and indulge—at fair prices by Western standards—the Gallery Bar is a good spot to catch up on emails, grab a bite to eat and unwind at the end of the day. The Gallery Bar is open from 1 pm until 1 am daily. This story first appeared in the July 2013 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

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Property Boom Fuels Yangon’s Skyward Climb Posted: 21 Jul 2013 10:10 AM PDT Yangon's landmark Shwedagon Pagoda can be seen in the distance from a Yadanar Myaing construction site on the Kandawgyi ring road. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) YANGON — The sweltering midday heat and choking cement dust are no hindrance as sandal-clad laborers shoulder bags of cement up five, six, seven flights of stairs, yelling as they go at slower-moving and less-weighed-down colleagues to move aside. On the way up, they pass half-finished floors where men—and a few women—lay bricks and slap layers of plaster on half-done walls, bantering as lunch hour approaches. Two years in the making, the 10-storey building will be ready to welcome its first tenants by the end of 2013, says site manager U Naing Win Aung. When completed, the pricy new property—complete with the obligatory gym and pool—will overlook the verdant purlieu of Yangon’s Kandawgyi Lake. It's a stellar location, just a mile from Shwedagon pagoda, the gilded centerpiece of worship for Myanmar’s majority Buddhists. But for now, the site is still very much a work in progress, as the builder, construction company Yadanar Myaing, works at full speed to complete the latest addition to Yangon's rapidly changing cityscape. But if the view from the top of the towers is spectacular, the price matches. At US $150 per square foot and with each condo measuring 1,829 square feet, that’s almost $300,000 per unit. "All 60 are sold already," says U Naing Win Aung, his office wall covered in artist impressions of similarly lavish apartment blocks planned for elsewhere in the city. Such eye-watering prices are fast becoming part of Yangon’s new urban legend—a crumbling old colonial outpost at the center of a gold rush prompting some office space rentals to exceed prices in much more developed "first-world" cities. In some of Yangon’s few suitable office locations—such as Sakura Tower and Centerpoint—floor space is currently on average around $60-70 per square meter. But across the road from Sakura Tower, construction company Shwe Taung Development is building a rival complex—an annex to the well-known Traders Hotel—that will provide 14 floors of offices by the end of 2015. The biggest foreign investment project in Myanmar over the past year, however, is the $300 million office, hotel, apartment and shopping complex being built by a Vietnamese-backed group and going up beside the old Sedona Hotel—but that is not likely to be finished before 2017. While property developers rush to cash in on strong demand and high prices, the dramatic increase in available office space should, in the long run, see prices drop, says property agent Daw May Htet Aung, of Power 7 Real Estate. "Hopefully the cost will come down to $50 [per square foot]or less," she says. "As more construction finishes, there will be more office space." Meanwhile, the current dearth of space is slowing Myanmar's bid to attract foreign investment and live up to the hype surrounding Asia's latest and least developed emerging market. "A big pharmaceutical company came to me looking for offices," recalls Daw May Htet Aung. "But when they saw how expensive they said no, and they are postponing their business here because of that!" That wasn’t just a one-off. "I had the same experience with two or three big companies," she laments. In a similar vein, Masaki Takahara, head of Japan’s overseas trade office in Yangon, says that despite his country’s newfound big-spender attitude towards Myanmar—Tokyo recently pledged 20 billion yen (around $200 million) to the proposed Thilawa industrial zone and port outside Yangon, for example—Myanmar’s poor infrastructure is holding back investment. "For now, there is a lack of infrastructure in Myanmar, but we are hoping these issues can be solved," he says. Japanese lending will not only help bring Thilawa online—it will also aim to boost Myanmar’s flickering electricity supply and improve roads—two key issues that need addressing to reduce costs for investors, and, perhaps, to justify the bank-account-emptying property prices in Yangon. In the meantime, a new venture in Yangon is trying to offset the lack of office space by providing around 300 square meters of serviced offices for companies to rent. Marc Rudolf von Rohr of Myanmar Access, a partner company in the enterprise, says that local businesses are asking about the location, citing their perceived need to have a base closer to where prospective foreign partners stay during their reconnaissance visits to Yangon. "I was surprised at that, at first, but many Myanmar companies have their HQ farther out of the city, and