The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- AA Chief Urges Arakanese Not to Fall into Army Trap in Rakhine
- Myanmar Launches Diplomatic Offensive
- Rohingya Refugee Crisis: It’s Not Muslims vs. Buddhists, Says Writer Bertil Lintner
- Police Hunt for Triple-murder Suspect in Irrawaddy’s Myaungmya
- USDP Tries to Regain Public Trust Through Constructive Criticism of NLD
- Stakeholders Call for Economy to be Top Priority
- International Experts Named to Rakhine Advisory Body
- Philippines Defied Experts’ Advice on Dengue Immunization Program
| AA Chief Urges Arakanese Not to Fall into Army Trap in Rakhine Posted: 11 Dec 2017 03:07 AM PST The head of the Arakan Army (AA) has called on the Arakanese people not to let their emotions lead them to become involved in the conflict in Rahkine State. AA chief Tun Myat Naing spoke for 20 minutes in a video posted on the AA's Facebook page in which he described the conflict between Muslims and the Myanmar Army in Rakhine as a "political trap." The video has attracted more than 200,000 views. "The enemy has surrounded our Arakan land," Tun Myat Naing said, referring to the Myanmar Army in Rakhine."There are many conflicts in Arakan. For example, the problem of the Kalar (a derogatory term used against those of South Asian descent, and increasingly as an anti-Muslim slur) is a political trap for us. It has divided our people. We give warning to our people. This is a sensitive issue, and we should not become involved emotionally," he said. "Whenever there has been a conflict with the Kalar, they [the Myanmar Army] have wanted to create a split between the AA and the world. They have tried to lead us into an international trap,"he said. Tun Myat Naing said he had warned the leaders of the AA as well not to become entangled in the "Kalar conflict." "The Myanmar Army is the only party mixed up in this fight. They are the ones who took our land and our natural resources. They are the ones who are involved in this current conflict. But, they have tried to trap us and drag us into it as well," he said. The AA intends to protect the land of Arakan and the Arakanese people, but the rebel group will stay on the sidelines whenever conflict breaks out between Muslims and the Myanmar Army in Rakhine State, he said. "This has prompted some people to criticize the AA. But we need to be careful with our political stand. They [the Myanmar army] attacked those Kalar with the intention of protecting the land for themselves and to keep it for themselves. It was not to defend our people. Our people must understand this," Tun Myat Naing, said. The AA chief said that some people have come to question the AA, asking why it had not returned "to protect our land." "For our side, we have enough armed forces to protect Buthidaung and Maungdaw even though we do not have enough to protect the whole of Arakan," Tun Myat Naing said. "When our AA did not get involved in the Kalar conflict, to avoid this trap, some of our people may have misunderstood our viewpoint." He said that some Myanmar military leaders who were also members of the government had repeatedly claimed the AA had an alliance with the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), the Islamist group whose attacks against government outposts in August triggered the latest crisis in Rakhine. "They do not have it in their minds to solve this conflict, which needs a political solution. They stir up trouble all the time as they do not want to solve this political conflict through political means. For our Arakanese people, we need to solve this conflict by staying united. We need to overcome this problem by working together as a unified force." The AA is an armed ethnic group has its origins in Rahkine State, but is based in Laiza in Kachin State. The AA established an armed force in 2011, and has said it planned to return to its homeland since 2014. The AA has widespread support among the Arakanese despite a crackdown by the Myanmar Army that has seen dozens of people arrested and imprisoned on charges of unlawful association. Since they were formed as an armed group the AA's stated intention has been to return "the motherland" to the Arakan people. It has used the Paletwa region as a staging area for its operations. Tun Myat Naing asked his Arakanese people to treat ethnic Chin people who live on "Arakan land" better despite the Chins dislike for his army's base in Paletwa. "Paletwa is an important territory for the AA as we have our political base there, and we can get food for out troops to survive there. It is important to avoid having conflict or arguments in the area. We should not attack ethnic Chin people who stay in Arakan. We should all stay united and stay together with them. We need to treat them like brothers. There are bad and good people in every ethnic group. The Chin who stay in Arakan do not have to be worried about their security," he said. Fighting between the AA and Myanmar Army broke out in Paletwa and Myeik Wa near the Indian border in the first week of November, and has continued for 40 days, according to the AA. "Our Arakan dream is that we will take back Arakan in 2020. This message is for our people. Everyone needs to have this dream. It is important for our people to follow your duty to fight to take back your land. It will not be easy to win back our land and to build a new home. We need to do it systematically," Tun Myat Naing said. The post AA Chief Urges Arakanese Not to Fall into Army Trap in Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Myanmar Launches Diplomatic Offensive Posted: 11 Dec 2017 02:51 AM PST Myanmar has launched a diplomatic offensive as international criticism mounts over their treatment of the Muslim Rohingya. It is a three-pronged assault, aimed at the UN, combatting calls for renewed sanctions and an