Monday, February 24, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


US May Consider Future Arms Sales to Burma: Report

Posted: 24 Feb 2014 06:18 AM PST

military, arms trade, United States, UK, Burma Army, ethnic conflict, human rights, Myanmar

Burma Army officers attend a military legal affairs seminar by the US Defense Institute of International Legal Studies in Naypyidaw in August. (Photo: www.diils.org)

RANGOON — The United States plans to expand its defense ties with Burma and would consider resuming arms sales if the country's human rights record greatly improves, a senior US State Department official has told IHS Jane's, a UK publication that specializes in military and defense industry issues.

Kenneth Handelman, deputy assistant secretary of state for defense trade controls in the Bureau of Political-Military Affairs, said the United States was not currently selling weapons to Burma or Vietnam because of concerns over poor human rights conditions in both countries.

In the future, however, this could change as US policy toward both countries evolves and Washington continues its strategy of developing closer bilateral military ties with Asian Pacific nations, Handelman told Jane's Defense Weekly on the sidelines of the Singapore Airshow earlier this month.

"We are starting down a long road with both these countries. If Myanmar or Vietnam ask us for a purchase through the Foreign Military Sale system or if they approach a US company and request a purchase through the direct commercial sale system, we are going to consider it. Every export license is like a small independent foreign policy decision," he was quoted as saying.

Handelman stressed, nonetheless, that "human rights is a huge issue" when it comes to US approval for arms sales.

A spokesperson at the US Embassy in Rangoon said in reaction to the report that the comments on future arms sales to Burma "are of course speculative," adding that current US policy is to "take a measured and calibrated approach to engagement with the Burmese military, which has been very limited thus far.

"Our goal is to promote the professionalization of the Burmese Armed Forces—and we define that to include accountability, civilian control, understanding of, and adherence to, international law, and the protection of human rights," the embassy official said, adding that so far Burmese military leaders had attended three seminars organized by the US Defense Institute of International Legal Studies on human rights law and law of armed conflict.

"Any expansion beyond these types of engagements is contingent upon further progress on human rights, national unity, democratization, and severance of military ties to North Korea," the official said. "We continue to be committed to maintaining sanctions on military-owned companies and preventing U.S. companies from payments to the military."

The remarks by the US State Department's Handelman could stir up controversy because of the Burmese military's record of decades-long political repression, rights violations and brutal warfare against the country's ethnic rebel groups. In 2011, a military junta made way for President Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government, and next year Burma is scheduled to hold its first and free elections in decades.

Thein Sein's government has introduced sweeping political reforms, released thousands of political prisoners, and signed ceasefires with more than a dozen rebel groups. Serious concerns remain, however, over the sizeable political powers of the Burma Army, which directly controls a quarter of Parliament, and ongoing rights abuses by the army in ethnic areas where conflict continues to fester.

The United States suspended its trade sanctions against Burma in 2012 but maintains an arms embargo that was first implemented in the mid-1990s. The European Union dropped its economic sanctions last year, but also keeps up an arms embargo, which it is expected to renew in April this year. The EU embargo covers arms, munitions and military hardware, and other equipment that might be used for internal repression.

Bertil Lintner, a veteran journalist who has written several books about Burma, said it came as no surprise that the United States desired closer defense ties with Burma as part of Washington's strategy to seek regional allies and balance out China's growing political and military clout.

He warned, however, that US arms sales to the military would be unpopular within Burma, where the army remains disliked by many groups in society because of its past record and current political power.

"Obviously, the US wants to include Myanmar and Vietnam in its 'Asian pivot,' which is aimed at containing the spread of Chinese influence in the region," he wrote in an email.

"But if the US were to ease the arms embargo against Myanmar, not only the armed ethnic resistance groups would be opposed to such a move, but also Bamar opposition groups," Lintner added, referring to the country's majority ethnic Bamar people.

Both the United States and Britain have been seeking to strengthen military ties with Burma on the back of the reforms introduced by Thein Sein. London appointed a permanent military attaché at its Rangoon embassy last year and the UK chief of defense staff visited Burma in June 2013.

The London-based Campaign Against Arms Trade said Britain in January 2013 approved sales of US$5.3 million worth of "inertial equipment," most likely technology that aids radar navigation systems, to Burma. Since 2008, it has sold Burma another $700,000 worth of defense equipment, mostly software, and measurement and navigation equipment, although one of the export licenses also included a bomb suit.

Andrew Smith, a spokesperson from Campaign Against Arms Trade, cautioned against any potential arms deals between Western governments and Burma. "[W]hen it comes to business the human rights usually often play second fiddle to the short term profits of the arms companies," he wrote in an email Monday.

"In addition, Britain has been doing military training with the Burmese army, which concerns us greatly. When the west works with regimes like the one in Burma it is giving them moral, political and military support and increasing their international legitimacy."

Over the past few decades, Russia and China were the main suppliers of military hardware, such as surface-to-air missiles, artillery and aircraft, to the isolated former junta, while Naypyidaw has also sought to buy missile technology and weapons from North Korea—much to the concern of the US government.

The post US May Consider Future Arms Sales to Burma: Report appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Singapore Firm Says it Secured Funding for Moulmein Power Plant

Posted: 24 Feb 2014 06:06 AM PST

energy, power, foreign investment, business, economics, Myanmar, Singapore

Dry season power shortages in Rangoon have in the past given rise to popular candle-lit protests in the city. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — As Burma struggles to meet rising energy demands, an increasing number of foreign energy firms are entering the country. On Monday, Singapore's Asiatech Energy announced it secured funding to build a gas-fired power plant in the Mon State capital Moulmein.

The company released a statement in Naypyidaw saying that signed a financing agreement with Singapore's United Overseas Bank (UOB) allowing it to begin work on the 230-megawatt project, although the firm failed to disclose how much funding it had secured.

Asiatech Energy said the plant would initially be able to produce 43 megawatt later this year, adding that its construction is expected to be completed by late 2015, when it would be able to supply energy to 5 million people.

The gas-fired plant will reportedly cost about $170 million to construct.

Asiatech Energy will work with Myanmar Lighting Co Ltd, which will own the plant, and Myanmar Electrical Enterprise, which will distribute its energy.

"The financing of Asiatech Energy's project is in line with our approach of supporting the businesses building the infrastructure that is necessary to drive the region's economic growth," said Frederick Chin, managing director at UOB's Group Wholesale Banking.

Last week, UOB announced that it would work with US-based APR Energy to construct a 100-MW power plant in the Mandalay region.

Also last week, MAXPOWER (Thaketa) Company Ltd, a subsidiary of Singapore's Navigat Group, announced that it signed a long-term power purchase agreement with the Burmese government. The contract was the first such agreement between a foreign energy firm and the government, and will reportedly serve as a template for further foreign energy investment in the country.

MAXPOWER said it spent $35 million building a 50-MW gas-fired plant in a suburb of Rangoon.

According to the Asian Development Bank, only 30 percent of Burma's population of around 60 million people currently has access to electricity, while the country's energy needs are projected to greatly increase in coming years.

Recurrent blackouts and energy shortages are severely hampering industrial development and investment in the impoverished country.

Myat Thin Aung, chairman of Rangoon's Hlaing Tharyar Industrial Zone, said poor energy infrastructure was one main the reasons why foreign direct investment has fallen short of expectations. "Even we local investors do not yet have enough regular electricity for daily production, so it's a big challenge for foreign investors," he said.

The post Singapore Firm Says it Secured Funding for Moulmein Power Plant appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Questions Over Would-Be Anticorruption Chief’s Military Past

Posted: 24 Feb 2014 05:44 AM PST

Myanmar, Burma, corruption ,thein sein ,

Burma's Parliament in Naypyidaw is set to approve the president's nominees for a new anticorruption commission. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Opposition politicians have raised concerns that a new anticorruption commission will not be up to the job of tackling Burma's endemic graft, after the President's Office nominated a former military major general to chair the body.

In a letter to Parliament on Feb. 20, the office of President Thein Sein recommended the appointment of 15 commissioners to sit on the new body that will enforce Burma's Anticorruption Law, passed in July last year.

The nominees included ambassadors, former civil servants, lawyers, auditors and lawmakers, as well as five former military generals, including the nominee for chair: former Maj-Gen Mya Win.

The president's nominee for the role of secretary of the new anti-graft commission was Tin Oo, currently Burma's ambassador to China and a former brigadier general in the Burma Army.

Lawmakers are expected to approve the names and the formation of the commission this week. They were given a brief biography of the would-be members of the commission, although only limited copies were distributed.

His biography said that former Maj-Gen Mya Win was in the 16th intake of Burma's elite Defense Services Academy. Now aged 62, he has visited China 10 times and was the commander of the Burma Army's Artillery Corps. until he retired from the military in 2012, the biography said.

Mya Win appears on a list of people that remained sanctioned by Australia after the country in May 2012 reduced its list of those sanctioned for their association with Burma's military regime.

His name also appeared in reports that a Burmese delegation, led by Shwe Mann—now the parliamentary speaker—visited North Korea in November 2008.

Hla Shwe, a member of Parliament with the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), insisted that Mya Win—who hails from the same township as the president: Ngaputaw Township in Pathein District—is a reliable appointment.

"Gen Mya Win is a good guy," said Hla Shwe, a fellow former military official. "He did no wrongdoing during his service term. For example, when the auditors checked for the expenses of his department, the budget was already accurate, no over- or under-spending."

Although an anticorruption committee—chaired by Vice President Sai Mauk Kham—has been in place during Thein Sein's administration, the new anti-grant law called for a new commission to enforce it. The law demands that executive, judicial and legislative officials declare their assets, and the commission—the members of which also must declare their assets—will be responsible for investigating corruption among officials.

But the military and ruling-party links of the nominees raised skepticism that the commission could tackle the deep-rooted corruption that flourished in Burma under decades of military rule. Despite rising in recent years, the country is still ranked 157 out of 177 countries in Transparency International's corruption perceptions index.

Win Tin, a co-founder of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), said, "Although I respect President Thein Sein's appointment of those retired officials, I doubt that they are free from graft as they are retired generals and directors who used to be military men."

"The commissioners should be those who will act fairly and are experts on the issue," said Win Tin, who warned that those connected with the former military regime would not be able to investigate its corruption.

"Speaking colloquially, it would be like appointing the head prostitute as the chairman of the commission for the elimination of prostitution," he added.

Opposition lawmakers said that although the list of commissioners had been submitted for discussion in Parliament, the USDP-dominated house would likely approve the recommendations without amendment.

"It's not like we can choose who will become the commissioners from the list, the appointees are selected for [who the president's office says is] most suitable for the commission," said NLD lawmaker Win Myint.