they’re seeing that they need somewhere closer to the hotels and downtown so they can meet easily with foreign businessmen." He says, however, that he expects most of the interest to come from foreigners. "There’s blue-chip interest from Thailand and Singapore, companies whose names you would know." Since many foreign businesses are at this stage just looking at opportunities in Myanmar, temporary rented facilities often suit their needs. "People come, they have meetings, they look around, they don’t necessarily start operations so soon," says Mr. von Rohr. "It might be like that for some time yet." Part of the reason companies are slow to invest in Myanmar, it seems, is not just uncertainty about the supply of essential infrastructure such as electricity, but also the difficulty of dealing with the nitty-gritty of securing even a small office space. "Getting a viable and affordable place here can be an ordeal," says Mr. von Rohr. "You need reliable power, Internet; you need to sort out a lease. Many places are unfinished." An ordeal might also be an apt way to describe what would-be renters looking for a place to call home in Yangon sometimes endure. Emmanuel Jaquet, a Canadian who has live in Yangon for 10 months, says that "it took around 15 visits to different places" before he and his girlfriend found a worthwhile apartment within their budget. "We wanted to share at $1,000 a month," he says. "But my girlfriend saw so many places that were just not finished, were dirty, had no facilities, but people were charging these crazy prices." The couple’s house-hunting adventures involved some encounters with some unorthodox interior design. "We saw one place that had a shower in the kitchen," says Mr. Jaquet. After finally finding a suitable place, Jaquet says the couple’s troubles continued. "The landlord was happy to take our year’s rent upfront, but when something needed fixing, we had to wait for weeks. In the end, we just decided to get it fixed ourselves and sent the landlord the bill." Such stories are legion among foreign tenants coming to Yangon, the numbers of whom have "picked up a lot" over the past year, according to Daw May Htet Aung. It is standard practice in Yangon for landlords to want a full year’s rent upfront, with little chance of refund if for whatever reason if the person has to leave the country. "Foreigners are not used to the Myanmar way," says Daw May Htet Aung. As for the owners, she sighs that for the most part "they are not interested in the business of being a landlord—they just want all the money only." Her company plans a sort of clear-the-air event sometime this summer, "to try to bring the owner and the tenant together." She doesn’t know if this will lead to landlords adopting the more standard practice of charging month-by-month and requiring just one month’s notice of termination, but she acknowledges that "we need to improve how the market works in our country." For now, catering to the needs of foreigners, under whatever terms, is lucrative for those in the right place. The average apartment rental for foreigners coming to Yangon, says Daw May Htet Aung, is between $2,000 and $4,000 per month. However, she adds, some places go for as much as $20,000 per month. That’s right—$20,000, to rent an apartment. "Yes, big company, petrol company, they can pay this for their staff," says Daw May Htet Aung. While it is still far from certain whether an increase in the number of available spaces will see such prices fall, what is clear is that Yangon badly needs more office space and more accommodation—both apartments for those staying for several months or longer, and hotel rooms for the growing number of tourists visiting the country. But the drive to develop Yangon—which officials say could become a "mega city" of 10 million people or more by mid-century—threatens to undermine the unique atmosphere of a city that still has a sense of history, in a region where most big cities have succumbed to poor urban planning and the replacement of older, architecturally significant buildings by glassy malls and ugly high-rises. The Yangon Heritage Trust (YHT) is at the forefront of efforts to save as many of the city’s moldering old colonial edifices as possible. YHT Director Daw Moe Moe Lwin says that her group does not want to impede much-needed construction of new housing and business complexes, but fears that Yangon could "lose its soul" if the drive to develop leads to destruction of the array of Victorian and Edwardian neoclassical buildings from which Britain ran this corner of its South Asian empire. Dismissing contentions that the buildings should be destroyed due to their colonial baggage, she says "in that case, we should just have Mon buildings here, as this place was colonized by the Burmans before." "They were places where our history took place," U Moe Moe Lwin, an architect, says of the British-built behemoths such as the City Hall, which now serves as the headquarters of Yangon’s city administration, and the old Secretariat, where