Monday, July 18, 2016

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


State Counselor’s words: Lost in transmission?

Posted: 18 Jul 2016 07:26 AM PDT

The speech of the Buddha was without defect:

1.    True, beneficial, and pleasing to others. This speech the Buddha used on many occasions.

2.    True, beneficial, but not pleasing to others. This speech the Buddha used whenever it was necessary to correct those who were deviating from the path.


"How good is his English?"

"It varies. Depends on whether he wants misunderstandings or not"
Venus with Pistol, Gavin Lyall( 1932-2003) .

On 28 June 2016, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi met leaders of the 8 signatory ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) in Naypyitaw.

Bitter controversies have been aroused both among those who were there and those who were not, depending on how they interpret what she had said.

I have gone through the transcript several times in order to make sense of her words, most of which were clear and left no room for second interpretation. But the rest, especially when she was speaking about Panglong and the right of secession, were spoken as though her proficiency in Burmese had suddenly taken a plunge and she was groping frantically for the right words.

The following shoddily translated excerpts, I hope, may prove my points.

Here are those that are deemed non-debatable, and indeed praiseworthy :

·       Worry comes from lack of faith. No worry is possible, if there is faith in success.
·       When we are not on good terms, there is no peace. Peace is the natural outcome, when we are on good terms.
·       Father said: if the ethnic peoples cannot be convinced in ten years not to want to secede, it's because the government's hopeless. (The right quote appears to be: If the ethnic peoples cannot be convinced in ten years not to want to secede, it's because we Burmans are hopeless.)
·       Federalism protects a country from separatism. It does not propel a country to separation.
·       When there is sufficient guarantee of citizen's rights, no one wants to secede.
·       Whosoever wants to forge peace must avoid words displeasing to others as best possible.
·       All have ownership to the Peace Conference, whether or not they have signed( the Nationwide  Ceasefire Agreement )


And here are those that have been drawing arguments. I have not tried to do a word- for- word translation, only to paraphrase them. I hope I'm forgiven for taking such liberty.
·       People ask what I mean by using the word "Panglong" for the Union Peace Conference? Does it mean it should be based on its original spirit, agreement and promises? What I would like to say is it's not going to be based on the Panglong Agreement, which was concluded in order to achieve independence. On the contrary, I believe it must be based on the spirit of Panglong, which upholds Unity in Diversity.
·       Secession was part of the promise given at Panglong, Some people are worried and have asked whether I would allow secession. My answer is when the decision is made to establish a union, it must be with the determination that we would make it an enduring one.
Please take a look at world history. Some countries that are granted the right continue to hold on together, while others that are not given it are breaking away from each other. Summing up, it all rests on whether there is genuine unity or not.

I hope I have not lost in translation the intended meaning of her words, unless she was deliberately trying to confuse us.

Granted I haven't, the reader should now be able to make up her/his mind whether the peace process will go further under her leadership. At least that's what I hope.



THINKING OUT OF THE BOX: The aftermath of Suu Kyi and UNFC meeting

Posted: 18 Jul 2016 06:12 AM PDT

In nearly 70 years of civil war and several peace talks have been conducted, two nationwide major negotiations during the rule of General Ne Win and a couple of on and off ceasefire arrangements with various ethnic armed groups.  The latest ongoing one, initiated by the former president Thein Sein that started in 2011, is still being bogged down in talks about talks, without clear and radical concept on how to break out of the traditional way of doing things.

Let us ponder on the point, if thinking out of the box will help us accelerate the peace process and enable us a break-through by using "lateral thinking" in solving the problems through an indirect and creative approach,  rather than through reasoning that may not be obtainable by using only traditional step-by-step logic.

In this respect, it would be helpful for us to start with what a well-known political commentator has to say.

·       NRPC Old wine in the new bottle?

Dr Yan Myo Thein, a well-known political commentator made known his disappointment in the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) formation, which in his opinion is populated with the people from the former president Thein Sein clique of Union Solidarity and Development Party's (USDP).

He said the NRPC is made up of 6 members from the government, 2 from the parliament, 2 from the military (Tatmadaw),  1 from 21st Century Panglong Conference (21CPC) preparatory committee, with 11 members altogether.

Of the 6 representatives from the government sector, 1 active-duty and 2 retired military officers are included. Further, from the 2 parliamentary representatives, 1 is from the National league for Democracy (NLD), while the other is from the ethnic party closed to the former ruling party, the USPD.

As the NRPC has 3 Lt. Generals from the sum of 11, Thus the military is made up more than 25% of the organization.

