| NLD Slams Election Commission’s ‘Inappropriate’ Warning for Suu Kyi Posted: 02 Jun 2014 05:25 AM PDT  Aung San Suu Kyi addresses a crowd of supporters in Mandalay on May 18. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The main Burmese opposition party has rejected a warning from the country's election commission to Aung San Suu Kyi over her challenge to the country's military to amend the 2008 Constitution. In a letter dated May 22, the Union Election Commission (UEC) said Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy chairwoman, was "challenging the army" in comments she made during a rally in Mandalay days earlier. The UEC claimed the speech went against Suu Kyi's oath as a parliamentarian and against the Constitution's rules for political parties. In an announcement released Monday, the NLD said the UEC's warning was "inappropriate" and denied that the party was "speaking outside the boundaries of the Constitution" as alleged by the commission's secretary, Tin Tun, in the letter "We are just doing as it is stated in the Constitution: Any political party can stage rally freely as long as it's in accordance with the law," the NLD statement said. "So we announce that the UEC's intervention warning is inappropriate," it said, accusing the UEC of overstepping its powers. "The UEC can only carry out monitoring political parties in accordance with the Election Law and it has no right to carry out duties not enacted in the law." The NLD also pointed out that the UEC in its warning misquoted Suu Kyi when its statement had her urging the army's representatives in parliament to "prove" they were acting in the interests of the people by amending the charter. The NLD countered that Suu Kyi in fact only addressed the army in general, which is backed up by The Irrawaddy's recording of the speech, delivered in Mandalay on May 18. "The correct wording is 'Our army has to face the reality and say 'we will amend the Constitution legally for the good of people,'" the announcement said. The post NLD Slams Election Commission's 'Inappropriate' Warning for Suu Kyi appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Policy Reform Needed to Stem Burma’s Resurgent Drug Trade: Report Posted: 02 Jun 2014 05:07 AM PDT  Opium production has risen in Burma for six consecutive years. (Image: UNODC, Southeast Asia Opium Survey 2013, Lao PDR, Myanmar.) RANGOON — The resurgence of the illicit drugs trade in Burma in recent years is the result of flawed drug control policies by Burma and its neighbors, a new report says. It urges regional governments to reform their repressive policies in order to better address the trade's underlying causes, such as rural poverty, and the impact of a rise in drug use. The report by the Amsterdam-based Transnational Institute (TNI), titled "Bouncing Back-Relapse in the Golden Triangle," was released Monday and is based on hundreds of interviews with farmers, drug users and drug traders in Burma, Laos, Thailand, China and Northeastern India held between 2009 and 2013. TNI said the increase in opium production in Burma, which grew for a sixth consecutive year in 2013 after seeing a sharp decline in the first half of the last decade, followed the implementation of "drug control policies [that] have failed to reduce consumption and production and instead led to more dangerous forms of drug use, growing human rights abuses and impoverishment." "The ASEAN strategy to become 'drug free' by 2015 is failing dramatically," said the institute, which has long studied drug policy issues in Burma and across the world. "In the last decade, opium cultivation in the region has doubled, drug use—especially amphetamines—has increased significantly, and there remain strong links between drugs, conflict, crime and corruption." Burma is Asia's most important hub for opium and methamphetamine production, most of which is destined for China and Thailand. Between 2006 and 2013, the area under opium poppy in Burma rose from 24,000 hectares in 2006 to 58,000 hectares in 2013, the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) estimates, making Burma the world's second-largest opium producer after Afghanistan, where 209,000 hectares were under poppy last year. Opium and methamphetamine has long been produced in northern Burma, where the trade is directly tied to the country's decades-old ethnic conflict, which continues to fester in many parts of Shan and Kachin states. Tens of thousands of poor ethnic farmers grow the opium, while ethnic Chinese syndicates are known to control and finance the drug trade and trafficking. All parties involved in the ethnic conflict—rebel groups, the Burma Army and pro-government militias—are taxing the drug trade to fuel the war, TNI said, adding that some militias and rebel groups are directly involved in drug production and trade. From 1998 to 2006, opium production had been in decline after Burma's former military regime and several ceasefire groups, such as the ethnic Wa, Kokang and Mongla rebels, enforced bans on poppy cultivation in northern Shan State after Burma came under growing international pressure to stem the flow of drugs. But TNI said opium production had since relocated to southern Shan State and Northeastern India, where it has been rapidly expanding, spurred on by rising prices