Myanmar independence icon Aung San was assassinated in 1947. The trust hopes to persuade city authorities "to set up a multilevel review body for development projects in the city," to try balance the need for new housing and offices and hotels with the YHT’s push to save its heritage. One controversial project that is going ahead, however, is a new three-storey shopping mall being built in the Peace Park, the red steel frame of which already juts across the view of the nearby Shwedagon Pagoda, to the chagrin of some. "That land in the park should be for the people, not for a private company," says U Moe Moe Lwin. At sundown in the Peace Park, a scattered few couples nuzzle under bushes, half-hidden in the twilight, and here and there, a few kids play football under the eyes of watchful, sometime scolding mothers. To one side, the buzz of angle grinders drowns out the chirping of birds and workmen, minus protective glasses, light up the darkening evening with the spark of welding torches at the new building site. Ko Kyaw Zin Min, a Yangon resident out for an evening stroll with his girlfriend, says he’s not sure whether the new mall is suitably located. It is "too close to such a precious monument," he says, referring to Shwedagon. Then, after a thoughtful pause, he adds: "But we need development for our economy as well." That’s the balance, perhaps, that Yangon needs to find, as new buildings go up and heritage devotees hope there’s a way found to preserve the city’s sepia-tinged downtown. Looking again at the shopping mall going up across the road from Shwedagon, Ko Kyaw Zin Min thinks aloud: "If it's not too high, maybe it will be OK," he says. This story first appeared in the July 2013 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

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• Spraying His Way to Fame and Notoriety
• India Marginalized in Myanmar
• An Oasis—of Sorts—on the Outskirts of Yangon
• Burma Business Roundup (July 20)

Spraying His Way to Fame and Notoriety Posted: 19 Jul 2013 09:25 PM PDT Graffiti artist Arker Kyaw is facing charges for defacing public property. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) At first glance, there's nothing remarkable about Arker Kyaw. But put a can of spray paint in his hand, and the lanky 20-year-old becomes an artistic rebel with a cause. Already famous for the mural of US President Barack Obama that he painted during the American leader's historic visit in November 2012, he has more recently earned notoriety for similarly honoring Myanmar's President U Thein Sein to mark his birthday in April. Now the artist known as "Night" is facing charges for defacing public property. He recently spoke with Irrawaddy reporter Kyaw Phyo Tha about his brush with fame—and with the law. Question: Tell me about the charges against you for painting the graffiti of U Thein Sein. Answer: I was summoned to the township municipal office for my mural of the president and the Myanmar flag nearly a month after I sprayed it. I learned that I was being prosecuted because I had vandalized a public place with my painting and, they said, my action was against a municipal law that bans spray-painting in public places that came into effect last December. I was fined 100,000 kyat. Q: Why did you paint it? A: It was just a birthday present for our president. I wanted other people to be aware that April 20 is our president's birthday. The location I chose was a good one to attract public attention because it's a busy place. I had no hidden agenda. I simply thought people should know the birthday of the man who has let us see some change under his leadership. Q: Weren't you aware of the municipal ban on graffiti? A: Of course I knew about it. Yes, I felt a bit guilty about breaking the law, but at the same time, it was kind of exciting. Actually, I spray-painted a portrait of the president last year, but it was white-washed within a few hours. We posted [a photo of] it on Facebook before his birthday, and it attracted a lot of "likes" and "shares" and positive comments. So maybe that warm reception made me think I could get away with my act of defiance. But please don't get the idea that I worship U Thein Sein. We are still watching him. Q: Why did you paint a portrait of US President Barack Obama? A: His visit was historic. I spray-painted his portrait to show my respect for him and to let him know that he was warmly welcomed. Actually, I had to do it three times, because some people kept trying to destroy it. Q: Why did you choose to paint pictures of famous people? Was it just a publicity stunt? A: Some people think so, but for me, it was an artistic decision. Q: Why do you like to paint graffiti? A: When I was in high school, I was fascinated by graffiti illustrations on international music album covers. So I looked for more on the Internet and learned how to do it myself. But I like all kinds of painting. For me, there's no special difference between using a brush on paper or canvas and using spray paint. Which