The ethnic participation could also be seen as ineffective, as the NRPC member Daw Shela Nan Tong (NLD) of Kachin State being a retired professor could be out of touch with the politics and peace process. U Khun Maung Thaung of Shan State, Pin Laung Township is also closely linked to the USDP.

Apart from that the organization's think-tank is made up of old people from the Myanmar Peace Center, now defunct, such as Hla Maung Shwe and Min Zaw Oo, further reinforced by the retired General Aung Kyi, who had worked for the military and the former USDP regimes. As such, Yan Myo Thein stressed that new inputs and innovative new approaches won't come by and could be taken as still unforeseeable.

He further added that the key for the formation of NRPC should be the achievement of federal democracy through innovative, new pattern based on all-inclusiveness of all Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), equality and justification. Besides, the NLD should not forget that the people have given the party the mandate to lead, which is met with disappointment from many of the other policy implementations.

However, even as pessimistic view of Yan Myo Thein could be seen as quite a logical assessment, the contemporary political landscape continues to change remarkably at a speed that could be said as "incredible".

·       Current development

Following the meeting between the 8 EAOs that signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) and the state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, a series of meeting between the NRPC and the non-signatory EAOs, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), United Wa State Army (UWSA), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) were followed, although the much talked about excluded 3 EAOs – Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Arakan Army (AA) – planned meeting could not still be materialized, reportedly due to the difficulties in choosing the meeting venue, according to the rebel and governmental sources.

Nevertheless, after numerous interactions between the NRPC and UNFC in various locations like Chiang Mai and Rangoon, the much awaited face-to-face meeting between Suu Kyi and the UNFC finally happened on 17 July.

On the government side, Suu Kyi was accompanied by Dr Tin Myo Win, Chairman of the Preparatory Committee for the Union Peace Conference — 21st Century Panglong, Union Minister for the State Counsellor's Office Kyaw Tint Swe and Moe Zaw Oo of the State Counsellor's Office, while the UNFC's delegation were represented by General N'Ban La of Kachin Independnece Organization (KIO), Naing Htaw Mon of New Mon State Party (NMSP),  Able Tweed of Karenni People progressive Party (KNPP), Sao Hsur Hten of Shan State Progress Party (SSPP) and Khu Oo Reh, the leader of the UNFC's Delegation for Political negotiation and also Vice-Chairman of the KNPP.

The one hour and forty-five minutes meeting was described as cordial, family-like and fruitful, even though core issues like all-inclusiveness and how the participation of UNFC in fine-tuning the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD), 21CPC or Union Peace Conference (UPC) decision-making rights would be considered, if it were to refuse to sign the NCA.

Suu Kyi has resolved that within her all-inclusiveness notion, all EAOs could participate on all levels of the peace process, even though it is not at all clear regarding the decision-making rights, as the NCA said that in order to have that voting right, individual members of EAOs must first sign the NCA. Suu Kyi has not taken position on this crucial point, but the NRPC functionaries on a lot of occasions have pointed out this necessity.

The UNFC, following the meeting issued a statement the same day emphasizing the following:

·       Pragmatic and practical approaches to be all-inclusive, with follow up meetings
·       Urging the government to help end military offensives in the northern part of the country (Kachin and Shan States)
·       Hopes that the nationwide ceasefire declaration could be made together all at once
·       Acknowledges the state counsellor's reiterated commitment to federalism; peace and federal constitution to be materialized through the rule of law
·       To continue the materialization of the peace process through continued negotiations

However, the seemingly easy to answer and resolve issues become hindrances as all parties are bogged down in preconceived ideas and dogmatism that are hard to bridge.

·       Different conceptualization

Coming back to the notion of "thinking out of the box", the best place to start falls back, as time and again argued in many of my opinion pieces, on the conceptualization of the making or the emergence of the country, we now come to know as Burma or Myanmar. The reason we have to begin with this is due to the fact that "common national identity, sharing of political decision-making power or question of self-determination rights, sharing of natural resources, equality, democracy and human rights" among others, are all intertwined with the issues mentioned. And to have a grip on all these, thinking out of the box is the only way to do.

From the outgoing point that we have never being able to agree upon the making of the country, which the Bamar political class, including the Tatmadaw, believed to belong to them since the immemorial reign of the Bamar ancient kings, the ethnic nationalities are convinced the newly formed political entity came into being only after the British left in 1948, through the Panglong Agreement, voluntarily signed by both the Bamar and 3 ethnic nationalities – the Chin, Kachin and Shan - in 1947.