for the drug. "Opium bans … have had little permanent effect because opium is often the only crop viable to compensate for food shortages and high levels of poverty" among ethnic subsistence farmers, the report said, adding that the ongoing conflict is also fueling the drug trade. The UNODC estimates that the average opium production in Burma was 15 kg per hectare in 2013, and that farmers on average earned US$520 per kg of opium in 2012. "Until regional governments and the international community properly addresses poverty, conflict and rising demand for heroin in China, opium bans and eradication will continue to fail," researcher Tom Kramer said in a press release. TNI said poppy farmers needed alternative livelihood options and better protection of land rights, and that they should be consulted over the impact of drug control policies. The institute said drug use problems have also worsened in recent years. It warned of "a heroin 'epidemic' in Kachin State and Northern Shan State and related social and health issues including [the spread of] HIV and hepatitis C." Harsh government policies targeting drug users have resulted in the arrests of thousands of users. TNI called for reforms to Burma's drug control policies, decriminalization of drug use and an increased focus on health and human rights of drug users and poor opium growers. It noted that President Thein Sein's reformist government in recent years has shown an interest in finding alternative ways of reducing opium cultivation and drug use problems. Local civil society organizations have complained for years about the heavy social impact drug use is having in Shan and Kachin states. Ethnic Palaung groups have sounded the alarm over a drug use epidemic in their communities in northwestern Shan State, where in some cases up to 90 percent of the young male population is reportedly addicted to opium or methamphetamines. A rights activist familiar with the situation in Palaung areas said authorities had reacted by briefly locking up users, but were powerless against armed gangs—often pro-government militias—producing and selling drugs in the area. "They are not going after the big people behind the drugs—this has a big impact on the people on the ground," said the activist, who requested anonymity for fear of retribution by drug gangs. "After 2010, drug use in the villages sharply increased. In one village I visited, seven women came up to me crying. They said: 'Help us, my son is a drug addict, my husband is a drug addict.'" "[But] the thing is, who can we approach? In Shan State alone, we have six drug lords who are MPs with the ruling party. They are in the system, in the government, so it's very hard to approach the government," the activist said, referring to pro-government militia leaders who were made lawmakers in the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) during the previous military regime. The post Policy Reform Needed to Stem Burma's Resurgent Drug Trade: Report appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| State Govt Rejects Hakha Meeting for Charter Change Posted: 02 Jun 2014 04:33 AM PDT  A National League for Democracy supporter claps his hands at a rally for constitutional reform on May 18 in Mandalay. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A public meeting organized by the National League for Democracy (NLD) party to push for amending Burma's Constitution in Hakha, Chin State, was prohibited by the state government on Monday, with locals saying the refusal has had a chilling effect on political activism in the town. Local police initially granted formal permission for the NLD, along with the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, to hold a public meeting at Carson Hall in the state capital on Monday morning, but Chin State's chief minister later reportedly told organizers that they would not be allowed to use the venue. "We got a call from the police station yesterday, saying the chief minister refused to give permission for the meeting, without [providing] a reason. That's why we had to shift [the meeting] to the NLD office, where only few people were able to attend," Zo Bwae, president of the NLD's Hakha office, told The Irrawaddy on Monday. According to local sources, fewer than a hundred people showed up to the meeting after word of the state government's refusal spread. "We saw many people went to sign the petition. But people were saying they were afraid that they would be arrested if they went to the meeting because the meeting was banned by the state government," said Salai David, a Hakha resident. NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi has been calling for amendments to Burma's Constitution, which was adopted after a referendum in 2008 that is widely viewed as flawed. In collaboration with the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, the opposition NLD has undertaken a petition campaign calling first for a change to Article 436, which states that key amendments to the Constitution require the approval of more than 75 percent of parliamentarians. The provision is a contentious one because 25 percent of seats in Parliament are reserved for unelected members of the military, giving that institution an effective veto over charter changes. The NLD's countrywide signature