Phone Myint Aung, an Upper House lawmaker from the New National Democracy Party said that the commission was facing a difficult duty, and would therefore need expertise.

"I doubt either corrupt officials or bribe payers will come forward to raise their issue with the commission. Thus, it is the commission's task to dig out about the corruption," Phone Myint Aung said.

The post Questions Over Would-Be Anticorruption Chief's Military Past appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thein Sein Meets Burma’s Top Tycoons

Posted: 24 Feb 2014 05:19 AM PST

Tay Za, Htoo Trading, Serge Pun, SPA Group, Steven Law, Asia World, Zaw Zaw, Max Myanmar, Thein Sein, Myanmar, Burma, Rangoon, business, investment, development, Aik Htun, Shwe Taung, Aung Ko Win, KBZ, Maung Weik, Htay Myint, Yuzana, Khin Maung Aye, CB Bank, Myanmar Golden Star, Thein Tun,Chit Khaing, Eden Group

President Thein Sein greets hundreds of businesspeople during a meeting at a Rangoon divisional government office on Saturday. (Photo: President's Office)

RANGOON — Burma's President Thein Sein met with hundreds of business tycoons in Rangoon over the weekend to hear their input about economic reforms.

More than 300 businesspeople and leaders of related associations attended the meeting at a Rangoon divisional government office on Saturday. Among them were some of the country's richest tycoons, including Tay Za of Htoo Trading, Serge Pun of SPA Group, Steven Law of Asia World, and Zaw Zaw of Max Myanmar.

Thein Sein, who was accompanied by union ministers, reportedly told the gathering that the private sector accounted for 90 percent of the country's economy, and that economic reforms would be crucial to achieve an estimated 9 percent economic growth in the coming fiscal year. He noted a few main reforms, including changes to the old currency exchange system to boost the market economy, and new financial policies to make the central bank more independent.

Chit Khaing, chairman of the Myanmar Rice Entrepreneurs Association and Myanma Apex Bank, said the meeting was called after some businesspeople expressed negative views of the government's economic policies. He said Thein Sein listened to five-minute presentations by 10 businesspeople about difficulties they had encountered in their respective industries.

"We had five minutes to present our difficulties to the president," he told The Irrawaddy on Monday, before adding, "That's not enough time to talk with the president."

Tay Za called for a better gems policy during his presentation, according to local media reports. The tycoon, who chairs the Myanmar Gems and Jewelry Entrepreneurs Association, urged the government to investigate the mining situation in northern Burma's Kachin State, where he has extensive business interests.

He told the president that Burmese citizens of Chinese ancestry were heavily involved in the mining industry and were exporting gems over the border to China. As a result, he said, value-added industries had developed in China but not in Burma.

Burma's jade exports reached US$800 million in the 2013-14 fiscal year, compared to $325 million in 2012-13, according to government statistics.

During another presentation, Myat Thin Aung, chairman of Hlaing Tharyar industrial zone, called for better electricity infrastructure. "We need regular electricity for factories. That's why FDI [foreign direct investment] is only 'wait and see' now, due to the lack of power supply," he told The Irrawaddy.

"A Korean electricity company wants to open a factory in Rangoon, and that could mean many job opportunities for local people, but they hesitate to settle here because of irregular electricity," he said.

He also recommended stricter enforcement of tax obligations in industrial zones, and said the meeting was short but hopefully fruitful. "It's better than no meeting," he said. "The president knows now what problems we face in each industry, but I'm not sure which areas will see the quickest results. It depends on the union ministers and how they manage these problems."

Thu Wai, chairman of the Democratic Party (Burma), was critical of the direction of economic reforms. "The economy is not moving forward, and the government still needs to build trust for foreign direct investment to come in," he told The Irrawaddy. He said further meetings between the president and businesspeople would boost economic growth.

Thein Sein said FDI in Burma stood at $8.2 billion from 2011 through 2013, while local investment reached $22 billion. Trade from April 2013 through February 2014 reached US$21.571 billion, compared with $15 billion in the 2010-11 fiscal year.

Other businesspeople at the meeting included Aik Htun, chairman of Shwe Taung Group; Aung Ko Win, chairman of KBZ bank; Maung Weik, a prominent businessman in the construction and development sectors; and Htay Myint of Yuzana Company, which is involved the construction, agriculture, hospitality, real estate and fishery industries.

Also present were Khin Maung Aye, chairman of CB Bank; Thein Tun, president of Myanmar Golden Star Company, which first brought Pepsi soft drinks to Burma; and Chit Khaing, chairman and chief executive of the major conglomerate Eden Group.

The post Thein Sein Meets Burma's Top Tycoons appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

A Purr-fect Pedigree in Burma

Posted: 24 Feb 2014 05:02 AM PST

Burmese cats, Inle Lake, Inthar Heritage House, Shan State, animal, Yin Myo Su

Burmese cats bask in the warm sunshine at Inthar Heritage House, located on the shores of Inle Lake in Shan State. (Photo: Kyaw Phyo Tha / The Irrawaddy)

INLE LAKE, Shan State — Even if you're not a fan of felines, it's a pretty tough feat to hate the Burmese cat.

They might not seem remarkable at first, with their small round heads, wide-set golden eyes and short glossy fur. But get a bit closer, even on the first acquaintance, and you will surely regret your poor prejudgment. With temperaments that could melt even the stoniest of hearts, these cats will hop on your lap and nestle up to your neck, as if reuniting with a long lost master.

Friendly, inquisitive, playful and outgoing, Burmese cats are one of the world's most popular breeds. Originally from mainland Southeast Asia, they lived in the region for over 1,000 years, reportedly kept by ancient royal families and used as guardians of temples in Burma.

But nearly all the purebred Burmese cats had vanished from the country by the 1930s, after the indigenous breed was bred with other cats that arrived during the 19th and 20th centuries. Luckily, a few were sent to the United Kingdom, the United States and Australia before extinction.

Several decades later they are now back again, thanks to local residents in Shan State who began a program to reintroduce and breed the well-mannered cats in their homeland.

"From the best possible pedigree sources in the UK and Australia, seven Burmese cats were brought back to [Burma] in 2008 for breeding purposes," says Nang Myat Chaw Su, conservation supervisor of one of two pedigree breeding centers at the Inthar Heritage House on the shores of Inle Lake.

"So far we have 30 cats at the house and 13 at the resort," she adds, referring to a second breeding center at the Inle Princess Resort, which is also situated on the lake and owned by the founder of the heritage house, DawYin Myo Su.

Daw Yin Myo Su never had any particular affection for cats, but everyone else seemed to be talking about them and she wondered why.

"I fell in love minutes after meeting them. How can anyone resist such very friendly cats?" she says. "They are as friendly as we Burmese."

It dawned on her that perhaps she should consider the cats more seriously, as part of her national heritage. "I decided to reintroduce and preserve them, partly because they have our Burmese personality," she adds.

The project is a collaborative effort with the China Exploration & Research Society, a nonprofit focused on environmental and cultural conservation.

Within two years the initial breeding program was successful, yielding several litters of healthy cats while also attracting large groups of tourists and visitors. Since the original Burmese cats were believed to have been chocolate brown, the breeding center aims for the same color fur, though occasionally some bluish silver kittens are kept around.

Hoping to reintroduce the felines to their native land, the program has so far given nearly a dozen cats to interested local people for free, while foreigners can pay US$1,000. The pets are all neutered to preserve their pure pedigree.

"If anyone would like to keep them as we do here—with a playground, sleeping rooms and a separate spacious room for the day—and if they can guarantee to avoid mixed breeding, we are happy to give anyone a couple of cats," says Daw Yin Myo Su.

"Here they are like kings and queens. We are their servants."

The post A Purr-fect Pedigree in Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

In Meeting With NLD Cofounder, Wirathu Cautions Against Suu Kyi Presidency

Posted: 24 Feb 2014 04:27 AM PST

Nationalist Buddhist monk U Wirathu is greeted with respect at a monks' conference in Rangoon in June 2013. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The controversial Buddhist monk U Wirathu, leader of Burma's ultranationalist 969 movement, has advised the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) to refrain from pushing the presidential candidacy of democracy icon and party chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi.

The Mandalay-based monk conveyed the message in a meeting with NLD cofounder Win Tin on Saturday in Mandalay, where he said a constitutional provision that currently bars Suu Kyi from presidential eligibility should remain in place, despite his admiration for the long-time democracy campaigner turned parliamentarian.

"Everyone in the country, including me, wants Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to be president. But I am worried about those who are not ethnic people [who identify as one of Burma's officially recognized ethnicities], such as Chinese and Muslim, will become president in the country if Article 59 is amended," Wirathu told The Irrawaddy on Monday, saying he feared foreign influence in the nation's affairs if an ethnic Chinese or Muslim were elected president.

Article 59F of the 2008 Constitution bars from presidential eligibility anyone who marries a foreigner or has children who claim foreign citizenship. Suu Kyi married a British man and has two children who hold British passports.

There is no comparable constitutional provision preventing Muslims who hold Burmese citizenship from running for president, but people in Burma who identify as ethnic Chinese are not considered citizens and thus cannot run for the office.

Win Tin on Monday said that he had dismissed Wirathu's concerns over the precedent that a Suu Kyi presidency might set.

"I told him that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is not struggling only to be president of the country. She is working for democracy and a genuine federal system in the country," the NLD cofounder told The Irrawaddy.

Wirathu has courted controversy in recent years with a nationwide campaign that claims Muslims in Burma are threatening the country's Buddhist majority. Monks promoting the movement have held public sermons urging Burma's Buddhists to protect their race and religion by boycotting Muslim-owned businesses.

Some of the same monks have in recent months called into question whether Suu Kyi is up to the task of protecting the purportedly besieged Buddhist majority.

Monks have a long tradition of involvement in Burma's politics, including the religious order's leading role in anti-government protests in 2007 that were dubbed the Saffron Revolution, in reference to the monks' colored robes.

Unlike the monks' political agitations then, the efforts of 969 proselytizers have been condemned by the international human rights community, which has blamed them in part for outbreaks of Buddhist mob violence against Muslim communities in Burma.

Wirathu's stated position on Monday appears at odds with remarks he made in late November, when he said a Suu Kyi presidency would bring "chaos" because she was "weak at governance."

Win Tin on Monday said he did not buy into the monk's ostensible reason for opposing a change to Article 59F.

"I found that he does not want Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to become president. He does not want her to win in the election and he does not want a person who married a foreign citizen to win power," he said.

Win Tin said he had assured Wirathu that the NLD would not allow "puppet politics" to affect its policy positions and hoped-for governance following elections in 2015.

Win Tin met with Wirathu at the latter's invitation, in a setting that the NLD leader said added more mixed signals about the monk's loyalties.

