Monday, May 5, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Burma Army Detains 14 Kachin IDPs, NGO Says

Posted: 05 May 2014 06:17 AM PDT

kachin state, Myanmar, military, conflict, ethnic conflict, humanitarian aid, IDPs

A child carries water at Border Post 6 IDP camp in KIA-controlled area on the Burma-China border in February. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burma Army units carrying out operations against rebels in Kachin State's Mansi Township detained 14 displaced villagers at a camp near Man Win Gyi town for one night, a local aid worker said.

On Saturday, commanders of the 88th Light Infantry Division entered Lagat Yang camp near Man Win Gyi, a government-controlled town, as they believed there were Kachin Independence Army (KIA) fighters in the camp, said Naw Din, director of the Karuna Myanmar Social Services (KMSS), a local NGO helping displaced villagers.

"They informed our camp leaders that they heard that seven members of KIA went to hide inside the camp. Therefore, they went to search inside the camp and detained 14," he said. "They were released around 4 pm yesterday. But one person has been detained again an hour after the 14 detained were released."

The man, named Maru La Awng, was still in custody of the Burma Army as of Monday afternoon, he added.

Lagat Yang camp in eastern Kachin State, close to the border with northern Shan State, is home to about 800 internally displaced persons (IDPs) who fled the Kachin conflict, which has displaced a total of about 120,000 ethnic civilians since 2011.

In mid-April, when the army stepped up its operations against the KIA hundreds of IDPs reportedly fled the camp because of nearby fighting and mortar shelling. About 2,700 Kachin civilians were newly displaced by the recent escalation in fighting in Mansi Township, where clashes are frequently being reported.

Some 5,000 IDPs now stay in three camps near Man Win Gyi town, according Naw Din. He said this weekend's arrests had disturbed the displaced civilians who live in fear of being detained, harassed or getting affected by the escalation in fighting.

"The most difficult thing here is that the IDPs feel that they have no security as the Burma Army often comes and checks the camp. If KIA and the Burma Army keep coming in the camp, we are worried a lot for the IDPs, they will have no security," he said.

Since late March tensions between the KIA and government troops have been rising in Mansi Township and northern Shan State after the army insisted on accompanying census teams that would try to carry out work in KIA-controlled areas.

In early April, the situation deteriorated after an incident in which a Burma Army major-general was killed by the KIA near their area of control.

The army then sent more troops to scour through the forested, higher mountain reaches in order to flush out KIA fighters. During ensuing clashes, 14 government troops and eight rebels were killed, state media reported.

The KIA and Ta'ang National Liberation Army operating in nearby Shan State both lack a bilateral ceasefire agreement with the government. Last week the KIA requested a ceasefire meeting with the government this month, but the meeting is yet to be confirmed.

The post Burma Army Detains 14 Kachin IDPs, NGO Says appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Earthquake of 6 Magnitude Strikes Thailand, Some Damage

Posted: 05 May 2014 05:54 AM PDT

 Thailand, Earthquake, Burma, Myanmar, Chiang Rai, Northern Thai, Shan State,

A screen shot shows the US Geological Survey's reading of Monday's earthquake in northern Thailand.

BANGOK — An earthquake of 6 magnitude struck northern Thailand on Monday causing some damage to buildings and roads and knocking goods off shelves in shops but there were no immediate reports of any casualties.

The quake struck 17 miles (27 km) southwest of the town of Chiang Rai, the US Geological Survey (USGS). It was felt in the Thai capital, Bangkok, and in Burma.

"There has been minor damage to buildings in Chiang Rai itself, some shops have goods scattered about and we're seeing cracks in buildings," a Chiang Rai police officer told Reuters.

"No injuries have been reported so far but we're hearing that some provincial roads have sustained some damage with large cracks appearing," said the officer, who declined to be identified as he is not authorized to speak to the media.

The USGS initially said the quake was of 6.3 magnitude but later downgraded it. It was at the relatively shallow depth of 7.4 km (4.5 miles).

Chiang Rai, in the mountainous north of Thailand, is near the borders of both Burma's Shan State and Laos. The epicenter was in a largely rural area of small villages, farms and forests.

The post Earthquake of 6 Magnitude Strikes Thailand, Some Damage appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

NLD, 88 Generation to Hold Rallies, Nationwide Campaign for Constitutional Reform

Posted: 05 May 2014 05:41 AM PDT

Myanmar, NLD, Aung San Suu Kyi, democracy, Tatmadaw, military, politics, democratic reform

A woman holds up a sign saying 'Amend Article 436 Rights Now' during a recent protest in Lanmadaw Township, Rangoon (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The popular leaders of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, Aung San Suu Kyi and Min Ko Naing, will jointly address large rallies in Rangoon and Mandalay this month to call on the Burmese public to back efforts to reform the Constitution, the organizations announced.

The rallies signal the start of a large, nationwide push by Suu Kyi and the 88 Generation activists to force the ruling party and the military into accepting amendments to the undemocratic charter, which concentrates power with the army and blocks the NLD leader from the presidency.

NLD central executive committee member Nan Khin Htwe Myint told The Irrawaddy on Monday that a nationwide campaign will kick off in the third week of May and include public rallies in Rangoon and Mandalay on May 17 and 18, respectively.

"We will explain to the public, amendments of Article 436 of the Constitution, which is important to [allow for] changes to the whole Constitution," Nan Khin Htwe Myint said.

Ant Bwe Kyaw, a spokesperson for the 88 Generation activists, said the organizations were seeking a venue and government permission for the rallies in Rangoon and Mandalay. "Aung San Suu Kyi and Min Ko Naing will be the main speakers of public talks," he said. "They will speak together on the same days."

In a statement released Monday, the NLD said it formed a central joint committee with the 88 Generation activists to organize public rallies across the nation and start a large campaign to petition the public for support for constitutional reform.

The petition campaign will be organized from the NLD's offices in states and divisions across the country.

The committee comprises six members of the NLD—Win Htain, Nyan Win, Ohn Kyaing, Win Myint, Han Thar Myint, Tun Tun Hein—and five members of the 88 Generation activist, Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Mya Aye, Jimmy and Pyone Cho, the statement said.

"We have discussed preparations for holding public talks on amending Article 436 of the Constitution and gathering public signatures," Ant Bwe Kyaw said.

Last year, Suu Kyi began public efforts to advocate for constitutional reforms and held talks with the ruling Union Development and Solidarity Party (USP), which contains mostly former junta generals.

The USDP has, however, dragged its feet on any moves toward reforms, while the military has indicated that it is intent on keeping its political privileges.

Since November, Suu Kyi has become increasingly vocal on the issue, raising the issue in speeches and teaming up with the 88 Generation activists in February this year. Small rallies calling for constitutional reform have been held a number of towns and cities in recent months.

Nan Khin Htwe Myint said the NLD and the 88 Generation activists—popular organizations which have been leading the struggle for democracy in Burma for decades—expect to mobilize widespread public support for constitutional reforms.

"We expect that at least 75 percent will support us. But, as we cannot have much time to explain it to the public, they might not all sign [the petition]," she said.

Asked if she expected the ruling party and government to oppose the nationwide campaign, Nan Khin Htwe Myint said, "It is not that they [government] don't want to change. There are those who also want to change the Constitution."

In a sign of concern among the government over the public campaign efforts of Suu Kyi and the 88 Generation activists, President Thein Sein issued a secret directive in February, warning top government officials of to prepare for the possibility of mass protests and violence this year caused by disagreements over constitutional reform.

Thein Sein's nominally-civilian government was installed by former junta leader Than Shwe as part of the current democratic transition, which is supposed to lead to free and fair elections in 2015.

The Constitution was drafted in 2008 by the military junta and pushed through during a flawed referendum held almost exactly six years ago, just a few days after Cyclone Nargis killed about 138,000 people in Burma's worst-ever natural disaster.

The charter is unpopular and undemocratic as it contains provisions giving the military sweeping political powers, such as control over a quarter of Parliament, immunity from crimes committed during junta rule, while it prevents Suu Kyi from holding the presidency because her sons are British nationals.

Article 436 requires more than 75 percent of Parliament to support amendments to key articles in the Constitution, giving the military an effective veto over such reforms.

The post NLD, 88 Generation to Hold Rallies, Nationwide Campaign for Constitutional Reform appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Virtual Modeling to Help Save Mandalay’s Golden Palace Monastery

Posted: 05 May 2014 05:33 AM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, Mandalay, Shwenandaw Kyaung, Golden Palace Monastery, restoration, World Monuments Fund, United States, Florida,

Experts from Florida University explain the process of laser scanning by which a three-dimensional virtual model of Mandalay's Shwenandaw Kyaung monastery is being produced. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

MANDALAY — American and Burmese experts are set to produce a three-dimensional virtual model of a 19th-century teak monastery in Mandalay, as part of a project to preserve the ornate structure.

The Florida-based World Monuments Fund, which is implementing a project to conserve and renovate Mandalay's Shwenandaw Kyaung monastery, said it had finished a high-tech laser scanning process at the site on Friday. The project to renovate the "Golden Palace" monastery will cost US$500,000, and is being conducted together with Burmese specialists and the government's Department of Archeology.

Jeff Allen, program director for the World Monuments Fund, told The Irrawaddy that a major study should begin in September on how water is affecting the teak structure, but that it was important to conduct the scanning first.

"Moisture is a major destroyer for wooden buildings," Allen said. "It very, very much depends on the process of 3D pictures by the scanning team. It is very important for us. If we don't have these pictures, we cannot start. From the pictures, we can understand the structures of this building. We cannot start without understanding the structure."