Now let us take the "common national identity" question, for instance, to ponder as to why it is still unresolved, after nearly seven decades of independence from the British. The short answer to it is that the nation-building has shattered and common national identity formation has never taken of the ground, due to the lack of political settlement, which has its roots in constitutional crisis.

Inevitably, the debate on "secession" has also to do with the conceptual differences in the making of the country.

·       Is there a way out?

Obviously there isn't much idea left to ponder on, given that the conflict has been raging for nearly 7 decades, with no tangibly solution in sight, constantly reinforced by dogmatism from both adversary camps. Such being the case, why don't we give a try by thinking aloud or out of the box?

And where exactly should we start or what catchphrase should we make use of?

The answer is to rethink our dogmatic views from a different light. For example let us examine the very concept regarding the emergence of the country, Burma or Myanmar.

Can't we forget about the immemorial ownership of  the country by the Bamar political class, while the non-Bamar ethnic nationalities could also take it that it is just a multi-ethnic state and they are being part of the union, without invoking their historical rights of secession anchored in Panglong Agreement of 1947?

Suu Kyi during her meeting with the 8 signatory EAOs said regarding the secession and federalism issues that some federal system of governance have secession rights and some not. But there were secession in countries that didn't have secession rights included in their constitution, while there were countries with secession rights that didn't see secession being made use of.

In other words, secession could be made use of even if an ethnic group signed to remain in a union a hundred times, depending on its population's desire and value, which could be constantly changing according to the space and time of the day. Thus, there is no point in arguing about it at the present.

Why can't both parties agree on the shared-sovereignty and work out a common national identity that all could live with?

Why can't we work out a trade off, by agreeing that the ethnic nationalities would abandon their rights of secession, while the Bamar would fully guarantee the equitable, genuine, federalism that it would also become a part on equal basis?

Besides, the Bamar political class and the military don't need to be afraid that its supremacy over the other ethnic nationalities would be in jeopardy, if they are really for equitable, fair federal union set up that they have all along been saying to be their real commitment.

If this kind of critical approach that leads to the out of the box thinking could be instilled, all the other seemingly hard to crack nuts like genuinely, implementable nationwide ceasefire; unilateral nationwide ceasefire of the government; a concerted bilateral ceasefire nationwide; levelling the political playing field;  and all-inclusiveness issues could easily be overcome in no time.

Of course, it needs tremendous courage, unyielding resistance to just adhering to the dogmatic, preconceived, traditional way of doing things and above all, the often repeated political will to tread the path of thinking out of the box, so that we all will be able to avoid this vicious circle and unending, fruitless negotiation process, as has been the order of the day for the last five years. 

SNLD shocked by death of vice-chairman Sai Saw Aung

Posted: 17 Jul 2016 11:59 PM PDT

The leadership of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) has expressed shock over the death of their vice-chairman, Sai Saw Aung, who was aged 69.

SNLD spokesperson Sai Lek confirmed that Sai Saw Aung had passed away on the evening of July 16 due to a respiratory tract disease.

"Sai Saw Aung used to suffer from respiratory problems," he lamented. "At about 6:30 p.m. on that day [Saturday] he was having breathing difficulties, but we thought that was just normal for him because he had been working the day before."

Sai Saw Aung was born in Mongyang Township in Kachin State. He joined the SNLD, commonly referred to as the Tiger Head Party, soon after its founding in 1990. The party was one of the major winners in the parliamentary elections that year, the results of which were rejected by the then military government.

Sai Saw Aung took over responsibility of the party for a period during 2005 while SNLD Chairman Khun Tun Oo and other leaders were imprisoned.

As a firm ally and member of the United Nationalities Alliance, an umbrella group comprising 12 ethnic political parties, he played a key role and was renowned for working tirelessly for the group.

SNLD General-secretary Sai Nyunt Lwin lamented the loss, and said that Sai Saw Aung had been an important person in the party.
"He worked in an important position for our party," said Sai Nyunt Lwin. "Even though he was not imprisoned like some of us, while we were put in jail he worked hard for the party."

Sai Saw Aung was among five SNLD leaders who did not run for a seat during the 2015 election.

By Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)

Lashio protesters call for end to killings

Posted: 17 Jul 2016 11:39 PM PDT

More than a thousand local residents in northern Shan State's Lashio Township on Saturday staged a protest demanding an end to the arbitrary killing of civilians in the area.