medium I use just depends on my feeling. Q: Some people consider graffiti to be an eyesore, or just a form of vandalism. What do you think? A: I think if you carelessly paint on someone's wall, you're just going to make them mad. But if you make it look great, they might feel their property was vandalized, but they might also think, "Wow, that's cool!" Q: What difficulties do graffiti artists face now? A: We have lost our canvas because of the government's restrictions on graffiti. But they are just doing their job, and we have to do ours. We have to find ways to keep our art alive. Q: Do you think graffiti is now getting a warm reception in Myanmar? A: I don't know about the general public, but even people as old as my uncle and grandpa have been encouraging. "That's it, boy, keep it up!" they say. Their remarks make me really happy. This story first appeared in the July 2013 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

India Marginalized in Myanmar Posted: 19 Jul 2013 09:17 PM PDT Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, left, talks with President U Thein Sein during a meeting in Naypyitaw in May 2012. Despite its proximity and far larger size, India wields relatively little influence in Myanmar. (Photo: Reuters) India has not gained much from Myanmar's transition from military rule to a fledgling democracy. When Myanmar was ruled by a military junta and shunned by the West, India and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) were seen as alternatives to Chinese influence. But as Myanmar opens up to the outside world after decades of isolation, it is turning more to the West, especially the United States, to balance China's growing influence, and not to India. Increasingly, Delhi is seen as a defensive power, unwilling and incapable of contesting Chinese influence in Myanmar, and not central to what has been described as the emerging "Great Game East." The West has long seen India, Asean and Japan as playing a key role in mitigating China's growing stranglehold on Myanmar, a nation located at the strategic crossroads of South and Southeast Asia. In the past, US officials praised Myanmar's more democratic neighbors for their "constructive engagement" with the former ruling junta, which helped to limit Chinese influence. Even now, many countries, including Japan, Australia and the Asean member states, would like to see India do more to offset China's still dominant position in Myanmar. But far from boosting its presence in its newly democratizing neighbor, India has withdrawn into a shell. It hasn't even pushed Myanmar to do more to help with its security concerns along their shared border. It is happy with whatever little Myanmar has done to contain the insurgents from India's remote northeastern states who enjoy sanctuary in Sagaing Region, where Manipuri rebel groups are still active, and Naga and Assamese hardline factions still have bases which have yet to face any military action. India is also doing little to stop the smuggling of weapons and narcotics from Myanmar. And, apart from completing the Tamu-Kalemyo highway—the only project India has been able to deliver on time in Myanmar—it has largely failed to implement its "Look East" policy in any meaningful, concrete way. The Kaladan multimodal project, centering on the modernization of Sittwe Port in Rakhine State, has made only slow progress, and is, in any case, designed more to ensure access between India's mainland and its remote northeast, rather than increase India influence in Myanmar. India's ambitious Delhi-Hanoi railway corridor through Myanmar seems an even more elusive goal, as there is still no funding available to build a rail link through the border state of Manipur to the Myanmar frontier. And Delhi continues to hesitate over reopening the WWII-vintage Stillwell Road, as it tries to decide whether the move would create more problems than benefits for India. While Myanmar's government has sought Indian expertise in certain areas such as software development, telecoms and services, it is less interested in what India may have to offer in key economic areas such as mining, heavy industries or infrastructure building. Nor does Myanmar's army look to India as an alternative to China as a source of military hardware: Now that relations with the West are on the mend, the Tatmadaw can anticipate eventually having access to the world's most advanced military technology. Development megaprojects are also beyond India's means—for these, Myanmar is more likely to seek partners in Japan or Asean. In terms of soft power, however, India can more than hold its own, even against China. As the saying goes, Myanmars goes to China for arms and India for salvation. As the land of the Buddha, India has a special place in the hearts of Myanmar's Buddhist faithful. Unfortunately, however, Delhi is woefully lacking in ideas on how it can effectively wield its soft power. Apart from plans to send some Buddhist relics to Myanmar, India has made no real effort to step up