effort to engage the international community in plans for the reconstruction and reconciliation of Rakhine. This charm offensive is largely aimed at the countries in the Middle East and Muslim nations in Asia, which it sees as the main movers behind attempts to get the UN Security Council to renew sanctions. In the past week diplomats have been instructed to reach out to members of the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) to clarify the government’s position. They have been instructed to explain that the Myanmar government plans to accept back all the refugees in a "phased return," according to diplomats in Yangon. But at the same time the country’s civilian leader, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has announced the formation of an international advisory body to help implement the government's plans for Rakhine, to be chaired by the former Thai foreign minister, Surakiart Sathirathai. Violence in Myanmar’s western region of Rakhine has spiraled out of control since late August, causing an exodus of some three-quarters of a million Muslim Rohingya refugees across the border to Bangladesh, in the wake of the military’s counter-insurgency operations. The UN and the US have both labeled it as "ethnic cleansing," while the UN human rights chief, Zeid Ra'ad al-Hussein has been more forthright, hinting he believed there was evidence of "genocide" and calling for those responsible — the country's top military commanders — to be referred to the International Criminal Court in the Hague. Last week international concern was again raised, when the UN's human rights council adopted a motion — at a special session of the body in Geneva to consider the situation of the Muslim Rohingyas and other minorities in Myanmar — which "strongly condemned the alleged systematic and gross violations of human rights and abuses committed in Myanmar, in particular in Rakhine State." The Myanmar ambassador to the UN in Geneva, Htin Lynn, rejected these allegations during the session. He said the international community had failed to recognize the complexity of the situation in Rakhine. The Myanmar government has continuously rebuffed allegations of the use of excessive force and human rights abuses –forced relocation, razing of homes, rape and killing villagers — committed by the military. But this has not deterred most of the Muslim countries, the US and European nations from demanding the Myanmar government take immediate action against the perpetrators. But the country’s civilian leader has steadfastly refused to condemn the military. At the center of this new strategy is a clear response to the mounting international pressure on the government to be more transparent and to allow human rights investigators access to Rakhine State. The government believes it is now on top of the problems: the violence in Rakhine has subsided and the enormous task of repatriating the refugees, resettling them in Rakhine and reconstructing their homes, hospitals and schools, needs to be urgently carried out. This is the main task of the Union Enterprise for Humanitarian Assistance, Resettlement and Development in Rakhine established two months ago, under the leadership of Aung San Suu Kyi herself. This body is to implement the recommendations of the Kofi Annan advisory commission on Rakhine. These were readily accepted by the Myanmar government and actively endorsed by most of the international community. During her discussions with Kofi Annan, when he submitted the commission's report and recommendations in August — before they were made public — he suggested a ministerial appointment to oversee their implementation and an international advisory group to monitor the progress and help coordinate international participation in the whole process. Mr. Surakiart met Suu Kyi two weeks ago in Naypyitaw on an unpublicized, fleeting visit. They discussed the scope and details of the mission, according to diplomatic sources. The terms of reference are very broad, from research and analysis to aid delivery, Kobsak Chutikul — a veteran Thai diplomat, former adviser to the UN and currently secretary-general of the Asian Peace and Reconciliation Council, told the Bangkok Post. The international advisory board for the implementation of the Kofi Annan recommendations will consist of five international representatives and five Myanmar members. Among the international members of the group are: Bill Richardson, a leading member of the Democrat Party, who was involved in numerous diplomatic initiatives. He has been a US senator, governor of New Mexico, US secretary for energy, and was also US ambassador to the UN. In February 1994, he was one of the few people to be allowed to visit Aung San Suu Kyi while she was under house arrest. Mr. Richardson has also been involved in negotiating the release of hostages, American servicemen, and political prisoners in North Korea, Iraq, and Cuba. The other international members include Urban Ahlin, currently the speaker of the Rigsdag — the Swedish parliament — and a long-time Social Democrat politician, active in foreign affairs and was at one time being the party’s spokesman on foreign policy. In the past, he has been involved in many international negotiations and mediation efforts — including the release of Swedish construction workers from Iran and the imprisoned Belarus presidential candidate Alexander Kozulin. Another member is "Roelf" Meyer, a South African politician and businessman, who played a prominent role in the negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa, and Lord Ara Darzi, a labor politician and doctor, who is also one of the world's leading surgeons and internationally recognized as an advocate for applying innovative reforms to health systems globally. Their main task is overseeing the implementation of the