The laser technology is being used in Burma for the first time, and scanning at the monastery began in late April. Technicians said they faced challenges—the hot weather in Mandalay meant the scanning equipment could overheat, and slow internet speeds restricted their access to online tools.

Despite these difficulties, however, more than a thousand high-resolution images of the Shwenandaw Kyaung monastery were successfully scanned. A team back in Florida will compile these images into a 3D virtual model, including detailed measurements of the structure.

The work was especially necessary before renovations could be attempted, said Allen, because very little information was held about the structure.

"Since there is not enough information about Shwe Kyaung, so we decided to spend this year collecting information. It's the way you do things in international standard. You must do your documentation," he said.

"Since we need to work on international standard, those well documented data are important to understand the structure for restoration and to leave behind these for future. For future restoration, these will help for future restoration works."

The complete virtual model and data will be available to the public online, and important data will also be kept by the Department of Archeology, he added.

US technicians are also inspecting the pillars of the monastery to check for signs of decay, weathering and termites. This involves digging into the ground to inspect the base of the pillars, which are driven deep to support the monastery.

"If all these data are ready, we will resume the restoration work. We are going to use only compatible materials and take care not to harm the original structure and sculptures," he said.

The project to restore the Shwenandaw Kyaung monastery is expected to take about two years.

The monastery was originally covered with gold leaf, inside and out, with glass mosaics inside. It was decorated from roof to floor with wood carvings showing Buddhist myths. It was originally a royal chamber of Burma's King Mindon and was first located inside the Mandalay Palace compound.

After King Mindon passed away, his son, King Thibaw, moved it out of the palace compound to become a monastery. This meant it escaped damage from the aerial bombardment of Mandalay by the Japanese during World War II, in which most of the historic buildings of Mandalay Palace were razed to the ground.

The post Virtual Modeling to Help Save Mandalay's Golden Palace Monastery appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma Launches New Insurance Policy for Highway Travelers

Posted: 05 May 2014 05:27 AM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, Rangoon, Yangon, Naypyidaw, travel, tourism, trip, bus, crash, accident, fatal,

A number of unconventional warning signs can be found along the highway linking Rangoon to Naypyidaw and Mandalay. (Photo: Aung Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — As the number of accidents on Burma's roads appears to be rising, drivers and passengers from this week will have to purchase a new insurance policy specifically covering them in case of accidents on the country's highways.

On the Rangoon-Naypyidaw road alone, 66 people died and more than 300 people were injured in the first four months of this year. The busy stretch of poorly built road has become a hotspot for accidents in recent years, and has been dubbed the "death highway."

In an announcement in state media on Monday, the Insurance Business Supervisory Board said that government-run Myanma Insurance and 11 private insurance companies will from Thursday begin selling a policy named Special Travel Insurance for Express Ways.

Aung Soe Oo, general manager of IKBZ Insurance Company, one of the firms that will be selling the policy, told The Irrawaddy that it will be compulsory for Burmese and foreigners traveling more than 100 miles on Burma's roads.

The policy will cost just 300 kyat, or about US$0.30, for one unit, with individuals only permitted to buy up to two units at one time.

The terms of the policy, which are fixed across the different providers, include a payout of up to 3.5 million kyat, or about $3,500, in the event of death and up to 2.4 million kyat in medical costs, Aung Soe Oo said.

"It is good for passengers since they can prevent losses if unavoidable accidents happen on a trip," he said.

"Myanma Insurance was selling travel insurance already, which compensates at most 1 million kyat, but this new travel insurance is especially designed for highway passengers."

The policy can be bought along with bus tickets, or directly from insurers for those in rental vehicles, he said, adding that bus companies will get a 10 percent commission for selling the policies.

Most insurance in Burma is provided by the government's insurer, but now seven types of insurance have been opened up to private companies.

"Although there is travel insurance for travelers currently, to be covered more efficiently, this new Special Travel Insurance for Express Ways is being implemented," the state-run Myanma Alinn newspaper quoted deputy finance minister Maung Maung Thein as saying.

In 2013, there were 259 accidents on the Rangoon-Naypyitaw highway, with 113 deaths and 625 injuries resulting, according to the police office for the highway. From January to April this year, there were 167 accidents on the highway.

The post Burma Launches New Insurance Policy for Highway Travelers appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Journalists’ Arrest ‘Not Good’ for Media Environment: Information Minister

Posted: 05 May 2014 04:00 AM PDT

media, Myanmar, censorship, press freedom, access to information, Yangon, Aung Kyi

Information Minister Aung Kyi gestures during a press conference in Rangoon in August 2013. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Minister of Information Aung Kyi said this weekend that the recent detention of several journalists has created "not a good situation" for Burma's fledgling free media, but he added that additional press regulations would soon improve protection for journalists.

Aung Kyi attended a Unesco-supported event in Rangoon to mark World Press Freedom Day Saturday where The Irrawaddy asked about the case of Zaw Pe, a reporter with Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), who was sentenced on April 7 to one year's imprisonment for trespass and disturbing a civil servant during his reporting work.

"It is not a good situation for journalists in the country. I hope the court investigated this case thoroughly before sentencing him," said Aung Kyi.

"The main reason that these cases happen is because there is a small [legal] gap before the country completes [regulations for] the press law…. After the country has completed the press law, the press freedom will move a step ahead."

The minister referred to additional regulations which are yet to be drawn up for the Press Law, which was adopted by Parliament after some amendments on March 4.

Although the Press Law was welcomed by media organizations, which helped draft it, the organizations were taken aback when Parliament simultaneously adopted the Printers and Publishers Registration Law proposed by the Ministry of Information.

The latter law, although it carries no prison terms, gives the ministry the power to withhold or revoke publishing licenses unilaterally, while it contains vaguely defined bans on reporting that could "incite unrest", "insult religion" and "violate the Constitution." The previous military regime used to invoke similar types of concern to use blanket bans on critical reporting.

A recent spate of arrests of journalists has further heightened concerns over a roll back on media freedoms by President Thein Sein's reformist government, which since 2011 has lifted military-rule media restrictions, abolished censorship, released jailed journalists and allowed for the publication of daily newspapers.

On April 25, Yay Khae, a reporter for Mizzima, was arrested in Prome for leading an unauthorized protest calling for greater media freedom. He was charged and released on bail. Four journalists and a CEO of Unity Journal were arrested in January and charged with violating the State Secrets Act and trespassing after they wrote a story on an alleged chemical weapons factory at Magwe's Pauk Township. They could face up to 14 years in prison.

In December, Naw Khine Khine Aye Cho, a reporter of Eleven Media, was sentenced by the Loikaw Township Court in Karenni State to three months imprisonment on charges of trespassing.

Ko Ko, chairman of the Myanmar Journalist Association, issued a statement Saturday calling for the release of the detained reporters. "There are some journalists in our country who are facing trail and serve in prisons after being arrested while they were covering news. Our group would like to urge the authorities to kindly review the actions against those journalists," it said.

Late last month, Burmese media organizations announced that they will plan a large campaign advocating for greater media freedom and protection of journalists in response to the recent arrests.

Phil Robertson, Asia deputy director of US-based Human Rights Watch, said in a statement on Saturday that the recent arrests amounted to "serious backsliding" on media freedom in Burma, while "new laws could allow the government to exert subtle control over the media through vague yet dangerous provisions."

Myint Kyaw, from the Myanmar Journalists Network, said reporters remain at risk because various laws, not just media laws, were being used against them, noting that the two recent cases involved charges of trespassing. He added that the repressive, junta-era Electronic Transactions Law remains on the books.

"They did not yet abolish the Electric Transactions Act. They only reduced the sentences. They could charge opposition parties or journalists when they do not like them by using this act," he said.

Thiha Saw, editor-in-chief of The Myanmar Freedom Daily and a Myanmar Press Council member, said the government's repressive habits and Burma's lack of an independent judiciary will remain a challenge for the media sector for some time to come.

"They are the government. They have a duty to inform all citizens but they still have the old mindset. They view the media as troublemakers," he said. "And when there is a problem, the court here is not independent and we could not get justice. There is influence at the court from the president and government administration. This is a problem."

Additional reporting by Sanay Lin and Htet Naing Zaw.

The post Journalists' Arrest 'Not Good' for Media Environment: Information Minister appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Landmark ‘Lost Kingdoms’ Show Gets Warm Reception

Posted: 05 May 2014 02:15 AM PDT

The sandstone Khin Ba Relic Chamber Cover from central Burma. (Photo: Thierry Ollivier / Courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art)

The landmark exhibition "Lost Kingdoms: Hindu-Buddhist Sculpture of Early Southeast Asia, 5th to 8th Century," which includes treasures from the Pyu civilization in Burma, has been earning accolades since it opened at New York's Metropolitan Museum of Art last month.

"It will be hard to cap this: it may well be the exhibition of the year," wrote Louise Nicholson in Apollo, one of the world's leading international art magazines, based in London.

The Wall Street Journal called the exhibition, which collects together for the first time some of the finest sculptural art of the region, a "monumental show in about every sense of the word."

Writing on the blog Art Eyewitness, US reviewer Ed Voves said, "To grasp the magnitude of the quality and number of the masterpieces of Asian art on display in Lost Kingdoms, one would have to conceive of an exhibition of Renaissance art featuring the Louvre's version of Leonardo's The Virgin of the Rocks, The Birth of Venus from the Uffizi and Titian's Bacchus and Ariadne from the National Gallery in London."

The exhibition opened on April 17 and is open to visitors until July 27.

It is the first of two watershed art shows set to mark Burma's cultural "coming out" to international audiences.

In 2015 the New York-based Asia Society is due to present another ground-breaking exhibition of early Buddhist art from Burma.