"I found Daw Aung San Suu Kyi photos and messages from her speech, and messages in support of her, which were posted at his monastery when I was there," Win Tin said.

"He told me that he and his monks have been active in the movement for political change in the country, and that they intended to foster a smooth transition," Win Tin added.

"I told him that I approved of monks' participation in the political transition because there is a history of monks involved in politics. But, I told him that it was important that their efforts benefit all the people in the country and not only one group of people."

The post In Meeting With NLD Cofounder, Wirathu Cautions Against Suu Kyi Presidency appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Delaying Census Would Be an ‘Enormous Waste of Resources’: UNFPA

Posted: 24 Feb 2014 01:11 AM PST

The questionnaire used during the Population and Housing Pilot Census in 2013. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw Myint / UNFPA)

RANGOON — Following calls to delay Burma's first census in 30 years, the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) has defended the decision to begin data collection as scheduled at the end of next month.

The UNFPA, which is providing technical assistance to the Burma government for the census, said it would be logistically impractical or a waste of resources to postpone any part of data collection, including questions covering ethnicity and religion.

Some ethnic minority activists in the country have recently called for a delay to the entire census survey, while an international NGO has recommended that the government amend the survey to include only key demographic questions, postponing more sensitive questions to another time.

"The international standard is to conduct a census every 10 years. Any delay in undertaking the census would delay the use of reliable data for planning, policymaking and development," Janet Jackson, the UNFPA representative in Burma, told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

"Undertaking a nationwide census is a large investment requiring considerable financial expense, extensive human resources and advance planning," she said in an email. "Massive logistical arrangements have been made for this census, including training of enumerators, publicity activities, and production of information materials in local languages for delivery to all townships. Delaying the census at this stage would be an enormous waste of resources already committed."

She added that census data could not be gathered in bits and pieces at different times, with certain questions asked now and others asked at a later date. "A fixed time reference is critical to the reliability of the data, removing any doubt in terms of duplication, coverage, transparency and trust in the process," she said.

Her comments came after the International Crisis Group (ICG) urged the Burma's census organizers to only ask demographic questions covering age, sex and marital status during the survey, while postponing data collection on ethnicity, religion and citizenship status until a later time. "This will provide the most important data without touching at this stage on the more controversial issues of identity and citizenship," the Brussels-based NGO said in a "conflict alert" statement on Feb. 12.

The ICG acknowledged that accurate demographic data was necessary for national planning and development, but warned that Burma's census survey included flaws in the classification system for ethnicity. It also cautioned that questions about religion could feed into anti-Muslim sentiment that has led to outbreaks of sectarian violence.

"In addition to navigating its political transition from authoritarian military rule to democratic governance, [Burma] is struggling to end decades-old, multiple and overlapping ethnic conflicts in its peripheries," the ICG said. "At the same time, recent months have seen an increasingly virulent Burman-Buddhist nationalist movement lead to assaults on Muslim minority communities. A census which risks further increasing these tensions is ill-advised."

Jackson said the Burma government had approved the inclusion of questions on ethnicity, religion and type of identity card to obtain demographic and socioeconomic information that it considered critical to understanding the country's development needs.

But ethnic activists have raised concerns, saying the classification breakdown of 135 ethnic groups is too divisive. Others have said the survey inaccurately classifies certain ethnic subgroups or tribes as belonging to unrelated larger ethnic groups. The stakes are high, they say, because ethnic groups that pass a certain population threshold are entitled to ethnically delineated political constituencies, with representatives appointed as ministers of local government.

"It is accepted that these classifications are not perfect, but provisions are in place to address their limitations, particularly by allowing every respondent to self-identify with any ethnicity or nationality as they wish, including mixed ethnicity," Jackson said. Respondents who do not identify with one of the 135 ethnic groups can describe themselves as "other" and orally report their ethnic affiliations to the enumerator, she said, adding that those responses would later be sub-coded during data processing.

"The government's stated intention is then to open the issue of ethnicity up to dialogue, entering into a consultative process with ethnic leaders on how ethnicities should be classified or grouped. The census is not the last word on ethnicity, therefore, but a stepping-stone for a much wider and open consultation that can redefine ethnicity in [Burma]."

Asked about the political ramifications of the census, specifically related to ethnically delineated constituencies, she said data from the survey would be used for limited purposes.

"The government has stated clearly that the census is a purely statistical exercise totally separate from processes of national registration, citizenship, election voter registration and taxation. It has signed a commitment not to use census data for any such purpose," she said.

She added that over the past four months, a government team led by Minister of Immigration and Population Khin Yi has held town hall meetings and discussions about the census with leaders of ethnic political organizations and armed groups around the country, including in remote areas and self-administered zones. "Concerns on ethnicity have been addressed by clarifying that people will be free to state their ethnic identity as they wish, confidentially," she said.

The nationwide census will begin at the end of next month, from March 29 to April 10, and tens of millions of dollars have been spent to prepare. The last nationwide census was conducted in 1983, under the military regime of Gen Ne Win.

As the start date draws closer, ethnic groups have called on the government to postpone the census until their concerns about ethnic classification are resolved. In a letter to President Thein Sein, the immigration minister and a chairman of the central census commission, ethnic Chin activists have called for at least a 30-day delay of data collection, citing concerns about potential conflicts between various tribes in Chin State. In a separate letter to Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann, ethnic Kachin civil society groups also requested a postponement in data collection, recommending that the question about ethnic affiliation should be dropped altogether if a resolution was not reached regarding complaints about inaccurate classification.

However, others say a delay is not the answer.

"It is impossible to postpone the census process because the government is organizing it countrywide," Hau Khen Kham, the speaker of the Chin State Parliament, told The Irrawaddy on Monday. He said the census was first and foremost about counting the population, not classifying ethnic groups, and added that if people were still concerned about classification they could submit complaints to the state legislature, which would discuss the matter.

Speaking on Feb. 10, Minister Khin Yi defended the need to move forward with the census and to include questions about ethnicity and religious affiliation. He said many other countries around the world did not include such questions in their census surveys, but that Burma would need to do so because its statistics were much more out-of-date.

The post Delaying Census Would Be an 'Enormous Waste of Resources': UNFPA appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai PM Leaves Bangkok As Bombs, Gunfire Punctuate Unrest

Posted: 23 Feb 2014 10:28 PM PST

Thailand, protests, Suthep, Thaksin Shinawatra, Bangkok, violence, Ratchaprasong, Yingluck

A Thai soldier photographs the crime scene following a bomb blast in Bangkok on Feb. 23, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Paul Barker)

BANGKOK — Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, the target of anti-government protesters who have blocked parts of Bangkok for weeks, has left the city and is staying 150 km (90 miles) away, her office said on Monday, without specifying the location.

The protests, punctuated by occasional gunfire and bomb blasts, including one on Sunday which killed a woman and a young brother and sister, are aimed at unseating Yingluck and erasing the influence of her brother, ousted ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra, regarded by many as the real power behind the government.

Yingluck's office told reporters she was not in Bangkok and asked media to follow a convoy outside the city where they said Yingluck was "undertaking official duties" 150 km away.

The office would not confirm how many days Yingluck had been working from outside the capital. She was last seen in public in Bangkok nearly a week ago, last Tuesday, and is due to attend a corruption hearing there on Thursday.

Foreign Minister Surapong Tovichakchaikul said Yingluck would hold a cabinet meeting on Tuesday.

"It is highly likely that we will hold the cabinet meeting outside of Bangkok. As for the prime minister's exact whereabouts today, I have not been informed about her location," Surapong told reporters.

The political crisis, which pits the mainly middle-class anti-government demonstrators from Bangkok and the south against supporters of Yingluck from the populous rural north and northeast, shows no sign of ending soon.

Protesters, who disrupted and boycotted this month's general election, have been urged by their leader to target businesses linked to Thaksin and gathered outside a television station on Monday managed by Thaksin's son.

They also headed for the foreign and finance ministries.

The Election Commission had said it would try to complete the election process in late April, but has since suspended that date pending a court decision, leaving the country in political limbo under a caretaker government with limited powers.

It was not immediately clear who was responsible for Sunday's bomb blast in a busy shopping district, but the polarization of Thai society raises the possibility of wider civil strife.

The 6-year-old sister of a boy killed in the attack died on Monday, doctors said, taking the death toll to three.

Each side has accused the other of instigating violence, while armed provocateurs have a history of trying to stir tension. Protesters and the police have also blamed violence on shadowy third parties.

Yingluck said Sunday's attack, and one on Saturday in the eastern province of Trat in which a 5-year-old girl was killed, were terrorism.

"I strongly condemn the use of violence in recent days … since the lives of children were lost," she said on Facebook.

"The violent incidents are terrorist acts for political gains without regard for human life."

The UN Children's Fund (Unicef) urged protest leaders and parents to protect children by keeping them away from protest sites.

Four protesters and a police officer were killed last Tuesday when police tried to reclaim protest sites near government buildings.

The protests are the biggest since deadly political unrest in 2010, when Thaksin's "red shirt" supporters paralyzed Bangkok in an attempt to remove a government led by the Democrat Party, now the main opposition party.

More than 90 people were killed and 2,000 wounded during that unrest, which ended when troops moved in to disperse the protests.

Demonstrators accuse Thaksin of nepotism and corruption and say that, prior to being toppled by the army in 2006, he used taxpayers' money for populist subsidies such as a rice subsidy scheme and easy loans that bought him the loyalty of millions.

Rice farmers, angry at not being paid under the current rice scheme, called off a protest tractor drive to Bangkok's main airport on Friday after an assurance they would get their money this week.

Additional reporting by Aukkarapon Niyomyat and Panarat Thepgumpanat.

The post Thai PM Leaves Bangkok As Bombs, Gunfire Punctuate Unrest appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

‘The UN Human Rights Mandate Is Very Well-known in the Country’

Posted: 23 Feb 2014 10:03 PM PST

human rights, United Nations, Arakan, Rohingya, ethnic conflict, religious conflict

UN human rights envoy for Burma Tomas Ojea Quintana speaks to reporters following a meeting with Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in February 2012. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

BANGKOK — Tomas Ojea Quintana, United National special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, spoke to Thomson Reuters Foundation about ceasefire prospects in the north and other human rights concerns, in addition to calling for an independent investigation into the alleged January massacre of Rohingya Muslims in Arakan (Rakhine) State.

Quintana had just returned from his last official mission to Burma/Myanmar as his six-year mandate draws to a close.

Question: Are you concerned religious violence could escalate before the 2015 elections?

Answer: It has calmed down a little and I think that’s because the government understands that the escalation of violence is not only serious from a human rights point of view but it will also not help with the transition, the government, the Thein Sein administration. I think everybody wants to see the 2015 elections in the best environment as possible. This will be the first election after the changing of the government.