its cultural diplomacy as a means of forging stronger ties. India's private sector is also not rising to the occasion as Myanmar opens its markets to the world. There are areas where it would not face much competition, such as media, human resource development, education, healthcare, infotech, entertainment, and tourism and hotels. In all these areas, India could provide cost-effective and efficient alternatives to what's on offer from the rest of the world. For instance, an experienced Indian media trainer would be far less expensive and much more effective than one from the West, Japan or an Asean country. In this and other areas, however, India's business community has shown much initiative. Some Indian companies are getting into hotels, but not much else. Despite the huge following that Bollywood soap operas enjoy in Myanmar, India's movie moguls have not demonstrated much interest in tapping into this market. And this is not merely a commercial loss: Media and entertainment are force-multipliers in winning hearts and minds. For India's political elite, Myanmar is valued chiefly for its strategic location vis-à-vis China. Efforts to strengthen India's position in this three-way relationship have, however, been flawed. Over the last two decades, India moved away from its total support for Myanmar's democracy movement and cultivated ties with the Tatmadaw in a game of catch-up with China. In the process, it has lost credibility with the democracy movement, including Aung Sang Suu Kyi, and did not gain much from the Tatmadaw, either. As they say in Bengali, India lost the mango and also the sack. Now both the generals and the pro-democracy movement look to the West, and not India, as an option against China. Myanmar is India's only land bridge to Southeast Asia. Unless it can engage Myanmar decisively, the "Look East" thrust of Indian foreign policy will become little more than a cliché. As the world's most populous democracy, India could do much more to help Myanmar in its democratic transition—more than just helping to run election commissions and giving advice on parliamentary practices. What India could share most is its own rich experience in handling ethnic minorities in its northeastern region, something that would help Myanmar enormously. India's failures and success in the Northeast—the challenges it has faced in dealing with insurgents and the strategies it has adopted to engage them in dialogue and finally co-opt many of them—might be more relevant for Myanmar's new democratic leadership. The ethnic minority problem figured at the top of the Indo-Myanmar post-colonial interaction, as India's first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru invited Myanmar's first prime minister U Nu to a tour of the troubled Naga Hills. India also helped the U Nu government materially and morally to manage the first wave of ethnic insurrection after Myanmar's independence. At the time, Delhi's influence was unmistakable, as U Nu looked to India as a role model during Myanmar's first experiment with democracy. It was seen as Myanmar's most helpful friend in the regional neighborhood, more acceptable than the colonial West. China, meanwhile, was regarded as both a problem and a hostile nation, after defeated Kuomintang troops moved into Shan State and Mao's regime started strongly backing the Communist Party of Burma. After General Ne Win seized power in 1962, however, Indian influence suffered as the generals saw India as the natural inspiration for the country's pro-democratic forces. Ne Win's expulsion of thousands of people of Indian origin strained relations with Delhi even as the general sought to make it up by sending his troops to fight the China-bound Naga and Mizo rebels. After India's victory in the 1971 war with Pakistan (which somewhat restored the country's pride after its humiliating defeat by China in 1962), the Myanmar junta started taking Prime Minister Indira Gandhi much more seriously. Relations suffered again under her son Rajiv Gandhi, however, due to his support for the 1988 democracy movement. At the same time, the generals continued to see India as a major regional player whose support for the democracy movement could be a game changer. But when, in the early 1990s, India changed course in a desperate effort to match China's surging influence, Myanmar's ruling generals knew they no longer needed to worry about India. They accepted Delhi's overtures not so much to counterbalance China as to ensure that India did not go out of its way to back the pro-democracy movement or the ethnic minorities—some of which, like the Kachin Independence Organization, had , albeit briefly, India's covert support in the 1980s. In the end, India never gained much influence with the military junta, but lost its credibility with the pro-democracy movement. Now, as Myanmar moves towards democracy and attempts to balance the all-pervasive Chinese influence, it looks more to the West, and less to India. Subir Bhaumik is a former BBC correspondent and author of "Insurgent Crossfire" and "Troubled Periphery." This story first appeared in the July 2013 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