The "Lost Kingdoms" exhibition showcases ancient civilizations that are still emerging from the shadows as scholars and archaeologists uncover new clues and offer fresh interpretations of polities long hidden in history's mists.

The exhibition draws attention to the Pyu civilization, which flourished in Burma before it was absorbed by the Bagan Empire, as well as the Funan, Zhenla, Champa, Dvāravatī, Kedah and Śrīvijaya civilizations in neighboring countries.

This month the Metropolitan Museum will host a day-long symposium on the exhibition, including two talks relating to the Pyu in Burma.

On May 17 scholar Janice Stargadt of Cambridge University will present a paper on "The Great Silver Reliquary of Sri Ksetra: Where Early Epigraphy and Buddhist Art Meet."

Robert Brown of the University of California, Los Angeles, will discuss "What Was the Impact of Indian Art and Culture in Southeast Asia? Pyu and Mon Art Under the Looking Glass."

The exhibition includes some 160 sculptures of singular aesthetic accomplishment in stone, gold, silver, terracotta and stucco from Burma, Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam and Malaysia.

More than 20 items from Burma are on display.

Together the collection illuminates through art and imagery the emergence of the early kingdoms in the region in the first millennium, and how these embraced many influences from early Buddhism and Hinduism (Brahmanism), grafting the new ideas on to older animistic belief systems based on the worship of nature.

At the center of a display called "Arrival of Buddhism" are a silver Buddha, warrior plaques, miniature silver stupas and a spectacular stone slab from the oldest undisturbed Buddhist relic chamber in Southeast Asia, the Khin Ba stupa mound at the Pyu city of Sri Ksetra, dating from the late fifth to sixth century.

The longest Sanskrit inscription known from ancient Burma can also be seen.

A section called "State Art" focuses on the patronage of the Mon rulers of the Dvaravati Kingdom of central Thailand and includes some of the most monumental works in the exhibition: several large-scale sandstone standing Buddhas, sacred wheels of the Buddha's Law, and steles depicting stories from the present and past lives of the Buddha.

Other masterpieces of exceptional beauty include an ascetic Ganesha from the 8th century religious sanctuary of My Son in central Vietnam and a spectacular Krishna Holding Mt. Govardhana from the hill shrine of Phnom Da, in southern Cambodia.

"Lost Kingdoms" marks the first time the Burma government has loaned national sculptural treasures for an international loans exhibition. The government will also loan items to the Asia Society event next year. In return, the American institutions will assist with training Burmese conservators.

The latest spotlight on the Pyu comes as Burma is seeking to gain World Heritage List status from Unesco in mid-2014 for three Pyu sites: Sri Ksetra, Beikthano and Hanlin.

There is also a 336-page hardback catalog for the exhibition, featuring contributions from prominent scholars, photography shot on location, maps and a glossary of place names.

It is co-published in this region by River Books in Bangkok, with Yale University Press, and costs around US$70.

Images of the sculptures can also be seen in The Irrawaddy print magazine's May issue, on newsstands now.

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Wanted: Immediate US Aid Air Drop

Posted: 04 May 2014 11:51 PM PDT

Made homeless by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008, survivors lined the highway to Dedaye hoping that passers-by would throw food or supplies to them. (Photo: Reuters)

On Friday, 2 May 2008, Cyclone Nargis made landfall in The Irrawaddy Delta, sending a storm surge 40 kilometers into the densely populated agricultural area. On the sixth anniversary of Burma's worst-ever natural disaster, which killed at least 138,000 people, The Irrawaddy is republishing a comment from May 9, 2008, that argued for US humanitarian aid intervention as the then ruling junta did little to help the affected population.

A US air drop of humanitarian aid to the desperate survivors in the Irrawaddy delta—with or without Burma's permission—is the only way to save lives that hang in the balance with each passing hour.

Unilateral humanitarian intervention is justified, because the Burmese junta has been given a chance to cooperate with dozens of international offers of aid, and it has failed miserably. But so far—as expected—the junta is demanding humanitarian aid be shipped to Burma, but it doesn't want any foreign aid workers to enter the country.

On Friday, the junta seized all food and equipment that the World Food Program had flown into the country for relief aid. Later, the UN announced that it was suspending all aid shipments to Burma.

Four US navy ships, now located in the Gulf of Thailand, are positioned with relief supplies that could be air dropped into Burma or shipped on the ground, if the foot-dragging junta gives the go-ahead.

The US chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff said on Friday the US is seeking the junta's permission for an air drop, and it respects a sovereign's state air space. There would be no air drop without permission, he said.

The fact is that it may be days or weeks before sufficient humanitarian aid gets to the survivors in the delta. Or, knowing the regime, the aid may never get there. Much of it could end up in junta warehouses.

If you think this is a harsh, distorted, cynical view, consider this:

The majority of 1.5 million homeless people are living without safe drinking water and sufficient food six days after the cyclone; thousands of people are injured or ill from bad water, helplessly waiting for treatment. Tens of thousands of corpses, including many children, are floating in ponds, creeks and rivers. The photographs are heartbreaking and too grim to publish.

Aircraft loaded with relief supplies have been sitting on tarmacs for days, waiting for a green light. International aid workers have been waiting for days to get visas. We wouldn't be surprised to see Burmese officials take Saturdayand Sunday off, ignoring the desperate calls to speed things up.

Small shipments of aid have started trickling into Rangoon's airport, but only after the generals have captured their propaganda pictures designed to make them look responsible and caring.

So far, aid has been allowed in mainly from close friends Thailand, India and China. Few planes from the Western world have been allowed into Rangoon. It's xenophobia and hubris politics, totally ignoring the welfare of people.

"The Burmese regime is behaving appallingly," Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd said in an interview on Thursday.

US Ambassador Eric John told reporters in Bangkok on Thursday, "We are in a long line of nations who are ready, willing and able to help, but also, of course, in a long line of nations that the Burmese don't trust."

Relief workers, he said, "are ready to go in to help. They are not going in to overthrow the government. They are not going in to spy. They have specific skills for immediately responding to disaster."

The junta is still telling the country through its state-run media that 22,997 people died and 42,119 are missing, when reliable local sources and US embassy estimates say more than 100,000 people are dead; the UN estimates at least 1 million people are homeless.

The junta boasted that it has seven helicopters dispatching food aid.

In fact, hundreds of airplanes and helicopters and thousands of skilled relief workers will be needed to organize the distribution of food, shelter, medicine and create temporary camps to house the homeless.

Mobile hospitals will be needed to treat the injured and the sick and to prevent the outbreak of serious, communicable diseases. One of the first tasks will be to gather up the tens of thousands of corpses from water and land so that the water system can return to its normal, non-contaminated state.

On Tuesday, US President George W Bush said: "We're prepared to help move US Navy assets to help find those who have lost their lives, to help find the missing and to help stabilize the situation."

Sadly, there is no chance the junta will allow US assets on Burmese soil.

The man making that decision is Snr-Gen Than Shwe, who should be held responsible for humanitarian crimes by blocking the world's relief efforts.

The US—and other willing nations—must act unilaterally. Act now, knowing right is on your side.

The people in villages and towns of the Irrawaddy delta are looking up at the sky waiting for relief supplies, local sources told The Irrawaddy. It started after shortwave radio broadcasts said the US navy was ready to help supply aid.

It's time for immediate US-led air drops to help save the lives of thousands of helpless people in the Irrawaddy delta.

The post Wanted: Immediate US Aid Air Drop appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

“It’s OK, I’ve Got Him!”

Posted: 05 May 2014 03:27 AM PDT

 

 

It's OK, I've Got HimOn Friday, 2 May 2008, Cyclone Nargis made landfall in The Irrawaddy Delta, killing at least 138,000 people. As international aid groups rushed to help survivors, the military chiefs held them back.On the sixth anniversary of Burma's worst-ever natural disaster, The Irrawaddy is republishing a cartoon from 2008 that portrays the hostile reaction of the Burmese junta toward donors and volunteers in the wake of the storm.

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Thai Opposition Leader Wants Election Delayed to Allow Reforms

Posted: 04 May 2014 10:11 PM PDT

Thailand, The Irrawaddy, Abhisit Veijjajiva, elections, protest

Thailand’s opposition leader and former Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva speaks during a news conference at a hotel in Bangkok on Saturday. (Photo: Reuters)

BANGKOK — Thai opposition leader Abhisit Vejjajiva on Saturday urged that a general election planned for July be delayed by up to six months to allow time for reforms aimed at ending a protracted political crisis that threatens to explode.

Protesters have been trying to oust Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra since November, part of a long-running crisis that broadly pits Bangkok's middle class and royalist establishment against the mainly poor, rural supporters of Yingluck and her brother, ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra.

Thaksin was ousted by the military in 2006 and now lives in exile to avoid a jail term handed down in 2008 for abuse of power. His opponents accuse him of corruption and nepotism.

Thailand's Election Commission and Yingluck agreed on Wednesday to hold a general election on July 20, but anti-government protesters who disrupted a vote in February said they still wanted electoral reforms before a new poll.

Former Prime Minister Abhisit, who launched a mediation effort on April 24, told a news conference the vote should be delayed by five or six months while a committee thrashed out reforms that would be put to a referendum.

While that was being done, he wanted the country to be run by a neutral interim government with limited powers.

The panel should include representatives of the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC), the protest group led by Suthep Thaugsuban, who was a deputy prime minister under Abhisit until 2011.

"I have said from the start that no side will get what they want 100 percent from what I am proposing. But … the government will see an election, people will get to vote in the next five to six months. The PDRC protesters will get their neutral government," Abhisit said.