The other problem is the ethnic minority groups and whether a ceasefire could be agreed before the elections.

Q: You mentioned a possible nationwide ceasefire accord in April 2014. Is that likely?

A: That [timeline] is coming from the government side. The ethnic minority groups, including the KIO [Kachin Independence Organisation, which is still fighting the army], expressed that they’re willing to sign a ceasefire agreement but they’d like to see, immediately after, a political dialogue. The problem is that they do not trust the current government.

I also visited Laiza [controlled by the KIO]. It was a very important and good gesture from the government to the ethnic groups, saying, “Look, we’re allowing the special rapporteur to go to your controlled area”.

Now the issue is what are the guarantees from the government that after the ceasefire that you will reach a political agreement. I hope they’re working on that at this moment.

Q: What about the army? It's not just the government and ethnic groups who have to agree to a ceasefire, right?

A: You’re right. This was raised by the KIO. They said, “Mr. Quintana, we want to stop fighting. While we’re negotiating with the government, the army is now moving all over our area and advancing. We cannot trust [them].”

I raised this with the Minister U Aung Min [who is leading the peace negotiations] and he said, “We need coordination at the government level.”

I think they might be able to work it out. Maybe not to the extent that the KIO wants but at some point both parties – the government and ethnic groups – are starting to feel the pressure towards the 2015 election.

The international community wants to see an agreement before the elections take place and there’s not much time.

As a human rights rapporteur, what I’m concerned is that whatever the negotiations, the army and the ethnic groups should abide by humanitarian law because the villagers have suffered a lot.

Q: Did you have the opportunity to meet the military leaders?

A: Throughout my mandate – six years – I always asked to meet the Commander-In-Chief or Regional Commanders. I met the Commander-In-Chief only once but after that, never. So I never had the possibility to have meaningful discussions with those in charge of the army.

Q: What do you think is your biggest achievement in the six years as a U.N. envoy?

A: I’m really happy that the human rights mandate from the United Nations is very well-known in the country. I travelled all over the country and in all places, aside from Rakhine [Arakan] state, people value the mandate. They are happy I’m voicing their concerns. This is why I decided to become a rapporteur.

Q: You also visited Thilawa special economic zone and the controversial Chinese-backed Letpadaung copper mine, which caused protests against land grabs in 2012 and ended with a police raid that injured more than 100 people, including many monks.

A: I’m concerned about the consequences of these big infrastructure projects. What is the responsibility, not only of the government of Myanmar but also of foreign investors?

We must not forget Myanmar was under military rule for over 40 years. Military rule, not rule of law. This means Myanmar lacks the concept of the rule of law and accountability. So if these infrastructure projects really affect the livelihoods, the local community and the environment – and they will – what will be the rule of law that will protect them?

There is none. Of course it is the responsibility of the government to start working on that but foreign investors need to realize they also have to be involved in the question of accountability and rule of law.

Q: What other rights issues are you concerned about in the next few years?

A: There is little space for backtracking. The transition is still fragile and the government recognizes that.

The space for political expression, freedom of expression, and also the media, is opening but face some limitations, like the four Myanmar journalists who were arrested and visa restrictions.

The other thing is the participation of the civil society organizations. This is growing in Myanmar. To what extent are the current authorities going to allow civil society organizations to also become part of the transition? At the moment, there is draft Association Law, which has been seriously criticized.

And human rights should still be on top of the reform agenda.

Q: How has Burma changed during your mandate?

A: When I started the mandate in 2008, there were almost 2,000 political prisoners in the country. That has changed completely. The media now has a lot of space to work. There's political participation – you see NLD [National League for Democracy] and Aung San Suu Kyi participating.

The [government's] cooperation with the United Nations has improved a lot. Although the government has always allowed me to go into the country when I started the mandate, those missions were quite difficult. I did not have too much freedom of movement. That has changed too.

But many of the authorities and ministers that I met during the military time remain in some other position in this new government.

People can change. I really believe that President Thein Sein has been quite consistent in moving the reforms forward and we need to support that.

But the dynamics within the government are quite complicated and that’s why the process of transition is still fragile. I think that will continue for the coming years and that will be the challenge for my successor.

The post 'The UN Human Rights Mandate Is Very Well-known in the Country' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thousands March in Hong Kong Against Erosion of Media Freedoms

Posted: 23 Feb 2014 09:45 PM PST

Hong Kong, media, press, free speech, protest, China, Communist, censorship

Protesters sit outside the office of Hong Kong's chief executive during a demonstration demanding freedom of speech and press freedom in Hong Kong on Feb. 23, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Bobby Yip)

HONG KONG — Thousands rallied outside Hong Kong's government headquarters on Sunday demanding the city's leader uphold media freedoms amid growing anger towards perceived behind-the-scenes intrusions on local media outlets.

Tensions have been rising between forces backing democratic institutions in Hong Kong and China's Communist Party leaders as the city proceeds with political reforms that could lead to an unprecedented direct election for its next leader in 2017.

Carrying "Free Speech, Free Hong Kong" banners, some 6,000 protesters including working journalists, demanded Hong Kong protect media freedoms as a core value underpinning the financial hub's success and global reputation.

In recent years, Hong Kong journalist and rights groups have warned of mainland Chinese propaganda officials influencing local newsrooms, deepening ties between Hong Kong media bosses and Beijing, greater censorship, and the dismissal of influential liberal journalists.

"Hong Kong has changed," one protester shouted into a loudhailer. "The air of freedom is becoming a lot thinner."

Hong Kong, a former British colony that returned to Chinese rule in 1997, is a freewheeling capitalist hub which enjoys a high degree of autonomy and freedom, but Beijing's Communist Party leaders have resisted public pressure for full democracy.

Beijing has agreed in principle for the city to hold direct elections in 2017, but no specific rules have yet been set on whether open nominations for candidates will be allowed.

The media's concerns reflect in part what some see as Beijing's attempts to tighten control over Hong Kong amid its fears a pro-democracy candidate may win the 2017 election.

A local government spokesman said the city's leader, Leung Chun-ying local, "attached great importance to Hong Kong's freedom of the press and freedom of speech." But democracy activists denounce him as a loyalist to Beijing's Communist leadership.

Activists cite as examples of erosion of press freedom the dismissal of a popular radio talk show host opposed to the local government. Staff at the Ming Pao newspaper, known for independent reporting critical of China, have criticized the appointment of an editor with suspected pro-Beijing leanings.

"I have been in this industry for 30 years. I would say this is the worst time," said Shirley Yam, vice-chairman of the Hong Kong Journalists Association and organizer of the protest.

She said press freedom "has been significantly compromised. Interviews were barred, photos were edited, columnists were sacked for all kinds of reasons."

While Hong Kong's media outlets remain a beacon of freedom compared to those in mainland China, subject to heavy censorship and control from Communist Party leaders, the media have taken a softer line on reporting on China since 1997.

Additional reporting by Joyce Woo.

The post Thousands March in Hong Kong Against Erosion of Media Freedoms appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

China, Eyeing Japan, Seeks WW2 Focus for Xi During Germany Visit

Posted: 23 Feb 2014 09:34 PM PST

China, Japan, Germany, World War Two, WWII, Ji Xinping,

A model and a photograph of John Rabe, sometimes called "China's Schindler," are seen in a museum in Nanjing, Jiangsu province Feb. 19, 2014. China wants to make World War Two a key part of a trip by President Xi Jinping to Germany next month, much to Berlin's discomfort, diplomatic sources said, as Beijing tries to use German atonement for its wartime past to embarrass Japan. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — China wants to make World War Two a key part of a trip by President Xi Jinping to Germany next month, much to Berlin's discomfort, diplomatic sources said, as Beijing tries to use German atonement for its wartime past to embarrass Japan.

China has increasingly contrasted Germany and its public contrition for the Nazi regime to Japan, where repeated official apologies for wartime suffering are sometimes undercut by contradictory comments by conservative politicians.

Ties between the two Asian rivals worsened when Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited Tokyo's Yasukuni Shrine on Dec. 26, which China sees as a symbol of Tokyo's past militarism because it honors wartime leaders along with millions of war dead.

Xi will visit Germany in late March, as well as France, the Netherlands and Belgium, Beijing-based diplomats said. China's Foreign Ministry declined to comment on Xi's agenda as the trip has yet to be formally announced.

"China wants a strong focus on World War Two when Xi visits Germany and Germany is not happy," said one diplomatic source who has been briefed on China's plans for the Xi trip.

The German government declined to comment. But the diplomatic sources said Germany did not want to get dragged into the dispute between China and Japan, and dislikes China constantly bringing up Germany's painful past.

A second diplomatic source with knowledge of the trip said China had proposed Xi visit the Holocaust Memorial in Berlin. When that was immediately rejected by Germany, Beijing suggested Xi go to Berlin's Neue Wache Memorial, which honors war dead but not recognized war criminals.

"The Holocaust is a no go area," the source said, adding it was unclear if the Neue Wache Memorial visit would go ahead.

Germany does not want the negative legacy of the war to dominate or take center stage during a state visit, the source added, explaining the objection to the Holocaust Memorial visit.

China wanted German officials to go to Japan and tell them how to cope with history, the source added.

Propaganda Offensive

It is not clear exactly what Xi wants to say about the war while in Germany, which has strong commercial links with China, but Chinese leaders have mentioned the subject in recent visits to Europe.

In 2012, then premier Wen Jiabao went to the former Auschwitz death camp, located in what was then Nazi-occupied Poland, saying: "Only those who remember history can build a good future."

Japanese leaders have repeatedly apologized for suffering caused by the country's wartime actions, including a landmark 1995 apology by then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama. But remarks by conservative politicians periodically cast doubt on Tokyo's sincerity.

Taking questions in Parliament on Thursday, Abe said his government would stick by past apologies.

"As I've said before, in the past many nations, especially those in Asia, suffered great damage and pain due to our nation. Our government recognizes this, as have the governments that have gone before, and will continue this stance," Abe said.

Sino-Japanese ties are not just plagued by China's bitter memories of Japan's occupation of parts of the country before and during World War Two, but also by a territorial row and regional rivalry. Relations chilled after a feud over disputed islands in the East China Sea flared in 2012.

Some experts say China's campaign against Japan has helped Beijing shift some of the debate away from its growing military assertiveness in Asia, including double digit defense spending increases and the creation of an air defense identification zone in the East China Sea that was condemned by Tokyo and Washington.

China pressed home its propaganda offensive against Japan last week during a government-organized visit for foreign reporters to the site of the Nanjing massacre.