Kofi Annan recommendations through the government’s initiative and coordinating these efforts with international community, one of Aung San Suu Kyi's closest advisers told the Bangkok Post. "The aim is to build a democratic framework and secure the widest possible engagement of the international stakeholders," the adviser said. What is needed is a wide range of new voices. They may, with their international experience, also provide a sounding board for more radical ideas, including how to combat hate speech. "The key is infrastructure for all communities," he added. "The State Counselor specifically asked the board to focus on an effective response to address the challenges: of rights and protection of communities; poverty; insecurity and fear within communities; and the need to strengthen communal bonds, which would engender lasting peace, stability and development in Rakhine State," Kobsak Chutikul, who expects to act as secretary to the group, told the Bangkok Post. Sources in Naypyitaw say the value of the group is already paying dividends, as Mr. Surakiart suggested the current diplomatic charm offensive during his recent meetings with Myanmar's leaders. He advised them to target some of the more receptive members of the 58-member OIC — moderates like Bahrain, Jordan and Brunei — as the OIC needs a consensus before it can act. That was Thailand's strategy in relation to the problems in southern Thailand. Republished from the Bangkok Post with permission of the author. The post Myanmar Launches Diplomatic Offensive appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Rohingya Refugee Crisis: It’s Not Muslims vs. Buddhists, Says Writer Bertil Lintner Posted: 11 Dec 2017 02:14 AM PST Bertil Lintner, former Myanmar correspondent of the now-defunct newsmagazine Far Eastern Review, first visited the country at the age of 24 in 1977. He spent most of the next three decades reporting on the excesses of military rule, which stretched from 1962 to 2010. Linter's work got him banned by the Myanmar military in 1985. Defying the ban, he snuck into the country from the Naga Hills in Indian territory along with his wife, Hseng Noung, an ethnic Shan from Myanmar, who had just given birth to their daughter. They spent the next 18 months travelling in Shan and Kachin states to finally reach China, braving not only inhospitable territory but also various armed ethnic groups. The result was the book Land of Jade: A Journey from India through Northern Burma to China, considered one of the most insightful works on Myanmar's many ethnic groups and conflicts. The Swedish journalist is the author of several books on Southeast Asia and its politics. He spoke to Scroll.in on the Rohingya refugee crisis and what it means for India and the region. Excerpts from the interview: As a long-time observer of Myanmar, what do you make of the current crisis? Well, it is not a new issue. Basically, there are two questions here. One is of illegal immigration – whether it is real or imagined. And the other is the question of Islamic militancy. On Aug. 25, this group that calls itself the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army in English attacked police posts in Rakhine state. That provoked a massive response from Myanmar's security forces. More than 600,000 Rohingyas have since fled to Bangladesh. Of course, the humanitarian aspect is very important here. People have been subjected to enormous brutality by the Myanmar Army. But it does not really stop there. Following the military crackdown, a spokesperson for the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army actually said in an interview that the attacks were aimed to invoke a response. What do they gain form it? One, international attention. Two, more money from funders in West Asia, mainly Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. And three, they can expect many more angry young men to join them. Maybe they got a little more than they had bargained for. They may not have anticipated such a vicious response from the army, but they have achieved all those three aims, I would say. And, of course, the people who are suffering are these ordinary people, poor Muslim peasants from the northwestern corner of Rakhine State. And they have now become pawns in a much larger game. But there seems to be enough evidence to suggest the Rohingyas in Myanmar have been subjected to systematic oppression for years. Myanmar does not even recognize the Rohingyas as an ethnic community. Doesn't that point to a deliberate attempt to undermine the legitimacy of a community that has lived in the country for a long time? Yes and no. There have been Muslims living there for a long time. That is for certain. If you look at the nature of that area, that is where the Indian subcontinent ends and Southeast Asia begins. There is the Naf River, which is now the border between Bangladesh and Myanmar. For centuries, there have been Muslims and Buddhists living on both sides of the river. There was nothing wrong at all. And there have been Muslims living in the northwestern corner of Rakhine State for a long time. There is no question about that at all. Then during the British era, a Muslim population of laborers were brought into that area from the other side of the river. But they were not called Rohingya. They were called Chittagonians. Yes, there is a document by Francis Buchanan-Hamilton from 1799 that uses the word, but there is only one. Hamilton was sent by the East India committee on a mission to Burma. But he never went to Rakhine State. He went to Awa and Amarapura, cities near what is now Mandalay. There he met people from Arakan [as Rakhine was called earlier] who called themselves Rohingyas. After that there is no reference to the word for almost 150 years. But that does not make it wrong for anyone to use