Photo by SZM Mansome: More than 1,000 protesters held a rally in Lashio town on 16 July 2016 to demand an end to the killing of innocent civilians. 
According to Sai Pha Seng, who was present at the event, the demonstration started at 9am, and included participants from Lashio, Kutkhai, Hsenwi, Tangyan, Mongyai, Kyaukme and Hsipaw townships, The peaceful protest was conducted through the streets of Lashio city.

"Innocent civilians have been killed arbitrarily, but no group is taking responsibility," he said. "The Tatmadaw and ethnic armed groups must work together through the peace process and show respect for human rights."

Led by the Tai Youth Organization, Kachin Youth Organization, Ta'ang Women's Organization and Ta'ang Students and Youth Union, the demonstrators demanded justice for the recently murdered civilians in northern Shan State. Seven persons were shot dead, allegedly by Burmese government troops, in Mong Yaw sub-township in late June, while a man was murdered by an unknown group in Namkham Township last week.

"Please stop killing innocent people," said protester Sai Tuen Thor. "These human rights abuses must end."

Shan Herald reported on July 6 that civic groups had published a statement urging the National League for Democracy-led government to take the lead in investigating the Mong Yaw case and bring the culprits to justice.

By: Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)

Saturday, July 16, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Migrants’ Hopes and Fears in Little Burma

Posted: 15 Jul 2016 07:18 PM PDT

Migrant workers are pictured laboring in the Talaat Kung shrimp market and on construction sites in Mahachai, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. (Photos: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Migrant workers are pictured laboring in the Talaat Kung shrimp market and on construction sites in Mahachai, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. (Photos: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Migrant workers are pictured laboring in the Talaat Kung shrimp market and on construction sites in Mahachai, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. (Photos: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Migrant workers are pictured laboring in the Talaat Kung shrimp market and on construction sites in Mahachai, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. (Photos: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Migrant workers are pictured laboring in the Talaat Kung shrimp market and on construction sites in Mahachai, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. (Photos: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Migrant workers are pictured laboring in the Talaat Kung shrimp market and on construction sites in Mahachai, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. (Photos: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) STV_2101 copy Migrant workers are pictured laboring in the Talaat Kung shrimp market and on construction sites in Mahachai, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. (Photos: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Migrant workers are pictured laboring in the Talaat Kung shrimp market and on construction sites in Mahachai, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. (Photos: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Migrant workers are pictured laboring in the Talaat Kung shrimp market and on construction sites in Mahachai, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. (Photos: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Migrant workers are pictured laboring in the Talaat Kung shrimp market and on construction sites in Mahachai, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. (Photos: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Migrant workers are pictured laboring in the Talaat Kung shrimp market and on construction sites in Mahachai, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. (Photos: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Migrant workers are pictured laboring in the Talaat Kung shrimp market and on construction sites in Mahachai, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. (Photos: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Migrant workers are pictured laboring in the Talaat Kung shrimp market and on construction sites in Mahachai, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. (Photos: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

SAMUT SAKHON, Thailand – Wandering through Samut Sakhon, just southwest of Bangkok, the image of people wearing the longyi or tamein while speaking Burmese could make a stranger feel as though they are in Rangoon, rather than a Thai city.

For many Burmese migrants in Thailand, Sunday is the only day off each week—a time for relaxation and a brief respite from hard labor; but for thousands of other daily-wage workers, there is no such day of rest.

Those who migrate to the region are often motivated by the hope of earning better salaries. Samut Sakhon is perceived from afar as a safe haven, as the pay here is known to be higher than Bangkok, yet the fishing industry situated in the province remains infamous for its low wages and exploitative conditions.

Known locally as Mahachai, but widely referred to among foreigners as "Little Burma," the port town of Samut Sakhon hosts between 300,000 and 400,000 Burmese migrants working in some 6,000 factories and fisheries.

Ma Thein Win is originally from Burma's Tenasserim Division, and has been in Thailand for five years. She had previously worked in Bangkok, but in April she moved to Samut Sakhon hoping to increase her income as a construction worker.

The 45-year-old mother of four longs to return to her home village in Dawei District. "But we have no money and no home; how could we go back and survive?" Thein Win asked softly, all the while tidying a pile of wood next to the construction site, where men worked atop the unfinished buildings.

If there was gainful employment to be had in their homeland, many in Thailand's migrant community spoke to The Irrawaddy of going back to Burma, instead of seeking work in a foreign country in order to survive.

Keeping Our Patience

In 2012, then-opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi visited Thailand—and Mahachai—for the first time, with a second visit occurring in June of this year. During this most recent trip, State Counselor Suu Kyi met with only a small number of Mahachai's migrants, after Thai authorities blocked access to Burma's de-facto leader for labor rights groups and a large crowd of waiting Burmese nationals.