Reporters were taken to see the house where a German businessman called John Rabe lived, a man lionized in China for his role in protecting Chinese from Japanese troops who rampaged through the city, then known as Nanking, in late 1937.

China says Japanese troops killed 300,000 people. A post-war Allied tribunal put the death toll at 142,000.

"Any group of people can make a historical mistake, but the Germans have admitted to it and said that they wouldn't allow such a thing to happen again," said Zhu Chengshan, curator of the memorial hall for the victims of the massacre.

"This is an amazing historical perspective that the Germans have. The Japanese, on the other hand, are exactly the opposite."

Abe Defends Shrine Visit

Part of China's campaign has been to highlight German contrition.

State television recently showed footage of former West German chancellor Willy Brandt falling to his knees in front of a memorial to victims of the 1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, when the Germans brutally crushed a Jewish revolt.

Asked about China's comparison of Germany and Japan, a Japanese Foreign Ministry spokesman said Japan would continue to tread a peaceful path and that it was China's recent provocative actions that were raising concerns in the region.

"We have to reflect on the past but cannot live only in the past," spokesman Masaru Sato said. "Reconciliation requires not only a former perpetrator's sincerity and gesture of atonement, but also a former victim's acceptance," he said, adding Tokyo wants dialogue with Beijing.

Numerous diplomatic sources say China has been putting pressure on Western embassies in Beijing to get their governments to condemn Abe's Yasukuni shrine visit.

Abe has repeatedly said he did not visit the shrine to honor war criminals but to pay his respects to those who died for their country and to pledge Japan would never again go to war. His visit prompted a rare statement of "disappointment" from Washington on the day he went.

Last month, following a regular meeting between the Chinese and German defense ministries, Chinese state media said the German side expressed their "understanding for China's position."

"For Germany, the lessons of history have been bitter. Germany went through deep reflection and exerted much effort, thus winning the trust of the international community," Chinese newspapers cited unnamed German officials as saying.

It is all getting a bit much for Germany.

"The Germans are really uncomfortable with this kind of thing," said a third diplomatic source, referring to the defense ministry meeting. "They don't like China constantly comparing them with Japan and going on about the war."

China's ambassador to Germany, Shi Mingde, in an interview with a German newspaper last month, drew a comparison between Abe's shrine visit and the Nazis. "Imagine that the German chancellor would visit Hitler's bunker instead of the Holocaust Memorial to lay flowers. That would be unthinkable," Shi said.

Japanese spokesman Sato, noting that Yasukuni honors 2.5 million war dead from conflicts including both world wars, said it was wrong to suggest the Yasukuni visit meant Japan was unrepentant. "Comparing the two nations by simply referring to a visit to the shrine is wrong," he said.

The post China, Eyeing Japan, Seeks WW2 Focus for Xi During Germany Visit appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai-American Businessman Says Travel Warnings Are Overblown

Posted: 23 Feb 2014 09:24 PM PST

Thailand, politics, unrest, political violence, tourismAnti-government protesters travel atop a bus near the Interior Ministry building that is being surrounded by fellow protesters in Bangkok Feb. 5, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Anti-government protesters travel atop a bus near the Interior Ministry building that is being surrounded by fellow protesters in Bangkok Feb. 5, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

One of the most prominent American business executives in Thailand has complained to foreign governments that "unnecessarily severe travel advisories are… having a major impact on the livelihoods of Thai people across the country."

William Heinecke, the chairman and chief executive officer of Minor International, a leading tourism operator in Thailand, made the remarks in an "Open Letter to Foreign Ambassadors" published Friday in the Bangkok Post.

The letter from one of the best known foreign businessmen in Thailand is a further indication of the deepening woes for the tourist industry as a result of the ongoing protests aimed at overthrowing the democratically elected government of caretaker Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra.

It is hard, however, to blame foreign travel advisories for Thailand's problems. Thailand looks shakier by the day. With shootings, grenade attacks, and rising anger a daily reality in parts of Bangkok, it is easy to understand why tourists in Europe or Hong Kong might think twice before heading to Thailand, even if the protests have had little impact on beaches and bars.

On Friday, a caravan of some 700 trucks and tractors headed for Bangkok's main airport to protest about overdue government payments from a controversial rice-subsidy scheme. Amid fears that they would block the airport, they called off the action at the last minute when one of their leaders said the government had promised to pay them next week.

Heinecke, who is a naturalized Thai citizen, said he was appealing to embassies to lay off the warnings on behalf of his "40,000 employees and those whose livelihoods depend directly and indirectly on tourism — one of the vital drivers of the Thai economy." He argued that outside "certain parts of Bangkok," the "country is safe to visit."

He said "travel warnings and restrictions issued by some foreign governments incorrectly dispel this fact."

Heinecke's company controls such well-known brands as Four Seasons, St. Regis and JW Marriot in Thailand, along with numerous restaurant and clothing brands. He said the country has the "best tourism infrastructure in Asia which provides livelihoods for millions throughout the country."

The issuance of travel warnings by embassies is often criticized in many countries because it can dent tourism revenues and create a feeling of worsening crisis in times of turmoil. In the case of Thailand, however, the warnings seem reasonable in a situation fraught with deep uncertainties over a potential coup or possible widespread violence from an impasse provoked by the opposition.

"These unnecessarily severe travel advisories are now having a major impact on the livelihoods of Thai people across the country," Heinecke said. He cited government figures showing that tourism arrivals in January dropped by one million from the same time last year. He said the Tourism Council of Thailand "quantified the revenue loss as 22.5 billion baht."

What went unsaid in his letter was that the crisis could be eased if Thailand's opposition Democrat Party and its allies in the streets and in the opaque halls of the Bangkok elite and the royal palace were to call off the protests and agree to abide by election results that have given victory after victory to Thaksin and his proxies for years, despite his overthrow in a 2006 coup.

"Travel advisories play an important role in our overall safety and security," Heinecke wrote, "but they can also have an unnecessarily negative impact on the livelihood of others when they are not completely based on reality."

He said that tourism ministry officials should work with embassies to "re-examine the severity of their travel restrictions and to revise their travel advisories to focus only on the very limited pockets of Bangkok that are affected."

Hong Kong, for example, has issued a "black/severe threat for Thailand (Bangkok)," urging its citizens to "to avoid all travel to Bangkok."

Australia said on Wednesday that its citizens should "exercise a high degree of caution in Thailand due to the possibility of civil unrest." The US government last week warned Americans "of the potential risks of travel to Thailand, particularly Bangkok, due to ongoing political and social unrest."

If anything, the alerts seem reasonable. It is almost impossible for anyone to predict how and when the current crisis will be resolved and a degree of legitimate government will be restored. That makes it reasonable to think twice about visiting, regardless of how nice the beaches are.

In this situation, the problem is not with embassy warnings, it is with Thailand's ruling classes and their inability to find a solution and abide by the rule of law.

For powerful businessmen like Heinecke, it might be wise to address an open letter to the protest leaders and urge them to fold up their encampments and respect the ballot box.

Heinecke also took the familiar tack of blaming the media for aggravating the crisis with "sensationalist headlines and scenes" that do not give  "a balanced view of the protests that we face in Bangkok."

"Bangkok is open for business and visitors are warmly welcomed across the capital," Heinecke wrote. That is no doubt true but the slump in tourism and other business is a self-inflicted wound.

Blaming the messenger is a familiar response to crisis. It rarely offers a way forward.

The post Thai-American Businessman Says Travel Warnings Are Overblown appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Saturday, February 22, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Poppy replacement in Shan State will take time, money

Posted: 22 Feb 2014 01:55 AM PST

In eastern Burma, efforts are underway to hamper opium production in Shan State, which, combined with adjacent parts of Laos and Thailand, produces a staggering 18 percent of the world's opiates. Crop substitution schemes currently being implemented in three townships are unlikely to spread to other areas without a cash injection.

A governmental Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control (CCDAC) has partnered with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNDOC) to face the problem, which has far reaching effects for poor, ethnic minorities in the remote area. Poppy substitution is already being piloted in Hopong, Loilen and Panglong townships.

Jason Eligh, UNODC Country Manager for Burma, told DVB on Friday that he believes about US$7 million has been spent over the past three years on poppy substitution in Shan State. Considering that CCDAC secretary Kyaw Kyaw Tun has reportedly requested projects in six other townships — Mongnai, Mongpan, Pinlaung, Pekhon, Langhko and Mongton – an effective course of action will come at a hefty price.

"That is not enough money at all" said Eligh of the US$7 million already granted by the UNODC.

An enormous sum would be necessary, he said, for a comprehensive substitute scheme that would canvass all of Shan State, which has nearly 60,000 hectares of poppy fields for a massive drug-producing industry that involves or affects about 200,000 households.

"I don't think it should come as any surprise to say we need 15-20 million a year for 10 years," he said.

Eligh explained the nuances of tackling the country's drug trade during an exclusive interview with DVB in January, noting that Burma faces unique challenges because so many ethnic groups – armed, unarmed, ceasefire observing and otherwise – will all have to reach agreement with the central government in order to effectively implement eradication schemes.

The Shan State Army-South's (SSA-S) Anti-Narcotics Force Chief, Col Hseng Harn, said the group signed a 2012 agreement for cooperation with the government and the UNODC to eliminate drugs, which established a platform for poppy-substitution programs in Mongnai and Mongpan townships that have not yet begun.

The SSA-S said the agreement included nine agenda points, but only two of them — the appointment of liaison officers and the conducting of field trips — have been implemented due to lack of further communication from the government.

According to the UNODC, last year 57,800 hectares of land were used for poppy cultivation in Burma, yielding 870 metric tons of raw opium.

Anti-corruption commission to be formed

Posted: 21 Feb 2014 10:35 PM PST

President Thein Sein proposed on Thursday that a commission be formed to begin tackling corruption in Burma.

In a letter to the Chairman of the Union Parliament, Thein Sein recommended 15 members; five were selected by the president, five by the Pyithu Hluttaw (lower house) and five by the Amyotha Hluttaw (upper house).

Former Maj-Gen Mya Win was recommended as Chairman with former ambassador U Tin Oo also among the proposed members.

The list almost exclusively includes former military officials.

The newly passed Anti-Corruption Law mandates that the commission be an independent body of respected staff, separate from the legislative, administrative and judicial branches of the government, and that membership should exclude those associated with state-owned companies, those who have declared bankruptcy and those who have been charged with corruption.

"As it is meant to tackle corruption, the aim is very good," said politician Thakhin Chan Htun. Emphasising the need for a truly "honest" board, he added, "Having a commission is better than no commission, so there will be a reduction in corruption rather than elimination."

Thakhin Chan Htun said that he doubts it is possible to wipe out corruption in Burma. He said that U Nu had once formed a similar anti-corruption team, but that several opportunistic members used their station for personal gain.