An Oasis—of Sorts—on the Outskirts of Yangon Posted: 19 Jul 2013 09:08 PM PDT A visitor tosses bread to bears at Hlawga National Park. (Photo: Sean Havey / The Irrawaddy) Hlawga National Park, located in Mingaladon Township (better known as the home of Yangon International Airport), is Yangon's answer to all those who seek a quiet place to get away from the hustle and bustle of a modern metropolis in the making. Even on the map, this 1,540-acre (623-hectare) green space situated at the northern extremity of Yangon looks inviting. It encompasses the catchment area of Hlawga Lake—for more than a century one of Yangon's main water supplies—and preserves the natural habitat of nearly 200 indigenous animal species, including 145 distinct species of birds. Actually getting there, however, is no easy task. Although it is just 22 miles (35 km) from downtown Yangon, transport options are limited. The cheapest is a local bus—for just 300 kyat, you can catch the 124 bus on Anawrahta Road (a short walk north of Sule Pagoda) to within a few kilometers of the entrance to the park, and then, for an additional 1,500 kyat or so, take a motorcycle taxi the rest of the way. The downside of this is that it will take the better part of two hours to get to your destination. Those with less time and more money to spare can hire a taxi for the day for around 40-50,000 kyat. While this might be a bit pricy for some, you can't beat it for convenience. Once there, the entrance fee is a very reasonable 800 kyat, to which you can add another 500 kyat if you opt to hop on a "buggy" that departs every hour on the hour, and does a 30-minute circuit around Hlawga Lake. (Those who come by taxi can get around inside the park that way, since vehicles are also allowed to enter.) Before deciding how you want to take in the spacious park, however, you might want to visit the six golden sun bears housed in an open enclosure near the entrance (which is clearly marked by four gigantic concrete elephant tusks). Unlike most zoos, the one at the Hlawga National Park does not have a strict "Do Not Feed" policy, at least for the bears. For 1,000 kyat, visitors can buy a half-loaf of white bread to feed the overweight bears and a can of soda for them to wash it down with. If this is not exactly your idea of getting closer to nature, don't worry—there's no shortage of other wildlife around. The most abundant are the packs of rhesus monkeys that roam the place, but there are also several varieties of deer and more exotic creatures such as pangolins and pythons. And for bird-watchers, you could hardly ask for a better place to spend the day. But be warned: Mosquitos also thrive in this lush, jungle-like environment, so be sure to bring some bug spray. Being so close to the city, Hlawga is a popular getaway for Yangon residents, especially on weekends. One such visitor, Raymond Simon, said he began visiting the park with his parents when he was 10. "This place is good because we can see all kinds of plant species and animals—especially a lot of monkeys," he said. Some, however, are not so easily impressed. Kyaw Swar, who lives in Mingaladon Township, said that on the two occasions he's visited, monkeys are about all he's seen, apart from the rather sad-looking elephants that appear on weekends for rides and snapshots. He said the only reason he comes is because his daughter likes the elephants. But such naysayers are in the minority, as the park continues to attract visitors, if only because it gives them a break from the constant din of city life. "It's really fun for us here. Yangon is really noisy, but here it's a very nice, quiet place," said Su Nandar Hlaing, a university student visiting the park with friends. So whether it's just a leafy oasis that you seek, or a chance to catch a glimpse of an elusive jungle beast, Hlawga National Park is worth a visit for residents and tourists alike. This story first appeared in the July 2013 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

Burma Business Roundup (July 20) Posted: 19 Jul 2013 07:01 PM PDT Naypidaw in US$100 Million China Deal to Build Train Factories China and Burma have signed a US$100 million agreement to jointly build railway rolling stock. Ninety percent of the money will be covered by loans from Chinese state banks to finance construction of at least two factories to build diesel locomotives and passenger carriages, said the Chinese news agency Xinhua. Technical expertise will be provided by the China National Machinery Import and Export Corporation (CMC), the Chinese partner in the deal with Burma's Ministry of Rail Transportation. Burma's railways and rolling stock are dilapidated from years of neglect. This agreement comes just a few weeks after Japan financed and carried out a feasibility study on modernizing the more than 600 kilometres railway route between Rangoon and Mandalay. At