Thein Win was one of many migrants unable to be present at Suu Kyi's talks with Burmese workers in Thailand. Reflecting on The Lady's visit brought her to tears, which she attributed to "mixed feelings." Suu Kyi, Thein Win still hoped, would work to "bring good" into their lives.

Burmese workers at Talaat Kung, or the shrimp market, also became emotional when discussing the state counselor's visit and their hopes for better job opportunities, which Suu Kyi recognized during her Thai visit. Their wages are often inconsistent, ranging from 200 Thai baht (US$5.72) to 300 baht ($8.58), the latter of which is the official minimum daily wage in Thailand, but is often not afforded to foreign migrant workers.

Sorting through shrimp on a table, Aye Myat Mon told The Irrawaddy that she earns the Thai minimum daily wage for her eight hours of labor, but that working times vary depending on the availability of shrimp or other seafood. Claiming to be 18, but appearing much younger, Aye Myat Mon arrived in Thailand four years ago from Moulmein, Mon State, and lives with her sister—she said only her parents remain at the family home in southeastern Burma.

Securing sources to speak on the record about working conditions in Mahachai was particularly challenging; many of the individuals laboring in the seafood industry dared not make complaints to the press.

Thai employers are reluctant to attract media coverage focusing on the region's docks, markets or construction sites; workers told The Irrawaddy that if they were discovered as having contributed to a story on Little Burma, they feared they would be later fired.

"As we are working in another country, we keep our patience, as Amay [Mother] Suu has said," Ye Min, a worker in Talaat Kung told The Irrawaddy, before being interrupted by a superior, ending his interview.

'Being Preyed Upon'

Workers also shared stories of their fear of Thai police scrutinizing their identity documents and employment papers, looking into whether they have permission to legally work in the country.

"The police ask for money to make extra income when they suspect our documents [are incomplete]," said one man working in the shrimp market, in both a hushed voice and on the condition of anonymity.

The number of migrant workers in Thailand is estimated at between 3 and 4 million, but less than half are officially registered. Different policies have been implemented to assist workers from Burma in obtaining legal documents, particularly when their current papers expire. This includes registration for a "pink card," or employment permit, which can be pursued after the expiry of a four-year visa.

"Even if they are documented migrant workers, they are often being preyed upon," said Sai Sai, a staff member at the Migrant Workers Rights Network, an organization assisting migrants from Burma in Thailand.

Sai Sai explained that authorities' suspicions can be raised by a worker's lack of Thai language skills, and can lead to an arrest for suspected drug use, or for traveling between provinces within Thailand—the "pink card" does not facilitate freedom of movement and only allows migrant workers to remain in the part of the country in which their documents are registered.

According to a Bangkok Post report, the registration deadline for a migrant work permit has been extended until July 29, after which, authorities say there will be no leniency. But a further crackdown is expected—on those both in Samut Sakhon and throughout Thailand—for whom meeting registration requirements remains difficult.

The post Migrants' Hopes and Fears in Little Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘A Hundred Days, a Thousand Questions: Government Faces Challenges on All Fronts’

Posted: 15 Jul 2016 06:16 PM PDT

2222222222Aung Zaw: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we will discuss positive and negative trends, and successes and failures, of the National League for Democracy (NLD) government, just over a hundred days since it took office. Ko Khine Win from the Sandhi Governance Institute and political columnist Ko Ye Naing Moe are joining me for the discussion. I'm Aung Zaw, the chief editor of The Irrawaddy.

People voted for the National League for Democracy (NLD) in the November election, electing the first civilian government in Burma since 1962. The new government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Htin Kyaw still enjoys public support [as much support as the NLD party enjoyed in the past.]  Soon after it took power, the government articulated the idea of a 100-day plan. We know that it is impossible to quickly solve all the problems of a country that has deteriorated in political, economic and social aspects for more than five decades. But, Ko Khine Win, what policies has the NLD adopted at this point? Which are positive and which are not?

Khine Win: What I see is that the new government has focused on a deregulation drive, rather than on policies. It has tried to pick low-hanging fruit, as some people put it. That is, it has tried to make some quick fixes for the convenience of the people. According to an official of the National Planning Ministry, the 100-day plan had a focus on easing some regulations imposed by the previous governments, in the interests of the people.

AZ: Ko Ye Naing Moe, the government has released almost all political prisoners, started to return some confiscated land, and taken measures to promote the rule of law. Do you think people feel safe and secure under the new government? Do they believe it can protect them?