it, of course. However, the question of having a separate identity for Muslims in the northwestern part of Rakhine who speak a Chittagonian dialect of Bengali is a new concept. You must remember that not all Muslims, even in Rakhine state, identify themselves as Rohingya. The people who do have also obviously been there for a long time. The identity, though, has been used for political benefit by radical groups. And it seems only recently that a lot of these people have started identifying as Rohingya. How recently? A couple of years ago, for some of them. Actually, it was in the 1990s that it really became popular. But back in the 1950s, the Burmese government used the term Rohingya. Yes, they did, but you must also remember that not all of them were happy about that term. After independence in 1948, there was a Muslim rebellion in the northwestern corner of Rakhine State. But even at the time, the rebels did not call themselves Rohingyas, they called themselves mujaheeds [fighters]. They wanted to join East Pakistan. That rebellion sort of fizzled out. Then, during the 1950s, some of these people started calling themselves Rohingyas, but not everyone. It was believed to have a separatist tinge to it. If you look at pro-Rohingya literature, they say there were several Rohingya ministers in the government in the 1950s. That is not true. There was actually one from that part of the country – Sultan Mahmud. He was a Muslim. But he did not call himself a Rohingya. He called himself an Arakanese Muslim. Also, U Nu, who was the prime minister then, wanted Muslim votes. That was one reason why he promoted that term. Irrespective of what the situation was in the 1950s, a large section of the Muslim population in Rakhine identifies itself as Rohingya now, and have been persecuted. How would you explain that? First of all, you have to realize that Burma has a big Muslim population. Most Muslims live in urban areas. They own businesses, have Burmese names and speak Burmese, and they are Burmese citizens. Muslims have a long history and have played an important role in the country. U Razak, a Muslim leader in the 1940s, was assassinated with Aung San [premier of the British colony of Burma] and is considered a martyr. Another leading Burmese Muslim was U Raschid, who was born in Allahabad. He was a highly respected student leader in the 1930s. Then there was Upi U Pe Khin, the leading architect of the Panglong Agreement [a 1947 treaty that established autonomy in the internal administration of the Shan, Chin and Kachin people in what was then called the Frontier Areas]. So, it is not Muslims versus Buddhists. The Rohingyas are different, though. They do not speak Burmese. They speak a Chittagonian dialect of Bengali spoken on the other side of the border in Bangladesh. So, a majority of Burmese people see them as illegal. That is unfair, though, because most of them have been living in Rakhine for a really long time. You had written earlier that the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army 'leaders and extremist group links point towards a wider regional agenda.' Why do you say so? The name itself. In their dialect, they call themselves Harakah al-Yaqin, which translates into "the faith movement." If you are an ethno-nationalistic group you do not call yourself a faith movement. Also, the leader of this group, whose name is Ataullah Abu Ammar Junjuni, is not from Rakhine. He was born in Karachi [Pakistan]. He later lived in Saudi Arabia where he was an imam. Sometime around 2012, he started to get interested in the issue. His parents are most probably from Rakhine State; he is not. So, he does trace his ancestry to the region then. Yes, sure. I have been listening to some of his tapes. He cannot pronounce the name of a single place in Rakhine State correctly. He speaks a Chittagonian dialect of Bengali peppered with Urdu words. Most of his close associates in the organization are also from either Karachi or Bangladesh. Apart from that, are the group's methods any different from other ethno-nationalist insurgent groups in Myanmar? Well, all the other ethno-nationalist insurgent groups in the country operate more or less like the traditional army. All of them are dressed in uniforms, they have ranks, they are organized in platoons and companies and brigades. They carry automatic rifles or machine guns. The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army's methods are very different, the August attack demonstrated, as did their earlier attack in October 2016. They basically mobilize hundreds of villagers, surround their targets and give an impression that they are many more than they actually are. They have very few firearms. They mostly have daggers, spears, knives. Their ways are much more similar to the Maoist groups in Nepal and central India than any other ethnic group in Myanmar. What would the strength of the group be in your estimate? We do not really know. Before Aug. 25, the strength was in the hundreds. Maybe 500-600 organized cadre who had received some training in camps in Bangladesh. The trainers were all Afghan war veterans. A lot of them, around 150, are regarded as foreigners, including Bangladeshis. In addition, some of their fighters are from Pakistan, Indonesia, two from Uzbekistan, and a few who identify themselves as Malays, but we do not know if they are from Malaysia or southern Thailand. If they are a motley group of people who are probably not even from Rakhine, what brought them together to fight for an independent Rakhine State? Well, the rank and file of the group does include several local recruits. There are angry young men who are fed up of being treated the way they have been treated for years. But why would Pakistani and Uzbeks and Malays come there? Those guys are actually talking about a jihad. Do they