campaign began on Tuesday of last week and will run until July 19. The campaign's organizers plan to submit the petition to Parliament thereafter. In tandem with the signature-gathering effort, the NLD and 88 Generation activists are organizing rallies across the country to push their cause. The Hakha hiccup was not the first setback for the campaign. In Mandalay last week, unknown groups circulated leaflets that read, "We cannot accept the amendment of Article 436 to prevent foreigners from becoming our president," an apparent reference to another constitutional provision that Suu Kyi is also campaigning to have changed, as it currently bars from presidential eligibility anyone holding foreign citizenship or who marries or has children who are foreign nationals. Suu Kyi, who is a Burmese citizen, married a British national and has two British sons. In Tat Kone and Ywa Kaut townships, located a few kilometers from Naypyidaw, protesters with placards indicating their opposition to changing the Constitution greeted Suu Kyi on her way to Tat Kone for a public rally. In Zay Gone ward of Rangoon's Insein Township, a red poster saying "This area is a place of civil servants, so that no political movements are allowed" has been hung up and residents are reportedly afraid to go to the ward's NLD office to sign the petition. At some ministries, warnings to civil servants not to participate in political movements have also reportedly been issued. Aung Thu, an 88 Generation leader, said the actions of local authorities were threatening the rights of citizens, pointing out that protests against amending the Constitution were allowed to go forward while pro-change rallies were being restricted or banned outright. "Everyone has the right to express their opinion. While someone was allowed to show their disagreement, why can't the others have the opportunity to express their agreement?" he said. "President Thein Sein used to assure us that the country has freedom and democracy. But the actions of the local authorities are sending a different signal, showing our country has no freedom and is not practicing enduring democracy, and this will affect the country's image," he added. The post State Govt Rejects Hakha Meeting for Charter Change appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Charter Must Be Amended After Dialogue With Ethnic Rebels: Thein Sein Posted: 02 Jun 2014 04:22 AM PDT  Burmese President Thein Sein delivers his monthly radio address. (Photo: The President's Office) RANGOON — President Thein Sein has said that amendments to Burma's Constitution will be needed after a nationwide ceasefire has been signed and the government has conducted political dialogue with country's ethnic armed groups. Speaking to the nation in his monthly radio speech, first broadcast Saturday, Thein Sein reaffirmed his support for making amendments to the charter, which was introduced by the former military regime in 2008. "We must all accept the basic rule that a living, breathing Constitution is always evolving and changes must be made under the right conditions and at the appropriate time in harmony with society's political, economic, and social needs," he said, according to an English-language translation of the speech printed by the New Light of Myanmar newspaper. Thein Sein mentioned the current opposition signature campaign calling for the amendment of Article 436 of the Constitution—which gives the military a veto over amendments—and referred to a parliamentary committee currently mulling proposed amendments, without expressing support or opposition to specific changes. But the president pointed out that the peace process initiated since his government took power in 2011 will require amendments at a later date. The country's ethnic minorities, many of which have been fighting insurgencies for more than five decades against the Burmese government, are broadly opposed to the current charter, and want it to be changed to reflect federalist principles. "Agreements reached during political dialogue, an important aspect of the peace process, will require amendments to the Constitution," the president said, referring to the talks expected after the ethnic armed groups' representatives and government negotiators agree upon a nationwide ceasefire. Thein Sein also played down concerns that the ceasefire talks are taking a long time, saying that delays of six months or so are short compared to the time that peace processes have taken in other countries. "Everyone involved in the Constitution amendment process will need to be principled and benevolent," he added. Sai Saw Than Myint, deputy chairman of Federal Union Party, said he welcomed the president's indication that political dialogue will result in amendments of the Constitution. "Peace negotiation talks are in discussion. All ethnic armed group leaders have the same intention, of building a federal union. That requires amendments of the 2008 Constitution anyhow. I understood when the president spoke about this," he told The Irrawaddy. He said it appeared the president was open to having input from ethnic groups over amending the Constitution. "If amendments were done only by the Parliament, without listening and leaving out the voices of the ethnics, that would not be a complete Constitution based on a