Ye Naing Moe: I have talked to people on the street about their expectations of the first civilian government elected in over 50 years. People do not expect that their incomes will increase immediately. Or that there will be job opportunities overnight. But they do have trust. This is the first time that they trust a government in more than 50 years. Anyway, though the civilian government has not yet given a great performance, the majority of non-ethnic Bamar people believe that it is at least heading in a good direction.

AZ: Do you think there is greater public cooperation with this government compared to previous ones?

KW: Yes, I think there is. People tend to show greater discipline. I don't mean that the previous governments did not properly enforce discipline. My view is that people have greater trust in, and respect for, the government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. This is proven, for example, by the anti-betel chewing campaign in Rangoon Division. I don't agree that this campaign should be a priority. But if the previous government had issued a statement against betel-chewing, people would have responded strongly [pushed back] on it, I think. But now public cooperation is high. This shows that people believe that the NLD government prioritizes things constructively. Earlier too, the NLD government took some steps that satisfied people, including me. These included slashing the number of ministries, to reduce the burden on society. That was a bold move. At the same time, there are still shortcomings.

AZ: It is also interesting to look at the role of administrators [the General Administration Department] under the new government. In the [relatively distant] past, bureaucrats were capable and efficient people who played very important roles administering the country. But after dictators seized power in 1962, their henchmen—who knew nothing except how to say 'Yes'—were appointed to govern the administrative mechanism. This damaged the system of administration and governance. Since the incumbent administrators were appointed by previous governments, there are suggestions that they might be uncooperative. There might be conflicts between them and the new government. What do you think, Ko Khine Win?

KW: Some administrators serve as secretaries of divisional and state governments, so they play an important role. There is public concern because they are staff members of the Home Affairs Ministry, and most are military officials. But at the township and district levels, administrators mainly play the role of coordinators. On security aspects, they need to know everything [in their respective administrative areas].  Therefore it seems that they have a finger in every pie. In fact, the cooperation of civil servants at the lower level plays a major part [in running the administration]. But this does not mean that [senior] administrators do not play a part. I have heard that in some places they ignore instructions from the upper level [of government].

AZ: In some divisions and states…

KW: At the same time, there are cases in which civil servants [at the lower level] work hard but the upper levels place them under undue pressure.

YNM: My view on administrators is that they played an important role in the past. And they still do. In the colonial period and after independence, during the government of the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League, they were called township administration officers and deputy commissioners and so on. The difference is that they were civilians then. The system was militarized after 1962, as Ko Aung Zaw said. So, the way of thinking is different. People take orders in a hierarchical system. For the new government, the General Administration Department is a tough thing to handle.

AZ: Political pundits and observers point out that the military still maintain its grip on three key ministries (Home, Defence, Border Affairs) and holds 25 percent of seats in the parliaments, while there has been no progress regarding constitutional reform. They say that there may be more tensions between the government led by U Htin Kyaw and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the military. What is your view of their relations; in other words, of civilian-military relations?

YNM: The number-one priority of the NLD government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is internal peace and national reconciliation; to end the civil war. Their engagement with the military will decide the success or failure of that goal. Since the new government takes this into consideration in each of its moves, it tries to avoid confrontation with the military even on other issues. It seems that the government does not want to touch other difficult matters before it can work out an agreement with the military over a ceasefire and national reconciliation. Their 100-day plan does not deal with constitutional reform, which was one of the objectives of their party explicitly articulated in the campaign season.

AZ: Now they say that the Constitution will only be amended after peace is achieved.

YNM: I think that is so.

AZ: The priority of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is peace and national reconciliation. She is planning to hold the 21st Century Panglong Conference. She wants to invite non-signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), including the AA (Arakan Army), the Kokang Group (Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army) and the TNLA (Ta'ang National Liberation Army), groups the military objects to. Yet it seems that the military is taking a moderate approach regarding that proposal. Some argue that our country will never enjoy peace and stability if it does not achieve it during the time of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. What do you think of that view? And do you think ethnic groups will respond to her peace offer?

KW: There are higher expectations. Ethnic peoples have greater trust in and greater expectations of the NLD government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi than any previous governments. At the same time, there are mountains of doubts. But anyway, they have more trust in Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government than in any other, I think. So, it is likely that the AA, TNLA and Kokang Group may accept her offer. Whether the goals can be achieved depends solely on the military, how much they are willing to cooperate. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing will continue to hold the top position in the military. So, what is the military's stance? So far, the military compromises only within the framework of the 2008 Constitution. There would need to be some changes to the Constitution for a complete agreement to be reached. So, it depends on how much the military is willing to compromise. Daw Aung Suu Kyi understands this situation, I think.