enjoy popular support among people in the region who identify themselves as Rohingya? Not much. I think it is very divided. They are blaming the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army for the Aug. 25 attack. They are saying, 'Why did you do it, why did you provoke them?' One must note that the timing of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army was well thought out. The Kofi Annan committee report on the crisis, which actually criticized the Myanmarese state, had just come out a few hours ago. The attacks completely killed the report. It was by no means a coincidence. They want a more militarized space. So, on one hand, while people are blaming them for provoking the army, on the other, a lot of angry young men have turned to them as they had hoped. The Western media has been particularly critical of Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi's handling of the crisis. What would you say? Although Myanmar had fair elections in 2015, the military is still in the driving seat with three important ministries in its hands. What is happening is completely out of her hands. So, she really cannot do much in terms of ordering anyone. The military takes orders from its commander-in-chief, not from any elected leader. She has to tread a really delicate balance. Let's say she came out for the Rohingyas. It would be political suicide. It is clear where most of her electorate stands on the matter. If she came out in support of the hardline Arakan National Party, she would get flak from the Western press. If she does not do anything, she would get flak too, as she has. It is an extremely delicate situation for her. The only thing she could have done but has not is that she could have gone to Sittwe [the capital of Rakhine state] and met some elected politicians. She does not like the leaders of the Arakan National Party, so she will not do that. But she had to just show that there is a civilian space in Rakhine too. She did not have to say anything, she could have gone to a hospital, met people from all communities. In the process, she could have widened a very limited civilian space. Unlike many Western democracies, India's response to the crisis in Rakhine has not been of outright condemnation. Is that right on the Indian government's part? Right or not is not for me to say, but Myanmar's two most important neighbors, China and India, have not joined in the Western condemnation. That is obviously for strategic reasons. For China, Myanmar is important for its access to the Indian Ocean. For India, the country is the gateway to Southeast Asia. The Indian government has taken a very hardline stance on Rohingya refugees of late. It has even suggested that the Rohingyas could be a security threat. What do you make of that? It is probably motivated by security concerns. Are they a security risk currently? There is so far no evidence to say that. So, not really. But with almost 800,000 refugees in Bangladesh, where are they going to go? Bangladesh is already overpopulated. There is only one slightly less populated area, and that is the Chittagong Hill Tracts. And if my information is correct, the Chakmas and Marmas, both Buddhist communities, are very worried. What does the crisis mean for South Asia? It is probably a little early to say. Suddenly you have a huge refugee community in the area. It is no secret that a large number of extremist Islamic groups are looking to take advantage. Groups in Indonesia, Bangladesh and Pakistan have been fishing around for recruitment opportunities. If there is a militant response, it could have a very adverse impact on the region. Also, it is important to remember that there are elections in Bangladesh very soon. Remember that Bangladesh once offered to do joint operations with the Myanmar Army against Rohingya rebels and had initially even refused to take in Rohingya refugees. But when the trickle became a tsunami, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League government changed their stance. This was to prevent the fundamentalist Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami party from exploiting the situation. If the Bangladesh Nationalist Party comes to power with support from the Jamaat, which is known to be close to Rohingya insurgents, there could be a serious security concern. That is why Sheikh Hasina is so eager to show that she is on the side of the refugees. What do you make of the recent repatriation agreement between Myanmar and Bangladesh? Oh, that is play for the galleries. It is not going to happen. First of all, there has to be verification. And most of these people have no such papers. The other reason is: Do they want to come back? I think the brutality the army unleashed was meant to ensure that these people never come back. And what will they come back to? Their houses are all burnt down. Do you see a solution to the crisis in the near future? That is the big question. I do not know, to be honest. Can they stay in Bangladesh? Yes, they can, but that may mean trouble in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. A third country? Who will accept them? This interview first appeared on Scroll.in. The post Rohingya Refugee Crisis: It's Not Muslims vs. Buddhists, Says Writer Bertil Lintner appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Police Hunt for Triple-murder Suspect in Irrawaddy’s Myaungmya Posted: 11 Dec 2017 01:54 AM PST PATHEIN — Police are hunting for a man suspected of killing his wife and two other relatives in a village in Irrawaddy Region's Myaungmya Township on Sunday. The suspect, identified as Than Zaw, allegedly knifed to death his wife, nephew and mother-in-law and injured his sister-law at his house in Taungkalay village on Sunday evening, police said. "Than Zaw fled after the murders. The deputy regional