He said he would not be part of the reform committee and that no politician should sit on it, but he gave few details on its likely composition. He also said he would not take up a political position in future if his plan was accepted, although his medium-term intentions are unclear.

"I would like to ask Yingluck: is there any part of my proposal that damages the country?" he said.

There was no immediate comment from Yingluck on his plan.

But Jarupong Ruangsuwan, leader of the ruling Puea Thai Party, told Reuters that the government could not accept Abhisit's proposal and that the cabinet will deliberate a draft royal decree for the July 20 election date on Tuesday.

"The government cannot accept Abhisit's plan because it is outside the framework of the constitution. Abhisit's plan will only increase divisions in Thai society," Jarupong said.

"Asking the government to resign is tantamount to ripping up the constitution. We will push ahead with preparing the draft [election] decree."

Uphill Task

Abhisit faces an uphill task to get his idea implemented, given that supporters of Yingluck distrust him.

When he was in power in 2010, Abhisit sent in the army to end a pro-Thaksin protest. Also, he sided with the protest movement last year and his Democrat Party boycotted the general election in February.

Government supporters will see his proposals as reflecting the PDRC platform. And protest leader Suthep has shown no willingness to compromise, saying he will pursue the fight until Yingluck has been ousted and the influence of the Shinawatra family is finished.

Supporters of Suthep planned a big gathering in Bangkok on May 5. The pro-government "red shirts" have said they will rally on May 10 on the outskirts of the capital.

Anti-Yingluck protests attracted more than 200,000 people at their height late last year but numbers have dwindled over time. However, hard-core demonstrators say they will continue to harass the government until Yingluck is forced out.

She also faces threats from the courts, most immediately from a charge of abuse of power for allegedly removing a national security chief for party political reasons. The Constitutional Court could hand down a verdict on that charge this month and she would have to step down if found guilty.

The National Anti-Corruption Commission is also probing allegations of dereliction of duty relating to a failed rice intervention scheme. If it decides there is a case to answer, she faces impeachment by the Senate.

Her supporters have said they will take to the streets if she is removed by what they say are politicized judges. The risk of confrontation with anti-government protesters lends urgency to mediation efforts.

Yingluck has led a caretaker government with limited fiscal powers since dissolving parliament in December.

The crisis has damaged business confidence, and the central bank has warned of shrinkage in the economy in the first quarter. Some economists fear the country could slip into recession unless the deadlock is broken soon and a new government installed.

The post Thai Opposition Leader Wants Election Delayed to Allow Reforms appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Police Hunt Rebels After Anti-Muslim Violence in Northeast India Kills 31

Posted: 04 May 2014 10:01 PM PDT

religious violence, ethnic violence, India, Northeast India, Bodo, ethnic minority rights, human rights, Muslim

Villagers from Muslim communities wail upon seeing the body of a woman at a relief camp in Narayanguri village in Baksa district in the northeastern Indian state of Assam May 4, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

GAUHATI, India — Police said Sunday they killed three suspected rebels and arrested eight forest guards for alleged involvement in the killings of 31 Muslims in the worst ethnic violence in India’s remote northeast in two years.

In dense forest near Tejpur, four suspected insurgents hurled a grenade and fired at policemen who ambushed them, said police officer Sanjukta Prashar. Police killed two in an exchange of gunfire and two suspects escaped, she said. The town is nearly 80 kilometers (50 miles) north of the region where Muslims were attacked on Thursday and Friday.

In Udalguri district, police killed a third suspect in an exchange of gunfire and recovered one revolver and one hand grenade from him, said regional police inspector general L.R. Bishnoi. He said police suspect two who fled were on their way to attack a village with a mostly Muslim population.

Police also recovered two bodies floating in a river in Barapeta area, Bishnoi said, raising the death toll in last week’s violence to 31.

Police said they have arrested eight forest guards following complaints by the victims’ relatives that they were involved in the brutal killings. The 22 people arrested earlier face charges they either burned homes or provided shelter to insurgents.

On Sunday, army soldiers patrolled the curfew-bound districts of Baska and Kokrajhar for a second day to defuse tension.

Relatives, who earlier refused to bury 18 victims in Baska unless Assam state’s top elected official visited them, relented and performed the last rites after state Planning Minister Prithvi Majhi met them and assured security to thousands of people hit by the ethnic violence. The wrapped bodies had remained on the road for two days.

Authorities have said the attackers belonged to a faction of the National Democratic Front of Bodoland, which has been fighting for a separate homeland for the ethnic Bodo people for decades. The rebel group denies it.

The Bodos are an indigenous tribe in Assam state, making up 10 percent of the state’s 33 million people.

Rights group Amnesty International India said in a statement that authorities in Assam state must take action to protect the rights of all communities and bring those responsible for the attacks to justice.

The violence comes during India’s multiphase general election, with voting concluding this month. Tensions have been high since a Bodo lawmaker in India’s Parliament criticized Muslims for not voting for the Bodo candidate, said Lafikul Islam Ahmed, leader of a Muslim youth organization called the All Bodoland Muslim Students’ Union.

The country’s multiphase general election concludes May 12, with results for Parliament’s lower house announced on May 16.

Over the weekend, local television reports showed hundreds of Muslim villagers fleeing their homes with belongings on pushcarts or in their hands. Most were headed to nearby Dubri district, which is near the border with Bangladesh. Nearly 400 people have fled so far, Bishnoi said.

Police said that in the third and most recent attack on Friday evening, militants entered a village in the western Baksa district and set at least 40 Muslim homes ablaze before opening fire. Assam’s additional director general of police R.M. Singh said 11 bodies, all of them shot to death, were recovered.

Another seven bodies were recovered Saturday, Bishnoi said.

Police also rescued three children hiding in a forest in Baksa district, he said.

The first attack took place in the same district late Thursday night when at least eight rebels opened fire on villagers sitting in a courtyard. Four people were killed and two were wounded, police said. The second attack happened around midnight in Kokrajhar district when more than 20 armed men, their faces covered with black hoods, broke open the doors of two homes and sprayed bullets inside, killing seven people, witnesses said.

Crying inconsolably, 28-year-old Mohammed Sheikh Ali said his mother, wife and daughter were killed.

“I will curse myself forever because I failed to save them,” Ali said in a telephone interview from a hospital where he was waiting for doctors to complete the autopsies on his family. “I am left all alone in this world. … I want justice.”

In 2012, weekslong violence between Bodo people and Muslims killed as many as 100 people in the same area.

Dozens of rebel groups are active in seven states in northeast India. They demand greater regional autonomy or independent homelands for the indigenous groups they represent.

At least 10,000 people, most of them civilians, have been killed in Assam state in the last three decades.

The post Police Hunt Rebels After Anti-Muslim Violence in Northeast India Kills 31 appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

China Hunting Family Members of Xinjiang Bombers

Posted: 04 May 2014 09:56 PM PDT

China, Xinjiang, Uighur, Muslim, terrorism, suicide bomb, train station, attack,

Armed police patrol at the entrance of the South Railway Station, where three people were killed and 79 wounded in a bomb and knife attack last week, in Urumqi, Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous region. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — Police in China's restive far western region of Xinjiang are looking for the family members of one of the men who died in an apparent suicide bombing at a train station last week, a state-run newspaper said on Monday.

The Chinese government has blamed religious extremists for carrying out a bomb and knife attack at a train station in Urumqi, regional capital of Xinjiang, on Wednesday evening that killed one bystander and wounded 79.

Both attackers were killed in the blast, according to the government. In an embarrassing security lapse, the attack happened just as President Xi Jinping was wrapping up his first visit to Xinjiang since becoming president last year.

The newspaper identified one of the attackers as Sedirdin Sawut, a 39-year-old man from Xayar county in Xinjiang's Aksu region. The man is a member of the Muslim Uighur minority, judging by his name.

The Global Times, an influential tabloid published by the ruling Communist Party's official People's Daily, said police are now looking for Sawut's wife, father, two cousins and his father-in-law, who seem to have gone missing after the attack.

They are all suspected of helping Sawut in the attack, the newspaper said, citing anonymous Xinjiang police officers.

Police are also looking for two other men who may have been involved in making the bombs, both of whom knew Sawut and also come from the same county, the report added.

Resource-rich and strategically located Xinjiang, on the borders of central Asia, has for years been beset by violence blamed by the Chinese government on Islamist militants and separatists, but suicide attacks have been extremely rare.

There have been suicide bombings before in China, mostly by people with personal grievances, but it has generally not been a tactic employed by Uighurs.

"Previously the attackers would try to leave after they planted the bomb. This time they obviously stayed to be killed," the newspaper quoted another unnamed security official as saying.

In October, a car ploughed into tourists on the edge of Beijing's Tiananmen Square, killing the car's three occupants and two bystanders, in what the government believed was a suicide attack by people from Xinjiang.

Exiles and many rights groups say the real cause of the unrest in Xinjiang is China's heavy-handed policies, including curbs on Islam and the culture and language of the Uighur people.

Unrest in Xinjiang has caused the deaths of more than 100 people in the past year, prompting a tougher stance against the Turkic-language speaking Uighurs, many of whom resent government controls on their culture and religion.

In March, 29 people were stabbed to death in the southwestern city of Kunming, far from Xinjiang and on the borders of Southeast Asia. The government blamed that attack on Xinjiang extremists.

The post China Hunting Family Members of Xinjiang Bombers appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Sunday, May 4, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


World Bank Blundering through Burma

Posted: 03 May 2014 10:14 PM PDT

How is the World Bank achieving its goal to alleviate poverty in Burma? The April 2014 World Bank Spring Meetings in Washington revealed the answer: nobody knows.