AZ: The 100-day plan lacks clarity on economic policy. Foreign investors and local businessmen are very disappointed that the NLD government has not clearly articulated this policy. People are saying that the government is very weak in this regard. What are your views?

KW: My view is that there are difficulties and challenges for the NLD government in adopting a clear and coherent economic policy. There are many groups in a society. Their interests are different. The NLD government needs to adjust to all those interests. They can't only give attention to the demands of the business community. As Ko Aung Zaw has pointed out, it is important to create jobs for the people. To create jobs, the government needs to cooperate closely with businessmen. Meanwhile, people have a general dislike of businessmen, especially cronies, because of their [negative] reputation.

AZ: The NLD government is an anti-corruption government, which is good. But some people ask if the government is anti-business, or not pro-business. Is that question valid?

YNM: It is a little harsh to criticize the NLD as an anti-business government.  But it needs to be bold and decisive regarding economic policy. I don't have a clear sense of their policy.

In our country, many people have traditional beliefs. For example, the political system used to be influenced by communism, and therefore there is a tendency to shy away from doing business with the international community. And people tend to have rather negative views of investments and projects. It seems that our country has 'resource nationalism'.

The question is, how we can achieve job opportunities? In Rangoon, the number of taxis now is frighteningly high. Because of a lack of job opportunities, people choose to drive taxis as the easiest way to earn an income for their families. The government needs to explain how it will create job opportunities, what this country will produce to make money, how it will boost the tourism industry, and how it will provide vocational training and create related jobs. But it hasn't done this, and that is a shortcoming.

AZ: Thank you for your contributions!

This transcript has been lightly edited for clarity and brevity.

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: 'A Hundred Days, a Thousand Questions: Government Faces Challenges on All Fronts' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 16, 2016)

Posted: 15 Jul 2016 06:07 PM PDT

 Serge Pun, chairman of Yoma Strategic Holdings, moves forward with Mitsubishi on Landmark development project. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Serge Pun, chairman of Yoma Strategic Holdings, moves forward with Mitsubishi on Landmark development project. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Bitcoin Technology Could Be Used for Burma Microfinance

A microfinance institution (MFI) operating in Burma says it will harness the concept behind the cryptocurrency Bitcoin, after the technology known as blockchain was tested on its banking system.

Microfinance institution (MFI) BC Finance, a project of Hong Kong private equity firm Bagan Finance, was involved in a test of a "private blockchain," according to a press release from tech companies Infoteria and Tech Bureau.

Those companies, which work in Japan, said they had "successfully transferred the loan and deposit account data in the main system of BC Finance, one of the largest microfinance institutions in Myanmar, to Mijin, the private Blockchain…." The test also involved Microsoft’s Azure software, according to the release.

"This is the world's first demonstration experiment that used a private Blockchain in microfinance," it added.

In the case of Bitcoin, blockchain technology works by recording transactions in a ledger that is shared between all the computers in a network, meaning that the currency is trustworthy without the need for a central authority. Banks and other institutions have begun working on other applications of the technology, which include private blockchains that could be used within companies to keep a shared record of transactions.

Infoteria and Tech Bureau said they would be carrying out more tests over six weeks, and that they hope blockchain technology will help MFIs in Burma with data management as the sector grows, as it "enables the safe and low-cost operation of account data."

"We expect that this will facilitate the growth of the microfinance business," they added.

Jeremy Kloiser-Jones, Chief Executive Officer of BC Finance said in the statement the test was "just the start."

"While we expect it to bring significant savings, leveraging the technology to the next level—replacing analog processes and freeing up employee and customer time, will likely produce more significant savings," he was quoted saying. "On these topics, please expect more announcements from BCF and Infoteria.'

Chinese Firm Wins Karen State Road Contracts: State Media

The state-owned China Road and Bridge Construction Co Ltd (CRBC) has reportedly won tenders to undertake improvements on the road connecting Rangoon and the rest of the country with the Thai-Burmese border crossing at Myawaddy, according to a newspaper run by the Communist Party of China.

Citing CRBC chairman Wen Gang, China Daily reported this week that the company had received bid-winning notices for Lot 1 and Lot 2 of the Asian Development Bank (ADB)-funded Eindu-Kawkareik Road Improvement Project in Karen State.