police chief is overseeing the search operation in Myaungmya," Irrawaddy Region Police spokesperson Police Lt-Col Khin Maung Latt told The Irrawaddy. Police said Than Zaw went on a killing spree after a quarrel with his 33-year-old wife, who died at the scene along with the man's 10-year-old nephew, who happened to be playing at the house, and his 60-year-old mother-in-law. The man's sister-in-law, who reportedly tried to stop the attack, sustained two knife wounds to the head and was in stable condition at Myaungmya People's Hospital. "He is just hiding out of fear. He won't be able to hide long without food. We are tracking him down and have blocked all possible escape routes. We'll get him soon," Police Lt-Col Khin Maung Latt said. Police have opened proceedings to charge Than Zaw with murder and causing serious injury. The crime was similar to an incident in Bogale Township's Khaing Shwe War village in October, in which an angry husband killed his wife and three stepchildren with a knife. The post Police Hunt for Triple-murder Suspect in Irrawaddy's Myaungmya appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| USDP Tries to Regain Public Trust Through Constructive Criticism of NLD Posted: 11 Dec 2017 01:43 AM PST NAYPYITAW — The opposition Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) will constructively criticize the National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government rather than view it as a rival, said Dr. Nandar Hla Myint, a USDP spokesperson. "The NLD government today of course has shortcomings. Citizens and political parties should point out, criticize and help as necessary by putting the interests of the country and the people at the fore. This is the policy our party is pursuing," the spokesperson told reporters in Naypyitaw on Friday. The USDP, which was formerly a so-called public association known as the Union Solidarity and Development Association, was established by ex-military leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe in 1993 while the country was under military rule. It transformed itself into a political party in 2010 to contest the general elections held according to the military-drafted 2008 Constitution. The USDP won the majority of seats in Parliament, as the NLD boycotted the election. However, the NLD contested and won the majority of seats in the 2012 by-election, which finally led to its overwhelming victory over the USDP in the 2015 general elections. "We won't oppose the NLD government on every front. We won't confront it in every field. We won't try to overthrow it," said Dr. Nandar Hla Myint. U Nay Myo Tun, an NLD Lower House lawmaker from Yangon's Htantabin Township, questioned the USDP's actual capacity as the opposition party. "They served as the previous administration and if they make constructive criticism about our government, we should accept it. But the problem is that we have hardly seen such constructive criticism so far," U Nay Myo Tun told The Irrawaddy. Vice-chairman of the NLD's Yangon chapter Dr. Soe Win Oo said that there is no direct communication between Myanmar's two biggest political parties. The USDP is no gentleman in its criticism of the NLD, and has repeatedly called the NLD "inexperienced," lamented Dr. Soe Win Oo. He accused the USDP of being formed by ex-generals to retain their power even after Myanmar's hard-won democratic transition. "The USDP is still led by ex-generals at the top. It is not a party led by civilian intellectuals. And talking of their assets, they were once state-owned and public property, which the party has unlawfully seized. They will never be welcomed by democratic forces," said the vice-chairman. Dr. Nandar Hla Myint said the USDP would provide suggestions to the NLD through seminars in the case of tough challenges to the sovereignty of the country, the rights of ethnic people and economic hardship among citizens. The USDP will try to win the public trust through its actions, he said, adding that no institution in Myanmar was as good as the USDP. The post USDP Tries to Regain Public Trust Through Constructive Criticism of NLD appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Stakeholders Call for Economy to be Top Priority Posted: 11 Dec 2017 12:19 AM PST YANGON — U Myint, the former chief economic advisor to the previous administration, urged State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to set economic development as a top priority together with peace building. During his keynote address to the second Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) Convention in Yangon on Dec. 9, he requested that the State Counselor pay greater attention to Myanmar's economic issues. He said the expectations of business people and potential investors are uncertain, as they have difficulty deciphering the government's economic policies or growth strategy. He offered his recommendations based on feedback he had received from stakeholders. He currently serves as an economic adviser to the UMFCCI. He stated that the real world in which people are living and the statistical world that exists in reports need to be reconciled and that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could restore growth and vitality to the country and take it from "pause mode to fast forward." Also referring to the gross domestic products of various Asean countries, the economist said that Myanmar must try harder to increase GDP relative to its neighbors, as it currently was second from the bottom only above Cambodia. Laos ranks one position above Myanmar in GDP, but he said that the prospect of catching up during the remainder of this NLD term seems rather slim. He encouraged the state counselor to hold frequent meetings with NLD economic advisers, as well as other stakeholders. "Please encourage and allow more opportunities for