Burma's Anti-Corruption Law was approved in July 2013, but since that time no action has been taken. Supreme court lawyer Robert San Aung said that he wishes to see results.

"A law is in place, there should be direct action," he said. "The commission will take some time, and corruptions will continue. Because the authorities and cronies are now above the law, I would like to see practical changes rather than the forming of a commission.”

According to the current law, corruption carries a maximum 15 year sentence for politicians. Other authorities can serve up to 10 years for a guilty verdict, as well as losing their positions. Others found guilty can serve up to seven years in jail.

Phoe Thauk Kya, a journalist, said that reporters also have the responsibility to eliminate corruption, and that not enough investigative work is being done to expose corruption in the country.

"Journalists are responsible for all the matters which hurt the people," he said. "If we have information, we should reveal it."

Last December, however, an Eleven Daily reporter, Ma Khine, was tried and jailed for highly contested charges after interviewing a lawyer for a story on corruption in Burma. Ma Khine was released from prison on Friday after serving a three month sentence that sparked a series of protests by fellow journalists and lawyers.

Global corruption watchdog Transparency International has Burma ranked at 157 out of 177 nations in its most recent Corruption Perceptions Index.

IN PICS – Donors rally for evicted Hlegu squatters

Posted: 21 Feb 2014 07:57 PM PST

Sympathisers from across Burma have been flocking to the Aung Theikdi Buddhist monastery in Pegu Division since news spread that 144 families were sheltering there after their homes were bulldozed and demolished.

Donors and well-wishers, including several high-profile activists such as former students leader Moe Thee Zun and activist Nay Myo Zin, have been offering relief supplies and aid to the families who have been sheltering at the monastery since 4 February when their homes were demolished in nearby Hlegu Township where local authorities deemed them illegal squatters.

READ MORE: http://www.dvb.no/news/sympathisers-flock-to-aid-evicted-squatters-in-hlegu-burma-myanmar/37527

Burma Business Weekly – 21 Feb 2014

Posted: 21 Feb 2014 06:27 PM PST

 

Ups and downs

The Burmese currency's buying and selling rates have narrowed considerably. Street rate for the US dollar is 983 kyat, while the kyat sells at 983.5 kyat to the dollar. Gold is selling at 686,000 kyat per tical; that's 3,300 kyat up from last week. Fuel remains constant: petrol 820 kyat, diesel 950 kyat, and octane 920 kyat per litre. High-quality Pawhsanmwe rice is still selling at Rangoon marketplaces for 1,200–1300 kyat per basket while low-grade Emata rice sells at 850– 900 kyat.

 

Thein Sein to meet with business leaders

Burma's President Thein Sein is scheduled to meet hundreds of businesspeople and investors at the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce office in Rangoon on Saturday, 22 February. According to a UMFCCI official, more than 350 businesses will be represented.

 

Foreign firms eye Thilawa SEZ

About 40 foreign manufacturers have indicated an interest in setting up at the Thilawa special economic zone being developed with Japanese help outside Rangoon, according to a Reuters report on Friday which cited a Burmese official saying that commercial operations could start in mid-2015. Set Aung, vice-governor of Burma’s central bank and chairman of the committee overseeing the economic zone, said the potential investors were producers of clothing, foodstuff, electronic appliances, toiletries and car parts.

 

24 new hotels given green light in January

Twenty-four new hotels offering a total of nearly 1,000 rooms were granted licenses in January to cater for Burma's growing surge of tourists, according an announcement by the Directorate of Hotels and Tourism. With the new additions included, there are now 947 hotels in Burma and more than 35,000 rooms. The announcement said a budget of over 250 billion kyat (US$250 million) was allocated to the Hotels and Tourism sector in the 2013-14 fiscal year.

 

World's second largest law firm opens office in Burma

Baker and McKenzie is by revenue the world's second-largest law firm and now has an office in Rangoon. The "new frontier" office is set to serve the first wave of investors entering Burma's much-coveted energy, mineral and consumer markets. The Rangoon office is Baker & McKenzie's 16th in the Southeast Asia and will employ five local lawyers.

 

Thai Oil plans $1 billion investment in Burma

The largest oil refiners in Thailand, Thai Oil Public Co Ltd, has announced its intention to invest about US$1 billion in Burma this year, according to the Bangkok Post. Executive officer Veerasak Kositpaisal said Thai Oil has proposed two investment projects to the Burmese government including the construction of an oil refinery in Thanlyin, just outside Rangoon, which would produce 40,000 barrels per day.

 

VP warns Burmese firms against falling under foreign control

Burma's Vice-president Nyan Tun has warned domestic companies working in joint ventures with foreign firms in Special Economic Zones (SEZs) not to "fall under foreign control". According to a report by Dawei Project, Nyan Tun said that working together with foreigners will bring more investment, technology and know-how, but local firms must establish "a strategy for all obstacles". Burma is currently implementing three SEZs in Dawei, Thilawa and Kyaukphyu, all with heavy backing from Japan and Thailand.

 

Maersk makes Burma its port of call

The A P Moller-Maersk Group has received a permanent licence to operate container business activities in Burma, according to industry magazine Cargonews Asia. The business will reportedly encompass the three brands: Maersk Line, MCC Transport and Safmarine and it hopes to open its Rangoon agency in May.

"Macro-economic indicators signal a continuous expansion of growth in the country due to infrastructure development and investments in industries such as agriculture and garments," said Cargonews Asia.

 

Timber sales rise as logging ban nears

Raw timber export is estimated to rise by 33 percent this year, in the lead-up to a nationwide ban on 1 April 2014. Bar Bar Cho, secretary of the Myanmar Timber Merchants Association, said, "On average, the annual value of timber exports was between US$600 to 800 million, but we are likely to see a rise in the number – estimated between US$1 to 1.1 billion this year — due to high a record of exports in the past six months."

Read more: http://www.dvb.no/news/timber-ban-effective-in-april-leads-to-wood-export-rush/37575

 

 

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Dawei Awaits Its Destiny

Posted: 21 Feb 2014 10:06 PM PST

A signpost for a planned new gas terminal near the shoreline at the planned Dawei SEZ. Click on the box below for more photos. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

MAUNGMAGAN, Tanintharyi Region — U Aung Myint, a community leader from Mudu village, stands next to a meter-long, gold-colored footprint with 108 Buddhist signs that was carved on a large boulder many centuries ago. "We believe that the Buddha visited here and that this is his left footprint," he said.

The relic, around which a pagoda has been constructed, is part of the heritage of the ethnic Dawei people, who have lived in southern Myanmar's Tanintharyi Region since the 8th century. The ancient artifact gave the cluster of villages on this remote coastal plain its local name: Nabule. "The Pali word for left foot is Nabule," U Aung Myint explained.

The area is known on most maps as northern Maungmagan, located some 20 km northwest of Dawei city, and it is here that Southeast Asia's biggest industrial estate is being developed: the Dawei Special Economic Zone (SEZ).

The creation of a multi-billion dollar "new global gateway of Indochina" at the site of secluded, ancient villages underscores the dramatic changes that this long-isolated coastal region will experience if the project is realized.

The Myanmar government considers the Dawei SEZ a great economic engine for the impoverished country and officials boast of the region's future as an industrial hub.

Many Dawei residents and activists, however, fear that they will bear the costs, rather than the benefits, of the sweeping changes that the massive project will bring. They complain of the project's heavy environmental impact, forced eviction from the SEZ without adequate compensation, and a region-wide surge in land grabs.

Although their pagodas will not be knocked down, many in Nabule oppose leaving their ancestral villages for fear of losing their Dawei heritage. "Our forefathers lived here for more than 1,000 years," said U Aung Myint. "I am certain that the more the project will be developed, the more our culture will decline."

Losing Ground to a Stalled 'Regional Hub'

In 2008, Myanmar's former military government and Thailand signed a deal to develop the Dawei SEZ, a project that includes a huge industrial estate, a deep-sea port for supertankers, and highway, railroad and oil pipeline routes to Bangkok, located some 350 km to the east.

Billed as Myanmar's largest export industry zone and a regional trade hub, its strategic location would allow companies from Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia and China to send goods overland to the Bay of Bengal and bypass the busy Strait of Malacca shipping lane.

Government officials, such as U Aung Tun Thet of the Myanmar Investment Commission, presented glowing plans to "transform Dawei into a newly opened investment destination and logistic hub of the region" valued at US$50 billion, which would "generate a very large amount of employment."

Italian-Thai Development Public Company Ltd (ITD) won the project concession and sought to attract $8 billion in investment to develop the zone's infrastructure, after which international firms were expected to build heavy industries, such a massive coal-fired plant, a steel plant, oil refineries and a chemical fertilizer plant.

However, ITD failed to attract investors and the project faced numerous delays. In November 2013, Myanmar and Thailand took the firm off the project and called for the involvement of Japan's government and Japanese firms. Tokyo has since shown an interest in reviving the project and on Nov. 21 Mitsubishi announced it would work with ITD and the Thai government to develop a 7,000-megawatt coal plant at Dawei.

In 2010, ITD had already begun construction of the SEZ, a water reservoir and a two-lane access road to Thailand. The plans will ultimately force the resettlement of 12,000 people from six ethnic Dawei villages in Maungmagan, while thousands of ethnic Kayin (Karen) villagers in the Tanintharyi Yoma mountain range will lose farmland.

In Nabule, a coastal plain dotted with villages growing rubber, betel nut and cashew nut, hundreds of farmers have already seen their land confiscated for the SEZ, which will cover 200 square kilometers of untouched beaches and farmland.

Villagers and the Dawei Development Association (DDA), a local NGO monitoring the SEZ, said authorities and ITD had pressured farmers to give up land without proper consultation, while compensation procedures have been inconsistent. Future resettlement sites, they claim, lack arable farmland.

In Mudu village about 70 farmers have lost 198 acres (80 hectares) of land. "Sometimes [ITD] offers [compensation] money and then they occupy the land. Other times they first occupy the land and then they offer money," said U Aung Myint, adding that about 30 farmers received no compensation as they refused to give up their land ownership.

Affected farmers said they were offered compensation amounts ranging from $500 to $3,000 per acre. Although the latter amount is fairly high, residents often demand more, as land prices around the SEZ have surged to between $5,000 and $10,000 per acre.

U Aung Myint lost 10 acres (4 hectares) of betel nut trees and like many farmers he is anxious about his future livelihood at one of three planned relocation sites. "I have no idea what I'm going to do, I have no land left," he said, adding that only migrant workers had been offered jobs at the SEZ project.

DDA said ITD's project implementation methods had violated villagers' human rights. "Most people rely on plantation farming, but the government cannot move them and guarantee their future livelihoods," said DDA coordinator U Thant Zin.