At the Spring Meetings, World Bank representatives touted the success of projects like the Community Driven Development (CDD) and Telecom Sector Reform projects. But Bank representatives clearly have no knowledge of how these projects are being implemented on the ground. If they knew, they might not be so keen to mention them.

Take the CDD, which is intended to empower local villagers to design their own infrastructure projects. Hyped as a model program, the CDD has been a remarkable failure. The Bank and government delayed the project for months, failed to hire and train competent project facilitators, crammed the months-long project consultation and selection process into mere hours due to cost and convenience, and didn't provide communities with any basic information—unless you count a single poster stuck onto a community bulletin board.

As a result, many facilitators hastily submitted improvised project proposals that villagers had never even approved. Now, villagers are being pressured to implement these projects in a matter of several weeks over the labor-intensive harvest season. This has led to a lack of community participation and a major breach of trust in the World Bank.

World Bank representatives, who have not monitored CDD implementation, expressed surprise when civil society representatives presented these flaws at the Spring Meetings. But these flaws are not surprising; to people following the Bank's activities in Burma, incompetence is the status quo.

Burma is universally recognized as one of the most corrupt and unstable political and economic contexts in the world, yet the World Bank irresponsibly forgoes comprehensive risk assessments, due diligence, and safeguards. At the Spring Meetings, Bank representatives tactlessly stated that they are not considering Burma through a conflict or fragility lens. To compound matters, the World Bank's lazy approach to civil society consultations in Burma violates the Bank's own guidelines. The Bank habitually announces civil society consultations mere days in advance, doesn't take notes at the consultations or integrate civil society recommendations into project plans, and even lies about the frequency and outcomes of these consultations.

Now the World Bank and International Finance Corporation (IFC), the Bank's private lending arm, are taking their bumbling, oblivious "development support" to Burma's agriculture sector. It is of utmost importance that this support does not exacerbate widespread land, social, and environmental problems by intensifying inequality between smallholder farms and government-connected agribusiness.

But the starry-eyed IFC eagerly looks to invest in agribusiness in Burma. It has already contracted with Yoma Strategic Holdings Ltd – a Burmese company that US officials have recommended for sanctions – to be involved in high-risk plantation agriculture. Globally, IFC agriculture investments are notorious for contributing to impoverishment, land confiscation, forced displacement, and other human rights abuses.

In Burma, military regime-imposed agricultural restrictions almost guarantee that agribusiness and plantation-style investments will exacerbate poverty and lead to human rights violations. These restrictions deny farmers production rights and access to credit, forcing them into the hands of moneylenders at soaring interest rates. Restrictions on internal trade and the country's export licensing regime limit farmers' sale options and artificially keep prices down. On top of this, Burma's horrendous new land laws were seemingly drafted with the express purpose of enabling large-scale land expropriations.

In this environment, empowering smallholder farmers over agribusiness is not only ethical, it's also good economics. Agriculture employs more than 70 percent of Burma's population and is the largest contributor to GDP by sector. Building up the production of smallholder farmers is the key to lifting the rural population out of poverty and stimulating economic growth. Economists—like former Chief Economist of the World Bank Justin Lin and renowned Burmese economist Hla Myint—widely confirm this development approach.

But the World Bank is revealing how little it knows—or is willing to admit—about Burma's agricultural sector. During the Spring Meetings, Bank representatives highlighted how its global agriculture strategy focuses on microfinance and women entrepreneurs. These are important factors, but they are merely supplemental to the alleviation of poverty among farmers.

Perhaps the main barrier to poverty alleviation in Burma is the government-constructed credit crisis. The Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation staunchly resists establishing a formal financial system and access to credit in rural areas, and therefore effectively inhibits access to affordable fertilizer and seeds, hard infrastructure and market information. Despised by reformers, Minister of Agriculture Myint Hlaing keeps smallholder farmers impoverished while he and cronies control the means of production. Burma civil society groups question how the Bank, which has already begun working with the Ministry, plans to exact reforms from the Ministry's crooked leadership.

The World Bank has a role to play in agriculture only if it builds up smallholder farmers and uses its financial leverage to attain meaningful reforms, including allowing commercial banks to lend to farmers and radically reforming the Myanmar Agricultural Development Bank. The Bank must also undertake serious sector analyses that address Burma's horrific land and conflict problems. Even allegedly low-risk investments like the Bank's upcoming irrigation project have the potential to increase land value and thereby lead to land confiscation.

The Bank's financial commitment to Burma has so far outpaced its commitment to caution and poverty alleviation. Bank headquarters has no clue what happens on the ground; Bank staff on the ground have displayed negligible interest in Burma's political, legal and economic situation. This is a recipe for disaster for any investments in Burma's agricultural sector, which could exacerbate socioeconomic inequality in ways not easily reparable.

 

Rachel Wagley is a recent graduate of Harvard University, and a former Fulbright grantee to Thailand. She is policy director of US Campaign for Burma, an advocacy group based in Washington, DC.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s and do not reflect DVB editorial policy.

 

Burma’s mangroves in danger of extinction

Posted: 03 May 2014 10:05 PM PDT

Thick mangrove forests once lined Burma's coastline, but in the past 30 years over half of the country's mangrove forests have been destroyed.

Mangrove trees are an essential part of river ecosystems. They protect the riverbanks from soil erosion by acting as a buffer between the land and sea.

The long roots provide shelter for breeding fish, shrimp and crabs.

Mangroves are also an important natural barrier against floods and storm surges.

Aung Win earns his living by cutting down trees in Irrawaddy Division's Ni Thaung mangrove forest to sell as firewood.

He used to be a fisherman but, ironically, due to the destruction of the mangroves, fish levels dropped in the estuary.

"In the past we could live by catching fish or frogs. Now, we don’t have enough food in the village so we have to sell firewood to survive," he said.

More than 80 percent of residents in Rangoon use firewood and charcoal for cooking. Up until 1993 most of the city's charcoal came from Bokalay mangrove forest. Due to severe deforestation the government banned felling of the mangroves in the area.

Farmer Hla Htay knows mangrove conservation is important, but said local communities rely on the mangroves for firewood and income.

"The main thing to do to preserve these mangrove forests is to find a different energy source. If we get electricity we would all be very happy," he said.

"Without any alternative energy, how can the villagers live without firewood?"

Maung Maung Than, programme coordinator for the Centre for People and Forests, said efforts to conserve mangroves will be impossible unless the government supplies an alternative energy source.

"The forests are depleting. Poverty is very much related to environment. To conserve the environment, people should have another form of income. If we can use an alternative energy, deforestation would be reduced," he said.

The biggest threat to the mangroves is from large-scale coastal development, an increase in silt from upstream deforestation, and clearing huge areas for rice-production.

Forty years ago, there were 1.7 million acres of mangrove in Burma; now only 700,000 acres remain.

And the result of mangroves being destroyed has been disastrous. On 2 May 2008, Cyclone Nargis devastated Burma's Irrawaddy delta region. 140,000 people died and over 2 million were made homeless.

Experts say if the mangrove forests hadn't been destroyed, the damage caused by Cyclone Nargis, wouldn't have been as great.

"If there were dense mangrove forests, the number of deaths would not have been so high," said Maung Maung Than.

As climate change forces sea levels to rise, coastal communities will be at greater risk from flooding and storms. Wide-scale conservation efforts backed by the government, such as setting up protected mangrove areas and re-planting zones, could turn things around.

 

Organic farming offers Kachin IDPs vital health options

Posted: 03 May 2014 09:23 PM PDT

NHKAWNG PA, KACHIN STATE — It has been nearly three years since fighting between Burma’s military and the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) forced Lazing Lu to flee her home in Kachin State’s Mahtang village. Refugee life hasn’t been easy for the 58-year-old widow and her 90-year-old mother, who share a cramped shelter in the Nhkawng Pa internally displaced persons (IDP) camp, one of more than a dozen such camps located in KIO-controlled territory along the Burma-China border.

For Lazing Lu, who has been a farmer since she was a child, losing her land was a serious blow. Even though she never had much money before the war, she didn’t consider herself poor, "we had our farm, we could support our ourselves" she explained. Today she relies on a monthly supply of rice, cooking oil and dried beans provided by aid groups. Importantly for Lu, she has been able to continue to grow some of her own fresh vegetables thanks to an organic farming programme run by a small Kachin community-based organisation, Bridging Rural Integrated Development and Grassroots Efforts (BRIDGE).

As part of the programme, Lazing Lu and her neighbours volunteer a few times a month on a small farm located next to the IDP camp. At harvest time they receive fresh vegetables, which are also distributed among the entire camp’s population of 1,600. The vegetables go a long way to supplement the basic staples they receive as part of their rations.

"Because of the farm we can get vegetables without having to buy them from the market" says Lazing Lu.

While nearly everyone taking part in the programme is already an experienced farmer, many are using organic practices for the first time. In the not so distant past, all Kachin farming was done without the use of pesticides and fertilisers, however the rapid modernisation that has taken place in neighbouring China over the past three decades has dramatically altered farming practices across much of northern Burma and here in particular, the half way point on the lengthy but narrow strip of KIO territory that runs along the Burma-China border.

Costly pesticides and fertilisers don’t necessarily translate into increased crop yields, explains BRIDGE coordinator Hkaw Lwi, a long-time Kachin environmentalist, but they are commonly used in these parts even though most of the farmers can’t read the Chinese-language instructions printed on the labels. The overuse of pesticides and fertilisers is a real problem that impacts the health of not just those who directly spray the pesticides, but their family members who live on or very near to the farms, says Hkaw Lwi.