them to speak freely and frankly. Their views should be given consideration in making decisions," he said. He also urged for the drafting of a strategy to promote economic growth called the Myanmar Economic Vision. He called for it to be a formal legal document that would be submitted to Parliament. In his draft strategy, he outlined that the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) would play a critical role, as "its cooperation and support are essential to achieving the goals set in the MEV." He also encouraged the sharing of views between other key players, including political parties and all Myanmar nationals. More than 100 representatives from the private business sector across Myanmar participated in the UMFCCI convention, where they decided on a list of recommendations to strengthen the economy and further connectivity between stakeholders. A statement posted on the UMFCCI Facebook page said it would deliver these recommendations, as well as U Myint's, to the government as soon as possible. "For economic development, it is not only the government's responsibility. At our conference, we discussed and agreed to do the tasks that we in the private sector can do," said U Zaw Min Win, UMFCCI chairman. The post Stakeholders Call for Economy to be Top Priority appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| International Experts Named to Rakhine Advisory Body Posted: 11 Dec 2017 12:13 AM PST YANGON — An ex-Thai deputy premier and a South African anti-apartheid negotiator are among the international experts appointed to a new 10-member advisory body charged with implementing recommendations by the Kofi Annan-led commission for conflict-torn Rakhine State. Of the 10 members appointed by President U Htin Kyaw on Friday, five are foreigners. They include Surakiart Sathirathai, chairman of the Asia Peace and Reconciliation Council and a former deputy prime minister of Thailand, and Roelof Petrus Meyer, a former South African minister of defense who took part in negotiations to end apartheid in his country. The others include former New Mexico Governor and one-time US Energy Secretary Bill Richardson, and Urban Ahlin, a member of Sweden's Parliament. Local members include the chairman of the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission, a former UN assistant secretary-general, a member of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, and a Lower House lawmaker. The Annan commission submitted its final report with recommendations in August. The president formed the implementation committee in September, noting that an advisory commission with international experts would also be formed to ensure that the recommendations are implemented effectively. But the newly formed advisory commission was criticized for the lack of any Rakhine representatives. U Maung Maung Soe, a Yangon-based political observer, said he was surprised to learn that no one who had received the mandate from Arakanese people had been appointed to represent their views. "I wonder if the government invited any of them to join. If you want to tackle the Rakhine issue, you can't simply exclude the local people's voice," he said. The post International Experts Named to Rakhine Advisory Body appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Philippines Defied Experts’ Advice on Dengue Immunization Program Posted: 10 Dec 2017 09:42 PM PST MANILA — As she announced in January 2016 that the Philippines would immunize 1 million children with a new dengue vaccine, the nation's then health secretary Janette Garin boasted it was a world-first and a tribute to her country's "expertise" in research. At the time, it seemed the Philippines could be on the cusp of a breakthrough to combat a potentially lethal tropical virus that had been endemic in large parts of the Southeast Asian nation for decades. Almost two years later, the program lies in tatters and has been suspended after Sanofi Pasteur, a division of French drug firm Sanofi, said at the end of last month the vaccine itself may in some cases increase the risk of severe dengue in recipients not previously infected by the virus. Documents reviewed by Reuters that have not been disclosed until now, as well as interviews with local experts, show that key recommendations made by a Philippines Department of Health (DOH) advisory body of doctors and pharmacologists were not heeded before the program was rolled out to 830,000 children. After Garin's announcement, the Formulary Executive Council (FEC) of advisers urged caution over the vaccine because it said its safety and cost-effectiveness had not been established. After twice meeting in January, the panel approved the state's purchase of the vaccine on Feb. 1, 2016, but recommended stringent conditions, minutes of all three meetings show. "Based on the available scientific evidence presented to the council, there is still a need to establish long-term safety, effectiveness and cost-effectiveness," the FEC told Garin in a letter on that day. The letter was reviewed by Reuters. The FEC said Dengvaxia should be introduced through small-scale pilot tests and phased implementation rather than across three regions in the country at the same time, and only after a detailed "baseline" study of the prevalence and strains of dengue in the targeted area, the FEC letter and minutes of the meetings said. The experts also recommended that Dengvaxia be bought in small batches so the price could be negotiated down. An economic evaluation report commissioned by Garin’s own department had found the proposed cost of 1,000 pesos (US$21.29) per dose was "not cost-effective" from a public payer perspective, the minutes from the meetings reveal. For reasons that Reuters was unable to determine, these recommendations were ignored. "Very Angry" The DOH purchased 3 million