U Zaw Thura, a local activist and Dawei University scholar, expressed concern over the industrial zone's expected environmental pollution. "We are worried about the northwest monsoon, it will blow all the exhaust fumes of the coal plant and other industries inland and over Dawei city," he said, adding that ITD had refused to release the project's environmental impact assessment (EIA).

Although work started in 2010, little has been achieved at the SEZ, which remains a largely empty area, with a small port, dirt roads, a few simple office buildings and barren living quarters for ITD's 1,200 local workers.

Managers at ITD's project support office were reluctant to talk to Irrawaddy reporters and EIA reports by Bangkok's Chulanglokorn University on display in a glass showcase could not be made available because staff had "no key."

A high-ranking official involved in the planning of the SEZ said in a phone call that the government was "trying very hard to mitigate" the project's local impacts, adding that farmers directly affected by the SEZ "are being properly compensated."

The official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said Naypyitaw was confident that a Japanese consortium would help to resume project work in mid-2014.

However, some economists question whether the SEZ will ever attract industrial investment, or offer any benefits to Myanmar.

"Successful SEZs have an underlying economic need and rationality first, and proceed from there. Here we seem to have an idea akin to ‘build it and they will come,'" said Sean Turnell, a professor at Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia, who advises opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

Any economic benefits of the project, he said, "will accrue to Thailand rather than Burma. Dawei in no way opens up the Burma hinterland to trade."

Unlocking a Region: Land Grabs and the Economics of Peace

For decades, Dawei was an isolated region, located in Myanmar's deep south and cut off from nearby Thailand by a Karen National Union (KNU) insurgency in the forested Tanintharyi Yoma mountain range that runs along the border.

The planned Dawei SEZ, a 2012 government-KNU ceasefire and economic reforms by President U Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government have changed all that and Dawei's days as an inaccessible backwater now seem over.

In October, ITD completed a 132-km gravel access road running from the SEZ through the KNU-controlled mountain range to the Thai border. Some 30 minibuses from Thailand, carrying tourists and business visitors, now reportedly arrive in Dawei every day.

Land prices have surged throughout Dawei District, as local and Thai businessmen move to buy up land for investment in tourism projects, real estate, plantation farming and mining in the newly unlocked region.

Among local communities, however, concerns are growing over the projects' impacts. Near Dawei city and around the SEZ numerous investment projects have sprung up, as have controversies over land ownership.

One of the biggest local investors is Dawei Development Public Company Ltd (DDPC), which was set up by a group of Dawei businessmen in 2011 with a view of gaining a stake in the region's expected, rapid economic development, managing director U Ye Htut Naing said in an interview.

DDPC is chaired by local tycoon U Khin Soe, whose Anawar Hlwam Company controls much of southern Myanmar's highly productive coastal fishing industry. The firm's website boasts of $50 million in registered capital and 47 fishing vessels. U Khin Soe also owns Apex gas stations, the 55-room Apex Hotel in Naypyitaw and has announced plans to launch Apex Airline.

DDPC plans to build a cement factory and a mine, and has begun constructing a $3 million shopping mall near Dawei city and a tourist resort on a 475-acre (190-hectare) pristine beach front just south of the SEZ. The resort includes a $14-million luxury hotel, bungalows and apartments, a golf course and an "ethnic races village" supposedly representing Dawei's peoples.

"We already collected the [investment] money for the project," said U Ye Htut Naing. "We expect an increase in business and tourist visitors. There are no sleeping facilities at the SEZ; we want businessmen to sleep in our bungalows."

At the sprawling project site a dozen bungalows have already been built on the white sandy beaches overlooking the azure waters of the Andaman Sea. A billboard shows an artistic rendition of the future resort extending far inland, into an area currently covered with mangrove forest and cashew nut trees.

About half a kilometer away, at the edge of the forest, lies Kavee Hnit Pin village. Here, some 130 impoverished families reside in rickety huts built along a litters-strewn dirt road. They live hand-to-mouth, working as day laborers and collecting food from the forest.

In October, however, the DDPC obtained the mangrove area from the Forest Department, and workers began cutting down trees and erecting fencing. The villagers have since grown desperate and complain that they have been deprived of a crucial food and income source that they have used for decades.

"Before the company came we found everything we need there: fish, crabs, fruit, and firewood. Now we struggle to get food," said Daw Hla, a 43-year-old mother of nine. "We heard that they will take our village land too!" fumed Daw Eimal, a mother of five children.

Emotions ran high among the roughly 100 villagers who gathered to speak with Irrawaddy reporters, and when several Special Branch officers in plain clothes showed up to take photographs some confronted the thuggish-looking men.

"We want this area back, we received no money in compensation!" shouted Daw Hla. "Our future generation is lost, we planted many fruit trees in this area but the company took it all."

U Ye Htut Naing dismissed the complaints and said his firm had received the forest land "for free" because DDPC Chairman "U Khin Soe is close to the [Tanintharyi Region] chief minister" and had convinced him of the project's positive economic impacts. The poor villagers, he said, would simply have to be patient because "after the local economy develops there will be new job opportunities for them."

In the Tanintharyi Mountains, meanwhile, several thousand Kayin villagers have lost land to ITD's construction of a 2,970-acre (1,200-hectare) water reservoir and the new road to Thailand, which will eventually become a four-lane highway.

The angered villagers have complained of poor compensation and appealed to the KNU for help. In September, they blocked the road for three weeks at a site some 50 km west of the Dawei SEZ. All along the road, meanwhile, businessmen are buying up land and complaints of land-grabbing have surged, according to DDA, which warns that tens of thousands of Kayin villagers will be directly and indirectly affected by ITD's projects.

During a visit to Thapyu Chaung, a small village of thatched-roofed and wooden huts located in a lush mountain valley some 30 km east of Dawei city, impoverished Kayin villagers complained that road construction waste had polluted their local stream.

"This river is now destroyed, the fish and crabs are all gone," Pi Naw Pa Lay Zar, 74, said in perfect English. "We only have one clean stream that we can use for drinking water in the [dry season]. It doesn't flow very well and we have to go very far to the upper part of the river to get water."

During the interview, two pick-up trucks, including a gleaming new Toyota Hilux SUV with a Myanmar license plate, pulled up carrying a dozen fighters of Karen National Liberation Army Brigade 4. A KNLA captain inquired about the Irrawaddy reporters' visit, but discussions quickly turned to the surge in land disputes.

"The buying and selling of land is a very big problem here," said the officer, who declined to be identified. "Many businessmen come here now that the roads are becoming better. They came with licenses obtained in Naypyitaw, showing that they can buy the land."

"The KNU never approved these sales, and some people sell land when they don't own it—this creates a lot of problems. That's why the KNU banned land sales," he said, referring to a KNU notification placed along roads in the area that reads: "No selling, buying of land in this territory."

U Thant Zin of DDA said the sudden influx of businessmen looking to buy—or grab—land was having a disruptive effect on the long-suffering Kayin communities and causing tensions in the area, which is still awash with weapons after decades of conflict.

"In some villages, the bulldozers are parked [to begin work] and the people are so worried that they wait with guns to guard their land," he said, adding that the KNU had also cut business deals that affected communities, such as in southern Dawei District, where it has allowed Thailand's East Star Company and local firm Mayflower to operate a coal-mining concession.

U Thant Zin warned that the rise in land sales and disputes threatens donor-backed government plans to return Kayin refugees from Thailand in coming years.

"This is also related to the peace process. So many Karen refugees [from Dawei] live across the border in the camp near Kanchanaburi. How can they return when there is no access to land?" he asked.

The cover story first appeared in the February 2014 issue of The Irrawaddy print magazine.

The post Dawei Awaits Its Destiny appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Walking to Inle

Posted: 21 Feb 2014 09:09 PM PST

Myanmar, Shan State, Inle Lake, Burma, Kalaw, Trekking, hiking, walking, Nyaung Shwe,

A sign at the train station welcomes passengers to Kalaw, Shan State. (Photo: Simon Lewis / The Irrawaddy)

KALAW, Shan State — The trek from Kalaw to Inle Lake is one for those who value journeying through a lived-in landscape.

The trip begins at the hill town once enjoyed by British colonialists for its cooler weather, and heads through the southwestern end of Shan State, with its richly varied agriculture,ethnically diverse local inhabitants and photogenic vistas.

Buses to Kalaw are easily booked from Yangon or Mandalay, or you can take what is reputedly a scenic train ride. I attempted to take the latter option, but slept through the 3 am change of lines at Thazi after my three Japanese cabin mates and I decided cheap local whiskey could make up for our lack of a common language.

Kalaw itself has a few no-frills hotels and some decent Myanmar and Indian eateries around the main market. The surrounding hills and a monastery provide about one slow-paced day of entertainment, while you wait to embark upon the trek.

A number of well-signed tour guide stalls are also dotted around the market, all offering about the same deal. Traveling alone, it wasn't difficult to latch onto a group trek, and the standard price was 15,000 kyat, or about US$15, for each day of trekking. The 31-mile (50-km) trip takes about two-and-a-half days of walking, spending a night each in a homestay and a monastery—where you might want to bring an extra blanket, depending on the season. Meals of hearty local curries and salads are included in the cost, and drinks can be bought at small shops along the way.

The long days of walking could be described as challenging, depending on your fitness, but the path is never especially steep. Footwear is often a good indicator of these things: One fellow walker did the trip solely in flip flops without too much trouble, but the walk wore large holes in my aging pair of Converse.

If you have less time or want an easier option, you can simply catch a motorbike taxi and start halfway, as I did.

Travelers report mixed experiences with their guides, some of whom were founts of botanical and ethnographic insight, while others could offer little more than perfunctory observations. They should all at least be able to point out a rice terrace here or a Pa-O headdress there, however.

They might even venture into local politics, as mine did, explaining that local ethnic families are given cash incentives to send their kids to the Myanmar-language government school. As in all ethnic areas, official education in minority languages is not an option.

The trek itself takes you over hills, through fields of a stunning variety of crops, along ridges and across small streams. Then, as you approach the valley in which lies your goal, Inle Lake, the lush green of the higher altitudes recedes. The path descends into avalley with a rocky,dry river bed pitted with bright green succulents.

The trip can be done in reverse, but that means more uphill walking and eliminates the joy of being rewarded for your labor by the sight of the lake, enclosed by high green slopes on both sides. The trek ends at a river jetty, where you pay the tourist fee for the Inle Lake area (about 10,000 kyat) and board a comfortable boat that speeds through a series of small weirs.

After about an hour on the water, past the lake's famous fishers, you arrive at Nyaung Shwe, with its charming guesthouses, great food and drink options, and even the chance of a massage for tired legs.