In addition to rice, a staple of the local diet, much of the chemical-intensive farming found across Kachin State is geared towards cash crops, mainly corn and sugar cane. While both of these crops may be worth a fair amount of money, neither have much nutritional value. The BRIDGE farm project focuses on growing crops that will improve the nutrition of the camp’s residents, a majority of whom are women and children. At both Nhkawng Pa and at another IDP camp located near the government-controlled town of Loi Je, participants are growing more than a dozen kinds vegetables including radish, cabbage, cucumber, onion, ginger and two varieties of beans.

BRIDGE also operates a community seed bank, with an eye to a conflict-free future. Plans are in place to give each refugee family their own supply of locally sourced seeds to use when they return to their land or wherever the farmers deem fit.

Last year the programme produced more than 34,000 kilograms of food from a little bit more than four acres of terraced land at Nhkawng Pa. "We can grow more", explained one of the participants from Prang Hku Dung, another village affected by the fighting. The 35-year-old mother of three wants to see the programme obtain more growing space so that she and neighbours can increase the harvest, a sentiment shared by Lazing Lu. Whether the programme is expanded this year, however, depends on how successful BRIDGE is at securing more funding. All that’s needed is a relatively small amount in order to rent out a few more fields, but getting this funding has proven difficult.

Over the past two years, international funding for development and relief projects across Burma have shot up significantly, though donors tend to focus on giving out big sums of money for projects run by larger organisations. "Most donors don’t even want to look at small projects", explained a Rangoon-based NGO veteran during a recent visit to the area. It’s an unfortunate reality that has made it difficult for smaller groups like BRIDGE to expand their programmes, even if they have proved to be very successful.

"When the fighting started, all the villagers phoned the BRIDGE office to ask ‘What can we do? Where can we go?’"

The organic farm project is the continuation of a previous one BRIDGE ran in KIO territory before the conflict erupted in June 2011. Shortly after a 17-year ceasefire between the KIO and the Burmese army collapsed, three quarters of the 36 villages where BRIDGE conducted sustainable agriculture and environmental awareness programmes were completely evacuated. The abandoned villages were quickly taken over by government forces who continue to control them.

"When the fighting started, all the villagers phoned the BRIDGE office to ask ‘What can we do? Where can we go?’", recalled Hkaw Lwi, who in 2011 played a leading role in organising humanitarian relief for displaced villagers when international NGOs and UN agencies were completely cut off from accessing the thousands of displaced sheltering in KIO territory.

Nearly three years since the onset of hostilities, peace talks between Burma’s central government and the KIO appear to have stalled, leaving more than 100,000 people displaced by the conflict in the balance.

Lu’s future, like that of everyone else in her camp, remains uncertain. Even if a lasting ceasefire were signed tomorrow between the KIO and the central government, it would still be a major struggle for Lu and her neighbours to get their farms back, which are now occupied by Burmese troops and covered in land mines.

For Lu’s mother, who came of age during the early 1940′s when fighting between the Japanese and the Allied forces scarred much of what is now Kachin State, war is nothing new. In addition to having survived World War II, she lived through the KIO’s first conflict with the military that ran from 1961 to 1994 — another difficult period when most internally displaced Kachin were completely cut off from any and all relief and medical assistance. A daily dose of organic vegetables has surely made surviving the latest upheaval a little bit easier for this strong-willed nonagenarian.

 

Saturday, May 3, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Enjoy Freedom of the Press

Posted: 03 May 2014 12:56 AM PDT

Few Burmese Migrants Apply for Regular Passports in Thailand

Posted: 02 May 2014 09:53 PM PDT

A Burmese temporary passport, right, and a Thai work permit (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy)

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — For the past two months, Burmese migrants in Thailand have been eligible to exchange their temporary passports for regular passports, allowing them to travel outside of Thailand, but few people have applied for the upgrade, embassy officials say.

In the past, Burmese migrants in Thailand could not travel abroad due to limitations on their six-year temporary passports. In March, the Burmese Embassy in Bangkok began authorizing regular passports, which last five years.

But to be eligible for these regular passports, migrants are required to show a household registration certificate for their homes in Burma. Many migrants did not bring this document with them to Thailand and are reluctant to return home to retrieve it.

Three offices are now open in Thai border towns to help migrants begin the process of upgrading their passports once their working visas expire. "But we have received few applications," Than Naing, the labor attaché of the Burmese Embassy in Bangkok, told The Irrawaddy last week.

"The reason people are not coming is because they have not obtained both a Burmese ID card and Burmese household registration," he said.

The Thailand Department of Labor estimated that about 400,000 Burmese migrants would exchange their passports, but brokers on the ground say that only about a tenth of that number have shown any interest. One broker in the Thai border town of Mae Sot said his office is accepting applications, but there have been few to process thus far.

The regular passport costs 1,600 baht (US$50), not counting additional fees for a two-year visa, a work permit and health insurance.

The Thai government last month agreed that migrants would be allowed to stay in the country for 180 days after their visas expired due to political turmoil in the country that prevented some departments from operating in full capacity.

But many of the estimated 3 million Burmese migrants have stayed even longer past the expiration of their visas, leaving them vulnerable to deportation or abuse at the hands of Thai authorities.

Labor rights activists have criticized the application process for new documents as overly complicated and subject to frequent changes.

Until 2009, Burmese migrants could live and work in Thailand with a one-year work permit, though they were restricted to staying in the area where they earned their income. In 2009, they were able to apply for a six-year temporary passport, a two-year visa and a one-year work permit, paying an extra 10,000 or so baht for these upgrades. In 2012, they were required to apply for new temporary passports—changing their old red books for purple books, at a cost of about 1,000 baht.

In March this year, Burmese migrants became eligible for the regular passports that allow them to travel outside the country. However, many migrants say it makes little sense to pay for the upgrade, since they do not earn enough money to travel abroad.

"Migrants would rather extend visas on their current temporary passport than apply for a new regular passport," said Toom Mauk Harn, a coordinator for the Migrants Assistance Program.

He said it was important for the Thai and Burmese governments to maintain a consistent policy with passports and visas. In 2009, both governments announced that Burmese migrants who had worked in Thailand for four years would be required to return to Burma for three years. Later, they changed the policy, saying migrants could go home for as little as one month before returning to Thailand for employment. In reality, many migrants chose not to go home at all, instead opting to apply for a new passport under a different name. As a result, many lost the social benefits they had received under their old names, Toom Mauk Harn said.

Now, many migrants say they lack the time and money to travel to Burma to retrieve their Burmese household registration certificates.

Kyaw Thaung, director of the Myanmar Association in Thailand (MAT), said this requirement was problematic. "It is not a good plan for the majority of migrants," he said.

He added that many passport agents were corrupt, asking migrants who earn less than $10 per day to pay additional fees during the application process.

"It is understandable to require a Burmese ID [for the passport application], but the need for a household registration document makes many people reluctant," said Htoo Chit, director of the Foundation for Education and Development.

He said Thailand-based Burmese labor rights groups had collaborated with Burmese embassy officials to form a Myanmar Workers Protection Committee, to provide assistance to migrants. However, he said the committee was just "for show," as a means to show the international community that the Burmese government cares about migrants.

"The officials must think about what's easiest for migrants—and that would be a process that is less dependent on labor agencies and brokers," he said.

The post Few Burmese Migrants Apply for Regular Passports in Thailand appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

‘It Should Benefit the People of Myanmar’

Posted: 02 May 2014 08:00 PM PDT

Thilawa, Myanmar, Burma, The Irrawaddy, special economic zone, Japan, JICA, Japan International Cooperation Agency

Japanese lawmaker Michihiro Ishibashi, in blue, speaks with a translator while visiting a relocation site for residents displaced by the Thilawa Special Economic Zone. (Photo: Thit Nay Moe / The Irrawaddy)

After being forced off their land, displaced residents continue to request a meeting with the Japanese backers of the Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Rangoon Division. A Japanese lawmaker, Michihiro Ishibashi, recently visited the relocation site where dozens of families are now living after being kicked out of their homes for Phase 1 of the SEZ development. The Democratic Party of Japan lawmaker is director of a committee in the Japanese legislature that discusses official development assistance to foreign countries, including Burma. He spoke with The Irrawaddy about his impressions of the Thilawa SEZ.

Question: Why did you visit Thilawa?

Answer: The Japanese people are offering development assistance to the people of Myanmar for social and economic development. As members of parliament, we need to make sure that our assistance is used properly and implemented for the benefit of the people.

The Thilawa development is a major form of our assistance to the Myanmar [Burmese] government. As the project continues, I understand that there have been issues of residents being moved to new locations. There were some complaints and concerns raised by people who are affected by the project. I wanted to come and see, to talk to the people who are affected about the problems and the real situation on the ground.

Q: What do you think about the situation, based on your visit?

A: There has been a lack of proper communication between those who have been affected by the project and probably the government of Myanmar, which is responsible for the project, and also with the Japanese government—JICA (the Japan International Cooperation Agency)—which is responsible for providing assistance to the government of Myanmar. As a result, they [affected residents] haven't been able to raise their voices, their concerns. That's why they are still struggling with their livelihoods after being relocated. I understand consultations [with families] on 2,000 hectares of land are starting, and we need to make sure they are done properly.

I am really worried about the conditions here as rainy season approaches—I can see that rainy season is going to be a big problem. The water supply, the wells, have not been developed properly. That's one concern. Another is schooling for the kids. I didn't realize before today that some of the kids had to give up schooling last semester because their old schools were too far away and the schools nearby did not accept them. I understand the next school year is starting in June, and we need to make sure those kids are able to go to school. I will try to demand that JICA holds an immediate meeting with the people here to discuss these issues, including water, water drainage and schooling for the kids.