doses of Dengvaxia in one lot, enough for the required three vaccinations for each child in the proposed immunization program and paid 1,000 pesos per dose, a copy of the purchase order reviewed by Reuters shows. It did conduct a "limited baseline study" in late February and March 2016, but the survey looked at "common illnesses" rather than the prevalence of dengue, according to guidelines issued by Garin's office at the time and reviewed by Reuters. Garin, who was part of the government of former president Benigno Aquino and replaced when President Rodrigo Duterte took power in June 2016, did not respond to requests for comment on why she ignored the local experts' recommendations. A physician, Garin has defended her conduct and a program that she said was "implemented in accordance with WHO guidance and recommendations." "I understand the concern," she told Philippine TV station ABS-CBN on Friday. "Even us, we're also very angry when we learned about Sanofi's announcement about severe dengue. I’m also a mother. My child was also vaccinated. I was also vaccinated." DOH spokesman Lyndon Lee Suy also did not respond to text messages or questions emailed to him. Sanofi Philippines declined comment on the Philippines government decision. However, Dr. Su-Peing Ng, global medical head of Sanofi Pasteur, told Reuters: "We communicated all known benefits and risks of the vaccine to the Philippines government." Rontgene Solante, former president of the Philippines Society for Microbiology and Infectious Diseases, said health officials were motivated to end the debilitating impact of dengue on the Philippines, where there are about 200,000 reported cases each year and many more unreported. Over 1,000 people died of the disease in the country last year. Two months after the FEC wrote to the health secretary, the DOH began immunizing one million students around the age of 10 in all three target areas in April 2016, in accordance with its original plan but at odds with the FEC’s recommendations to conduct a slow roll-out of the vaccine. "The usual process for the DOH that has protected our children for so many decades was not followed. That's a fact," said Susan Mercado, a former Philippines health department undersecretary and former senior official at the World Health Organization (WHO). The WHO said in April 2016 that the Philippines' campaign appeared to meet its criteria for using Dengvaxia because the targeted regions had high levels of dengue exposure; the vaccine would be provided to children 9 years and older; and they would each receive three doses. The WHO was not involved in the deliberations of the FEC, according to the minutes. It said in a statement last week that a position paper on the dengue vaccine it published in July 2016 did not include a recommendation for countries to introduce it. Now, after Sanofi's warnings, the WHO has said it agrees with the government’s decision to suspend the immunization program. Shouldn't Ignore Expertise The current secretary of health in the Duterte administration, Francisco Duque, said he would carry out a "thorough analysis" of the FEC's recommendations and the program before passing judgment. He said the council's recommendations were not legally enforceable. "At the end of the day, the final decision is made by [the] secretary of health," he told Reuters. "But because of the expertise that the members of the FEC have, it is something that you don’t want to ignore." Underpinning the concerns in 2016 about Dengvaxia, since confirmed by Sanofi, were fears that the vaccine would act like a primary infection for those who had never had dengue. If they were bitten by a mosquito carrying the virus after the vaccination, it could be akin to getting dengue a second time, which often leads to far more severe symptoms and potentially death if bad cases are not treated quickly. The concerns were first raised by noted US-based tropical disease expert Dr. Scott Halstead, who urged both Sanofi and the WHO to proceed with caution. In the Philippines, Dr. Antonio Dans, an epidemiologist from the University of the Philippines, led a delegation of physicians to the DOH in March 2016 where, citing Halstead's research, they pressed for the campaign to be aborted. "The data was not definitive but it was clear there were uncertainties and risks. Why not wait for the complete studies to be finished before endangering so many children?" Dans told Reuters. In a Senate hearing late last year, Garin said she was aware of Halstead's assessment but dismissed it. "This is a theory … it has not been proven," she said at the time. Fear and Confusion Two sources involved in the program said no antibody testing was undertaken, as recommended by the FEC. Antibody testing, while not 100 percent accurate, indicates whether an individual has had dengue before. Duque, the current health secretary, is demanding the company refund the 3 billion pesos ($60 million) paid for the vaccinations and has threatened legal action against Sanofi if it is proven to have withheld information. A criminal probe is underway into how a danger to public health came about and two Congressional inquiries have been convened in the Philippines. Duque told Reuters he was concerned that the program was paid from an "off-budget" allocation, meaning it bypassed Congressional scrutiny. Reuters was unable to confirm this. Until now, one child out of the 830,000 vaccinated, a girl who was hospitalized with severe dengue, has been linked definitively by the DOH to the campaign. But the department of health says it still does not have complete data on those who fell ill after taking Dengvaxia. The post Philippines Defied Experts' Advice on Dengue Immunization Program appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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