This story first appeared in the February 2014 issue of The Irrawaddy's print magazine.

The post Walking to Inle appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burmese Refugees in Thailand Are Running out of Options

Posted: 21 Feb 2014 06:20 PM PST

Thailand, UNHCR, refugees, Burma, Myanmar, ethnic conflict, peace process, ethnic insurgency, human rightsThailand, UNHCR, refugees, Burma, Myanmar, ethnic conflict, peace process, ethnic insurgency, human rights

Poe Suter Toe, an ethnic Karen refugee from Mandalay, stands between fences at the Mae La refugee camp near Mae Sot June 3, 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

BANGKOK — Win Myint and his two younger sisters fled Burma in June 2011, after months of harassment by plainclothes officers because of a documentary about the Burmese army featuring their exiled younger brother, a former soldier who later spent 15 years in jail for his pro-democracy activism.

The officers accused them of distributing the film and warned them they could be jailed. "They told us not to go anywhere overnight. They also followed me to places I gave tuition. They accused our younger brother of trying to break the unity of the armed forces," said Win Myint, speaking by phone from Umpiem Mai refugee camp in northern Thailand. "We didn't feel safe," said Myint, a 63-year-old former teacher and a Muslim.

He and his sisters, both in their 50s, fled to Thailand, hoping to be recognized as refugees and reunited with their mother and three other siblings who are now in the United States.

But, like some 40,000 of the 120,000 people in the nine refugee camps straddling the Thai-Burma border, they arrived too late to be eligible for resettlement.

Thailand stopped screening and registering new refugees in 2007, and in January this year the United States, the largest recipient of Burmese refugees from Thailand having taken more than 70,000, announced it was ending its group resettlement program.

“The United States will continue to consider for resettlement individual referrals received from the UNHCR,” said the U.S. Embassy in Bangkok, but it did not elaborate further on the criteria for these cases.

The Thai government did not immediately respond to emails and calls seeking comment.

As former pariah Burma garners praise for its gradual democratic reforms, and financial support to the camps dwindles, so talk of repatriating the remaining refugees has grown—creating uncertainty and fear among the thousands of refugees who have a real fear of persecution if they return to Burma.

Critics point to the arrest of journalists and activists, continuing offensives against armed ethnic groups in the north, and persistent  violence against the Rohingya in particular and Muslims in general as signs that Burma's reforms have not gone far enough. New asylum seekers are still arriving in Thailand, underlying the patchiness of the reforms.

Life in Thailand, which has never ratified the U.N. Refugee Convention, is not rosy either. Refugees who go outside the camps are subject to arrest, detention and deportation.

"We can't go forward or backward. We're stuck," said Win Myint.

Houses Raided

His brother Myo Myint lost an arm and a leg to an enemy mortar round while serving as a soldier in the Burmese army. He later became a pro-democracy activist, for which he spent 15 years in jail, where, Win Myint says, he was tortured.

He later fled to Thailand and the United States, where he now works as a translator and interpreter for newly arrived refugees. His story was told in Burma Soldier, an Emmy-nominated 2010 HBO documentary in which he spoke of the army's routine abuse of civilians.

"If they go back they could be arrested at any time because I was involved in what the government considers to be an illegal film," Myo Myint said in a phone interview from Fort Wayne, Indiana, where he has lived for the past five years.

Soon after the Democratic Voice of Burma, a news outlet, broadcast Burma Soldier in Burma in November 2010, plainclothes officers, who Win Myint believes were from military intelligence, started turning up at their house in the former capital, Rangoon, subtly threatening them with repercussions.

Coming from a politically active family – besides Myo Myint, another brother had been a student leader and a sister had helped political prisoners – Win Myint was no stranger to harassment.

But a raid on their family home one night in April 2011 by police and military intelligence officers armed with automatic weapons, left his two sisters badly shaken – especially as this happened only a few weeks after a reformist government led by President Thein Sein had taken power, ending half a century of brutal military rule.

The officers were looking for evidence that the family had been distributing the documentary and left empty-handed after a 90-minute search. But they kept returning, Win Myint said.

He and his sisters left Burma quietly without informing anyone, even their youngest sister whose visits had become less frequent as the authorities' attentions became more intrusive. They decided to go to Umpiem Mai, where Myo Myint had lived before being resettled in the United States. Here they could sleep easier but their troubles were far from over.

Individual Resettlement, No Forced Return

The United Nations refugee agency, in a statement announcing the end of the group resettlement program, said that resettlement on an individual basis was continuing.

"UNHCR is still identifying vulnerable refugees for submission to resettlement countries such as Australia, New Zealand and Japan," UNHCR spokeswoman Vivian Tan told Thomson Reuters Foundation. About 19,000 Burmese refugees have resettled in these countries.

Both the UNHCR and The Border Consortium (TBC), a non-governmental organization that has been working in the camps since the 1980s, also say conditions in Burma are not yet conducive for Burmese to return and no timeline for such action has been set. Still, people in the camps are worried.

"There are so many people in the same boat as us. Everyone in the camp is worried because our future is uncertain and there are a lot of rumours going around," said Win Myint, now a volunteer teacher at the camp.

"We hear future resettlement will be to reunite families but only for those under 18," he said. "We would like to request that people who a third country would agree to accept should be allowed to go. It would lessen the burden on the Thai government too."

But Thai government policy remains that unregistered refugees cannot be resettled, with a few exceptions, assessed on a case-by-case basis, where immediate family members are or could be separated as a result of resettlement, said the UNHCR's Tan.

"We feel hopeless and helpless," Myo Myint, who blames his family's troubles on his political activities, told Thomson Reuters Foundation.

The post Burmese Refugees in Thailand Are Running out of Options appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (February 22, 2014)

Posted: 21 Feb 2014 06:09 PM PST

Myitsone Cancellation Would Have 'Financial Consequences' for Burma

Permanent cancellation of the huge Myitsone hydroelectric dam on the Irrawaddy River in Kachin State could be very expensive for Burma, an analyst has warned.

The Naypyidaw government will face "legal, financial and diplomatic consequences," said Yun Sun of the East Asia program at the Washington-based Stimson Center, a non-profit think-tank.

Construction of the US$3.6 billion project by the Chinese state-owned China Power Investment company began in 2007 but was suspended in September 2011 by President Thein Sein responding to public opposition.

Work was ordered halted until the end of his presidency on 2015 but the Burmese government is now under pressure from the Chinese to permit its resumption.

Among objections to the dam is the fact that its development was agreed by the previous military regime and 90 percent of the electricity generated would be transmitted to China.

If Burma is to permanently cancel the massive project, "the reasonable next question is the legal and financial liability associated with the disbursed investment, collateral damage and compensation," said Yun Sun writing in Asia Times.

"Beijing needs to reconsider whether it is wise to let the destiny of one commercial project sway and affect the future of broader Sino-Myanmar bilateral relations. Indeed, since the suspension of the Myitsone dam, China has not only suspended almost all new major investment in [Burma], but also let Myitsone become a festering thorn in bilateral political relations."

International Finance Corp to Aid Burma's Import-Export Trade

Burmese firms involved in exports of goods and materials are to receive financial help from the World Bank's International Finance Corporation (IFC).
The aid will be in form of a US$5 million credit facility to Myanmar Oriental Bank (MOB), one of the IFC's partners in Burma, to help underwrite trade financing for small-to-medium sized Burmese companies engaged in export and import markets.

"By boosting MOB's capacity to deliver trade-finance solutions, IFC is helping improve trade flows that are vital to enterprise growth as the economy opens up," said the IFC's representative in Burma, Vikram Kumar, in a statement.

The MOB will also be assisted by the IFC in improving its corporate governance and trade finance operations. The bank is the first in Burma to join the IFC's Global Trade Finance.

The IFC is part of the World Bank, which re-opened an office in Burma in 2013 after ending liaison with the former military regime.

In January the World Bank announced a long-term US$2 billion aid package for Burma, aimed at helping to expand a national electricity system, improve health care, and provide loans and grants for economic development.

Reforms Bring Better Working Conditions in Burma, Says Global Survey

Burma's position in an international working conditions table has improved considerably in the past year, a survey says, although the country remains in the "extreme risk" category.

In the list of 197 countries surveyed, Burma's position has improved from 1st in 2013 to 14th place in this year's Working Conditions Index, which ranks nations in terms of minimum wage levels, working hours, and health and safety in the workplace.

The survey by the British business risk consultants Maplecroft ranks the worst countries highest in terms of numerical position in the table.

"Improvements due to political reforms have been noted in China, which climbed from 6th in 2009 to 37th in 2014, and [Burma], from 1st in 2013 to 14th in 2014, but both remain in the 'extreme risk' category," said Maplecroft.

This year, three countries share the No. 1 slot for the absolute worst conditions—Eritrea, North Korea and Syria.

Burma's neighbor Bangladesh is in 5th position.

"In 2013, nowhere were the risks posed by substandard working conditions more evident than in Bangladesh," Maplecroft said.
"Occupational fatalities and excessive working hours in the country reveal a significant lack of capacity and political will to enforce labor laws."

Among fellow members of Asean—the Association of Southeast Asian Nations—Indonesia takes 20th place, Vietnam 24th and Cambodia 26th.

Quick-Build Hotels Bid to Meet Burma Tourism Surge

Burmese companies are planning to build and operate scores of medium-sized, middle-ranking hotels to cater for the rapidly expanding foreign tourist business, a regional trade magazine said.

Hotels with 50 to 60 rooms which can be built quickly will form a large part of government plans to provide 20,000 additional rooms in the Rangoon region, said Bangkok-based TTR Weekly, quoting the Myanmar Hoteliers Association.

Accommodation is struggling to meet growing demand and many popular tourist areas are short of rooms, the association said.

Although there will be more rooms available for visitors in 2014 than last year, tourists in the big cities will have to compete with large numbers of delegates from Asean attending conferences during Burma's year of chairmanship of the regional organization.

Earlier this month, Singapore businesses were identified by the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration, as the biggest foreign investors on new hotel construction.

Bangladesh Beats Burma to Draw on Bay of Bengal Oil and Gas Licenses

As international oil companies await the award of 30 offshore exploration blocks in Burma's Bay of Bengal waters, neighbor Bangladesh has signed a contract with Indian state developer ONGC Videsh to explore two offshore blocks also in the bay.

The award of licenses for Burma's blocks is due to be announced in the next few weeks.

The two neighbors rowed for years over territorial rights in the Bay of Bengal until they accepted settlement recently by a UN adjudication court.

The Bangladesh industry newspaper Energybangla said two more offshore contracts were due to be signed next week between the state agency Petrobangla and the US's ConocoPhillips and also with Santos of Australia.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (February 22, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.