Q: JICA has not responded to requests by local people for a meeting. What do you think of that?

A: It is surprising that they have not responded. They [residents] have written letters to JICA, they have officially requested a meeting with JICA, but these requests have not been met so far. I need to see why they [JICA] did not respond to the letters, did not respond to the request for a meeting. Then I need to encourage and urge them to do that immediately, and to respond to the letter in a proper manner. As soon as I go back to Japan, I will talk to JICA headquarters to see why they did not respond to the letters. Hopefully they can respond properly as soon as possible.

Q: As a lawmaker, why do you emphasize that Japanese investment in Burma must be done properly?

A: With any project, whether big or small, it's important to ensure that all stakeholders, including people affected by the project either positively or negatively, are involved in the process. Starting from the planning stage, they should be informed, they should be invited to consultations. They should be fully aware and involved in the project. Whatever the project is, it should benefit the people of Myanmar—that's something we should ensure.

The post 'It Should Benefit the People of Myanmar' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (May 3, 2014)

Posted: 02 May 2014 07:00 PM PDT

Opportunities Aplenty But Foreign Investors Still Face 'Major Challenges'

Burma offers many business opportunities with annual growth of 7 percent plus predicted over the next five years, but "major challenges" are still faced by would-be foreign investors, a report said.

Despite a new Foreign Investment Law (FIL) and other pro-business regulations, establishing a new business in Burma as a foreigner is "an extremely challenging affair," said analysts Business Monitor International (BMI).

"Contract enforcement remains a gray area in which little historical precedent is available as a benchmark for resolving disputes. At the same time, despite the broad guidelines laid out in the FIL, the establishment of a business is still contingent upon approval from the opaque Myanmar Investment Committee," said BMI.

"[Burma's] extremely underdeveloped banking sector provides yet another hurdle for not only the establishment of a business in the country, but also in terms of trade financing. Banks suffer from both a lack of funding as well as a deficit in operational capacity."

Even so, BMI forecasts GDP growth at an average of 7.4 percent per year to 2018.

Outdated View of Burma Is Barrier to Investment for Thais, Says Envoy

Many potential investors in Thailand have an out-of-date perception of Burma, the Thai ambassador to the country reportedly said.

The wrong impression is a barrier to investing in Burma, The Nation newspaper of Bangkok quoted Pisanu Suvanajata as saying.

"Thai investors still misunderstand the country, holding on to old memories of drug trafficking, ethnic disputes and extreme poverty," Pisanu said, according to The Nation.

The ambassador made the comments to a group of 125 Thais visiting Burma to explore business opportunities. Many members of the group were from the Association of Thai Travel Agents (ATTA) who also visited Mandalay and Naypyidaw.

ATTA president Sisdivachr Cheewarattanaporn told The Nation said the visit was part of a "learning process" about neighboring markets in preparation for the start of the Asean Economic Community in 2015, which is intended to make cross-border trade between the 10 member countries easier.

Hong Kong Garment Makers Lured by Low Burma Wages

Hong Kong clothing manufacturers will move their factory production to Burma because Burmese wages are only 20 percent of rates in China, an industry report said.

More than 10 Hong Kong-based firms are planning to relocate to the Thilawa Special Economic Zone because costs have become too high in China.

"Hong Kong clothing firms participating in the apparel park aim to benefit from the low cost of production in [Burma] as the cost of labor is only about 20 percent of the wages in China," said the website fibre2fashion.

"Hong Kong entrepreneurs also expect to benefit from the duty-free access enjoyed by Myanmar while exporting to the [European Union]."

The Thilawa factories could be operational by the end of 2015 and employ up to 30,000 people, said the Associated Press.

Burma has "immense potential" to regain its former glory as a leading international garment producer and exporter, Business Monitor International (BMI) said in April.

But a revival will be from a low base, it said, because other countries such as Vietnam and Cambodia had attracted investment during Burma's years of isolation. Burmese garment exports in 2012 were valued at US$909 million but that was only 1.5 percent of GDP, said BMI.

Burma-China Gas Pipeline Pumps 1 Billion Cubic Meters

More than 1 billion cubic meters of natural gas has been delivered to China through the Chinese-built pipeline through Burma, an industry report said.

The pipeline handled 1.076 billion cubic meters over five months from the middle of October to mid April, said Natural Gas Asia, quoting the pipeline's majority owner China National Petroleum Corporation.

The pipeline, which spans about 900 kilometers in Burma from the coast at Kyaukphyu to the border with China's Yunnan Province, became fully operation last October, according to China media reports.

However, the $1 billion pipeline, ferrying gas from the Shwe field in Burmese waters of the Bay of Bengal and supposedly elsewhere, has been operating at only a fraction of its capacity, Interfax Natural Gas Daily reported at the end of March.

The pipeline is supposed to have an annual capacity of 12 billion cubic meters, said the Daily, which should have meant 5 billion cubic meters being pumped in the first five months of operation.

Japan in Technical Study on How to Save Bagan From Tourist Onslaught

The Japanese government is funding a study on ways of improving tourism infrastructure in the Bagan area without damaging the unique ancient monuments.

The work will be carried out by the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) with Burma's Ministry of Hotels and Tourism, official media reported.

The Bagan area, site of hundreds of temples and pagodas dating from the 10th Century, is Burma's most popular foreign visitor attraction. But there are concerns that the contender for a UN World Heritage site listing could be damaged as tourist numbers mushroom.

JICA is to study the Bagan's infrastructure such as roads, accommodation development and areas in need of special conservation, said the New Light of Myanmar.

Naypyidaw Establishes 'MyanTrade' to Push Burma's Exports Higher

A new government agency has been created to promote Burma's exports.

Known as MyanTrade, the body will operate under the wing of the Ministry of Commerce, according to Commerce Minister Win Myint quoted by Eleven Media.

Much of Burma's export trade has in recent years been raw agricultural produce such as rice, pulses, timber and fish, plus natural gas, but as more investment goes into manufacturing MyanTrade will help guide products into the export market, the report said.

Although exports have grown in the last two years, Burma imports more goods than it sends abroad.

'Major challenges' remain for investors, Thais urged to update their view of Burma and a pipeline pumps 1 billion cubic meters of gas to China.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (May 3, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


On World Press Freedom Day, how free is the Burmese media?

Posted: 03 May 2014 12:15 AM PDT

UNESCO has proclaimed 3 May as World Press Freedom Day as a "reminder to governments of the need to respect their commitment to press freedom”. Yet the Burmese media landscape is blighted by the existence of six imprisoned media workers while the Ministry of Information (MoI) appears driven by an agenda seemingly at odds with a revitalised Burmese media community.

That's not to say there hasn't been any progress since the Thein Sein administration took office in March 2011.

US Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs Richard Stengel last week visited Naypyidaw where, according to a US Embassy statement, he affirmed that "the [Burmese] political space has opened significantly in the last three years, and the government has taken important steps to cultivate an environment conducive to free, fair and independent media, a critical element of a vibrant democracy."

Such steps have resulted in the eradication of prepublication censorship laws and a new willingness on the part of the Burmese government to work with independent media associations. Dialogue with the Myanmar Journalist's Association (MJA), Myanmar Journalist Network and Myanmar Journalists Union, through the 2012- established Interim Press Council (IPC), has contributed to Burma's ranking on the Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom Index jumping seven places in the last year alone. Burma now sits at 145th overall, ahead of five of its ASEAN counterparts, including Malaysia (147th) The Philippines (149th) and Singapore (150th). Under military rule, Burma had consistently been ranked the third most difficult country in the world to be a journalist.

Yet “while press freedom conditions in Burma have generally improved, there are elements in government, including the Ministry of Information, that are uncomfortable with the more open reporting environment and are trying to reassert control over the press,” said Shawn Crispin, Southeast Asia representative to the Committee to Protect Journalists.

Yae Khe, a reporter recently arrested in Prome, central Burma, has experienced this first hand.

"The government is still trying to block information to the public," said the journalist from Mizzima, one of a number of "exile media" organisations that have recently opened offices in Burma. That return was made possible by 2011 presidential edicts that relaxed prepublication censorship rules and lead to the establishment of the IPC.

"But it goes further than blocking information," Yae Khe said. "Media suppression is one element of a broader inability for the public to express themselves. The government is not only uninterested in the public will, but they are still going to great lengths to silence people."

Yae Khe was arrested on 26 April as the organiser of an unauthorised rally in Prome, officially known as Pyay. He now faces the prospect of three months in prison or a 30,000 kyat (US$30) fine, or both. On that occasion, over 100 demonstrators gathered to protest the jailing of DVB video journalist Zaw Pe, who last month was sentenced to serve one year in Thayet Prison, Magwe, for the crimes of "trespassing" and "disturbing a civil servant on duty" as he attempted to interview an education department official on the subject of a Japanese-funded scholarship program.

On top of this, six staffers from the local media journal Unity Weekly are currently imprisoned and face the charge of "exposing state secrets". The six could be sentenced to 14 years in prison after the cover story of the 24 January edition of Unity Weekly alleged the existence of a "secret chemical weapons facility" in central Burma.

"The authorities in Myanmar [Burma] must respect and protect the right to freedom of expression," Amnesty International said in a press release ahead of World Press Freedom Day, which highlighted the cases of Zaw Pe, Yae Khe and the Unity journalists. That right "is enshrined in Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This includes the right to 'receive and impart information and ideas through any media' – journalists and other media workers must be able to carry out legitimate journalistic activities including sensitive investigations without fear of reprisal or arrest," Amnesty International insisted.