the time Burma's deputy minister of railways, Thura Thaung Lwin, said Japanese companies would be awarded the modernization contract. Some media reports have said factories under the Chinese loans deal will be built in Mandalay and Naypidaw. Beijing has previously signed an agreement with the Naypidaw government to build a freight railway route from the China's Yunnan Province through Burma to the Bay of Bengal coast at Kyaukphyu, Arakan State. South Korea Exhibits its Manufacturing Skills in Trade Show South Korea is to make another big push to promote its manufacturing businesses in Burma. A four-day exposition of Korean companies and their products and services will be held in Burma between July 26 and July 29. Exhibitors will include electronics equipment manufacturers, cosmetics, furniture, textiles and home ware. However, the Korea Expo 2013 will not be held in Burma's main commercial city Rangoon. Instead, it will take place in the capital Naypidaw. This was one of the agreements made when Seoul's Finance Minister Hyun Oh-seok visited Burma in June at the head of South Korea's first major trade delegation. Korean industrial firms are bidding to win contracts to help develop the new Rangoon airport at Hanthawaddy. They include the managers of Seoul's Incheon International Airport Corporation. South Korea made a late start in showing interest in Burma since the political and economic rejuvenation over two years ago and ranks way behind China, Thailand, Japan and Singapore in investment. However, government figures reveal that trade between Burma and South Korea in 2012 grew to a value of US$573 million. 'Serious Gaps' in Rules for US Business in Burma: NGO There are "serious gaps" in the rules established by the US government that require American companies to comply with when doing business in Burma, a human rights group said. Even though Washington lifted economic sanctions, US firms must report their business activities in Burma to the US State Department in order to try to ensure transparency and the avoidance of still-sanctioned individual Burmese businesspeople. The first US companies this month published their Burma investments, including business activities in oil and gas extraction. More are expected to reveal their activities later in the year. "The first reports demonstrate both the usefulness of these reports, as well as some of the weaknesses in the US requirements," said Jonathan Kaufman, Legal Advocacy Coordinator with Earth Rights International (ERI), a US-based human rights NGO. "However, serious gaps remain in the rules. Even Hercules Offshore – which provided the most detailed report – is not disclosing the names of its Myanmar suppliers and subcontractors," ERI said in a statement. "This makes it difficult for civil society groups to monitor its investments for the serious human rights, environmental, or other abuses the rules are designed to prevent." Hercules Offshore Inc has worked with Thailand's gas explorer PTTEP which has links with Burma's controversial state-controlled Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). Muse in Shan State Tops Cross-Border Trade as China Takes Lead Burma's land cross-border trade totalled US$894 million in value in the April-June quarter, according to the latest government figures. Two thirds of the trade was with China. Border trade is climbing as the number of permitted crossings increases – now 15 with China, Thailand, India and Bangladesh. The biggest two-way trade in the quarter was with China via Burma's border town of Muse in Shan State, logging more than $600 million, according to the Chinese state news agency Xinhua. Overall trade was split almost 50-50 between exports and imports. The biggest single Burmese export commodity group in the quarter was agricultural produce. Imports were mostly raw material and finished factory products. ASEAN Pushes for 'Creative' Tourism in Burma to Protect Culture Burma is to be included in "creative" multi-country tourism packages to be promoted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) linked to protection of cultures and the environment. "Our new focus is on experiential and creative tourism that respects environment and culture," said the director general of Burma's Ministry of Hotels and Tourism Myanmar, Aung Zaw Win. He is also chairman of the ASEAN Tourism Product Development Working Group. "Today's travellers are more sophisticated and interested in experiences with immersion in local ways of life," Aung Zaw Win said. He made no mention of the fact that Burma still does not permit visitors from ASEAN other nine member countries to travel to the country without first obtaining a visa. ASEAN is pushing for visa-free travel within the bloc by 2015 when it also becomes an integrated economic area, and aims to permit free movement of labor. A study in June by Norway and the Asian Development Bank forecast that Burma could be attracting 7 million tourist visits a year by 2020.

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