According to a procurement plan published on the ADB’s website, the two lots for civil works on the project were advertised for bidding in the second quarter of 2015.

The project will see the existing road widened to two lanes with paved shoulders for a total distance of 66.4 kilometers.

"The section will require complete reconstruction, with some short sections of realignment for improved vehicle operating speed and road safety," the ADB’s summary of the project says.

Lot 1, which covers the first 40.4 kilometers of the road from Eindu, is estimated to be worth $60 million and Lot 2, from kilometer 42.2 to 66.5, is estimated to cost $38 million.

"The project, located in the Greater Mekong Subregion, is the first state project the new Myanmar government has publicly awarded to Chinese companies after coming to power, and also the first project funded by the Asian Development Bank that CRBC has won in the country in recent years," China Daily reported.

Concern Over Lack of Supply Base for Offshore Drilling

An oil and gas industry insider this week raised concerns over the governments plans to set up a supply base as companies get ready to conduct offshore drilling in Burmese waters.

A post on industry network oilpro.com, written by Andre Wheeler of Ceti Corp, said that Australian firm Woodside could be drilling as early as late next year, meaning that an offshore supply base, or OSB, would need to in place to assist the company.

A site in Moulmein, Mon State, has long been proposed for such a base. But a suitable base does not yet exist, and a site for a new base has not been agreed upon, according to Wheeler.

"Thaketa [in Rangoon], the only current and operational base has serious drawbacks, not least of which is inadequate water depths and in need of extensive refurbishment," he wrote.

"A number of other sites have been considered but all are in the very early stages of investigation in terms of site identification, with little or no basic data, such as geo-tech analysis having been done."

Wheeler went on to say that the state-run Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) has focused on finding an operator for a new base, rather than on designing its specifications based on what is needed. MOGE issued a call for expressions of interest and reportedly received some 51 responses from local and foreign firms, but no developer has been named.

Wheeler said the government firm—which is a partner in all production sharing contracts signed with oil and gas companies—should focus on the site and design for the base, specifically making sure the location was somewhere with water deep enough and expansive enough for ships to dock and turn, and somewhere that facilitates both land and sea access.

"By appointing an OSB Operator before this runs the real risk of having the base designed and built around their capability and not what is functional in terms of existing capability that meets demand," he wrote.

Pun Signs With Mitsubishi to Move Forward Landmark Project

The conglomerate headed by Sino-Burmese tycoon Serge Pun has signed an agreement with Mitsubishi Corporation of Japan to move ahead with an ambitious mixed-use development project in downtown Rangoon, according to an announcement.

It marks the next stage in the long-running effort to redevelop the area of the Central Railway Station, close to the iconic Bogyoke Aung San Market, an area the statement imagines as becoming a central business district to compare with Tokyo’s Marunouchi. Dubbed the Landmark development, it will also involve refurbishing the former Myanma Railways headquarters into a luxury hotel to be called the Peninsula Yangon.

A statement from Tokyo this week said the deal signed on Tuesday will see the Japanese partners, led by Mitsubishi Corp and Mitsubishi Estate Co invest about US$200 million in the project. The local partners are Yoma Strategic Holdings and First Myanmar Investment, which are both affiliates of Serge Pun & Associates.

"The Project entails redeveloping four hectares, where the SPA Group had constructed and operated an office building, commercial facilities, a hotel and other real estate assets, with two office buildings, one condominium, one building combining a hotel and serviced apartments, with commercial facilities being installed on the lower floors of each building, across a total floor area of over 200,000 m2," the statement said.

It also detailed how the Japanese partners will form a joint venture company in Singapore to implement the project, which is getting help from the Japan Overseas Investment Corp for Transport and Urban Development, the Asian Development Bank and the World Bank’s International Finance Corporation.

MAI to Launch New Bangkok-Mandalay Flight

Myanmar Airways International (MAI) will soon fly three times a week between Bangkok's Suvarnabhumi Airport and the central Burma city of Mandalay, according to Routes Online.

The industry news site said the flights would launch on Sept. 3, and would be flown by an Airbus A319 aircraft.

The route between the Thai capital and Mandalay is currently flown daily by Bangkok Airways and AirAsia, which uses Bangkok's smaller Don Muang airport.

MAI was spun off from the state-owned carrier in 2010 and is now majority-owned by Kanbawza Bank, which also operates Air KBZ on domestic routes. It currently connects Burmese airports with Bangkok, Guangzhou, Kuala Lumpur, Singapore and the Buddhist pilgrimage destination of Gaya in India.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 16, 2016) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.