"Media suppression is one element of a broader inability for the public to express themselves. The government is not only uninterested in the public will, but they are still going to great lengths to silence people."

The IPC was instrumental in the drafting of a new media law, initially intended to remove impediments to reporting such as that encountered by Zaw Pe. The Media Law, passed in March, outlines journalistic codes of conduct and importantly guarantees press access to government information. The passing of the law also rescinded the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act, which carried heavy prison sentences for vague crimes such as "disrespecting the state."

However Thiha Saw, the MJA's representative to the IPC, believes that laws otherwise unrelated to the press are now being used to silence journalists.

"The authorities are trying to use other existing laws, for example civil laws and criminal codes – additional to the established media and publishing laws – to punish or deter journalists from doing their work.

"The [law] they use most often is defamation, against a person, or perhaps an office. We're also seeing authorities increasingly using the charge of trespassing for this same purpose."

Speaking to DVB shortly after Zaw Pe's sentencing, David Mathieson, Human Rights Watch's senior Burma researcher, suggested that the incident is an example of the Burmese government "pulling out military-era provisions to intimidate the media".

He added: "The national-level parliament is failing to repeal these petty provisions utilized by capricious local officials and is instead drafting laws that will intimidate the press and curtail their ability to investigate corruption and malfeasance."

Those intimidatory clauses are housed in the Printers and Publishers Registration Law, passed by parliament alongside the Media Law in March. The law was drafted in secret by the MoI and contains, what HRW's Mathieson calls, "vaguely worded and generalised provisions that give substantial leeway for authorities to intimidate editors and owners of newspapers through the threat of legal action."

The Printers and Publishers Registration Law enables the MoI to declare publications illegal should they broadly "incite unrest", "insult religion" or "violate the Constitution". What the secretive drafting of the law by the MoI has also seen is the further tarnishing of the relationship between the government and the IPC.

"We totally object to the Ministry's law," Thiha Saw told DVB on Friday. "We know the trick, it is about the centralised control of licensing and registration, the same way the 1962 act was. The MoI are still able to revoke licenses at any moment. We're worried that they'll come up with some sort of licensing restrictions."

Despite the restrictive environment, the streets of Rangoon are now dotted with newspaper stands selling a range of daily and weekly journals, including conspicuous publications such as the Irrawaddy, which is often critical of the government, as well as magazines with titles such as Democracy Journal. Yet financial pressure is already forcing some papers off the stands. Last month, well-respected English-language journal Myanma Freedom Daily was forced to go on a temporary hiatus, due to a financial shortfall.

Zaw Thet Htwe is a member of the IPC and a former political prisoner. In 2004, a military court sentenced him to death after he filed reports critical of the military. He was released in a presidential amnesty in 2012. According to the respected media advocate, diversity in the media landscape is crucial ahead of the 2015 elections.

"We may face further oppression in the lead-up to 2015, as a multiplicity of media laws, some yet to be passed, make it a more rigid and difficult place for journalists to operate," Zaw Thet Htwe said shortly after appearing as a panelist on Friday's DVB Debate on press freedom.

"We at the Press Council want to focus on ethnic media in particular," he said, adding that a diverse media community will make Burmese press freedom stronger.

 

New Karen party to register in Irrawaddy delta

Posted: 02 May 2014 11:28 PM PDT

A new party aimed at representing ethnic Karens in the Irrawaddy Delta has been formed. The Karen National Party (KNP) announced last week its intention to register with the Union Election Commission at the end of this month and to contest the 2015 general elections.

"Our primary aim is to reflect the voices of Karen nationals," said president of the new party, Mahn Thein Shwe. "Our next objective is to participate in the building of a federal democratic country."

He said that 15 members had been elected to the central committee and that a party flag and seal had been chosen for the KNP.

Meanwhile, a Karen National Union (KNU) delegation led by Vice-Chairperson Naw Zipporah Sein has been making a public tour of the Irrawaddy region.

The delegation met with more than 100 delta Karens including religious leaders in Pantanaw Township where they held a meeting to explain the KNU's position on the current peace process and negotiations with the Burmese government, said a Pantanaw source.

The Irrawaddy Delta has an estimated population of about 3.5 million, about half of whom are ethnic Karens.

Winds destroy 100 IDP homes in southern Shan State

Posted: 02 May 2014 11:04 PM PDT

Strong winds destroyed about 100 houses belonging to resettled villagers in the Pinlaung area of southern Shan State, about 100km northeast of Burma's capital Naypyidaw.

Strong winds struck twice, on 27 and 29 April, destroying 65 and 33 houses respectively in the village of Leinli.

The villagers had been relocated to Leinli six months ago due to the construction of the Upper Paunglaung Dam project.

Most of the houses were made with bamboo walls and corrugated iron roofs, said community leader Sein Htun. "It’s a new village. These people were moved there as their previous village was to be flooded by the dam construction."

He said many of the roofs were torn from the houses and about 20 homes were blown down completely.

Soldiers from a local military training school were on hand to help retrieve housing materials and repair the damage, he said. About 60 people were taking refuge with relatives or friends. Meanwhile, community leaders are seeking donations for the affected villagers, the majority of whom are farmers, said Sein Htun.

Suu Kyi, 88 Gen leaders join for Constitution rally

Posted: 02 May 2014 10:31 PM PDT

Aung San Suu Kyi will team up with leaders of the 88 Generation Students group at rallies in Rangoon and Mandalay as part of a long-standing bid to amend Burma's 2008 Constitution.

According to 88 Generation spokesperson Ko Jimmy, the public events were agreed at a meeting last month between opposition leader Suu Kyi and 88 Generation members Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi.

"Together, they will address the public about constitutional reform in Rangoon on 17 May and in Mandalay on 18 May," he said, adding that details of the events will be released on Monday.

He told DVB that the main focus of the rallies would be to grow support for amending Article 436, which states that for a bill to pass it has to have the approval of 75 percent of parliament. However, as the army holds 25 percent of seats in both houses, it has the power to veto any motion that is not in their interests.

National League for Democracy (NLD) party chairperson Suu Kyi has conducted a nationwide campaign aimed at garnering support for her proposal to amend certain points of the Constitution, notably Article 436, but also Article 59(f) which effectively bars her from becoming president because her husband and children have held foreign citizenship and she does not have military experience.

Speaking on the topic of the military veto in Mogok in Mandalay Division on 23 March, the NLD leader said the army should be proud to be as one with the public, instead of isolated.

"If the Tatmadaw [Burmese armed forces] is not of the same blood as the people and stands separately, it is not good for the Tatmadaw or for our country," she said. "That is why I say that we all should try to amend the constitution that isolates the standing of army."

Suu Kyi went on to say that amending the Constitution would bring stability to the country, but any reform would have to happen gradually.

Last month, the Burmese pro-democracy icon visited Germany and France, her third visit to Europe since 2012, where she canvassed international support for her agenda of constitutional change in Burma.

Standing alongside French President François Hollande, Suu Kyi called on France and the EU to help Burma to "move forward in a process that will ensure democratic values and democratic rights."

She reminded the international audience that "Burma is not yet a democracy", a process, she affirmed, that involves national reconciliation and a curtailing of military influence in politics, both to be achieved via constitutional reform.

Sagaing farmers say insect infestation stipends were misappropriated

Posted: 02 May 2014 08:31 PM PDT

Farmers in Ayadaw, Sagaing Division, said that authorities have unfairly disbursed agricultural stipends after insects ravaged the paddies of around 160 people.

They claim the Department of Agriculture pledged to pay farmers 46,500 kyat (US$46.50) for each acre destroyed in Nayarkhin village, though locals have reported that only those who are close with officials have received payments.

The Ayadaw representative of the National League for Democracy, Khin Maung Thin, met with farmers after they appealed to him for assistance.

Speaking to the press, Khin Maung Thin said, "It is evident that the officials are biased in distributing the stipend and not following regulations. They handed out large sums of money to those who are close to them — even though they only had a few acres damaged by bugs — while giving only a little to those who suffered more damage."

A local farmer who did not receive compensation told DVB: "About 150 to 160 farmers were affected, but 123 of us didn't get the stipend." He added that those who were compensated received much less than they were allocated. He also said that those who did not receive the stipend were warned not to complain.

The Agriculture Development Bank, tasked with providing the stipend, deflected the accusations. Tin Sein, the bank's manager, told DVB that they had a list of damages and dispensed the funds to local authorities accordingly.

"Distribution was carried out by local officials, who personally handed out the money in the villages," he said.

Ayadaw's agriculture administrator, Ba Htay, said the government only supplied funds for some 569 acres of the paddy fields – much less than the area affected by the infestation – and so some farmers had to be prioritised over others.

Those whose crops were damaged by the insects are now worried that they will be unable to repay the season's agricultural loans without the stipend.

In pictures: Kachin IDPs seek shelter in China

Posted: 02 May 2014 08:04 PM PDT

Hka Hkye Zup refugee camp, the makeshift home of more than 1,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs), is located along the Burma-China border in Kachin State's Mansi Township.

Renewed combat between the Burmese army and the Kachin Independence Army in early April has forced many of the IDPs to flee once again, this time seeking sanctuary in neighbouring China.

Across a narrow creek that serves as a border, Lung Kawk, China, is now accommodating about 109 ethnic IDPs. While the displaced still do not feel safe enough to return, they face a severe shortage of supplies like clean water, food and shelter.

While Chinese authorities have tolerated the settlement of IDPs, they are not granting access to humanitarian aid agencies delivering what could be life-saving aid.

These photos were taken from the Chinese side of the border, illustrating just how close the settlements are to each other, while still so critically disconnected.