federal union," Sai Saw Than Myint said. The 88 Generation Peace and Open Society and the National League for Democracy (NLD) have started a nationwide campaign to collect signatures in support of amending Article 436, which will run until July 19. NLD Chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi has addressed concerns that amending Article 436, and possible later removing Article 59(f)—which bars her from the presidency—would only further the aims of the ethnic majority Burman people. "What do ethnic people want? Genuine democracy. A genuine union based on federalist principles," she said during a rally in Rangoon on May 17. "Calls for federalism—our NLD has always supported this, even in times when it was seen as a crime by authorities to even speak about federalism." However, Myint Myint Wai, a legal advisor to the All Mon Region Democracy Party, said she believed the campaign was more concerned with hurriedly amending the charter in Suu Kyi's favor ahead of elections in 2015 "The 2014 by-election is quite close. The 2015 election will happen soon. While these elections are important, we've got little time. We do not have enough time to work to amend the Constitution," she said. The post Charter Must Be Amended After Dialogue With Ethnic Rebels: Thein Sein appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Who Are the Wa? Posted: 02 Jun 2014 04:08 AM PDT  Female soldiers from the United Wa State Army. (Photo: Thierry Falise) It seems very likely that the United Wa State Army (UWSA) will become the next target of the Myanmar government's efforts to bring the country under its control. But that does not necessarily mean that the army will launch an all-out offensive against the country's most heavily armed ethnic army. A more likely scenario, insiders say, would be for the Myanmar military to capitalize on internal divisions within the UWSA first, play one faction against another—and attack only when the group has been considerably weakened. But would that work? And who, exactly, are the Wa? In the Myanmar media, they are often portrayed as some kind of Chinese group, and it has even been suggested that the UWSA may follow the secessionist example set by Crimea, which recently held a referendum and joined Russia. In a similar fashion, the UWSA could hold a referendum in the area under its control, and then decide to merge it with China. This scenario is extremely unlikely, however, because China would never accept such a move, as it would antagonize the whole of Southeast Asia and most of the rest of the world. And, needless to say, the Wa are not a "Chinese people." They are a Mon-Khmer-speaking tribe whose closest ethnic relatives in Myanmar would be the Palaung and, much more distantly, the Mon. (There are ethnic Wa across the border in China as well, where they number about 400 000, but they are an ethnic minority in Yunnan and not related to the majority Han Chinese.) 'We Are Very Wild People' But one also has to remember that the Wa Hills of northeastern Shan State have never been ruled by any central Myanmar authority. What the Wa want their future to be is, therefore, a major concern that cannot be ignored. Even during the British colonial era, governmental presence in the Wa Hills was limited to annual flag marches up to the Chinese border. The Wa were headhunters and feared by the plainspeople, and the British troops that carried their flag up to the border were always heavily armed. The Wa Hills were first surveyed by outsiders in 1935-36, when the Iselin Commission began to more firmly demarcate the border between the Wa Hills and China, which was finally agreed upon by the British and the Chinese in 1941. Even so, the Wa Hills were never fully explored and were only nominally under British and later Myanmar sovereignty. The first road in the area was built in 1941, from Kunlong near the Thanlwin River and into the northern fringes of the Wa Hills. The British-initiated Frontier Areas of Enquiry—set up to ascertain the views of Myanmar's many minority peoples just before independence—reported in 1947 that the Wa Hills "pay no contribution to central revenue…there are no post offices…and the only medical facilities are those provided by the Frontier Constabulary outposts…and by [non-certified] Chinese practitioners." The Wa did, however, send three representatives from their "states," as their fiefdoms were called, to the committee's hearings in Pyin Oo Lwin—and those talks revealed the gap between the Wa way of looking at life and the committee's perception of it: Do you want any sort of association with other people? Hkun Sai [for the Wa]: We do not want to join anybody because in the past we have been very independent. Sao NawHseng [for the Wa]: Wa are Wa and Shans are Shans. We would not like to go into the Federated Shan States. What do you want the future to be in the Wa states? Sao Maha [for the Wa]: We have not thought about that because we are very wild people. We never thought of the administrative future. We think only about ourselves. Don't you want education, clothing, good food, good houses, hospitals? Sao Maha: We are very wild people and don't appreciate all these things. In retrospect, this exchange of views may appear almost farcical, but it nevertheless shows that the Wa did not think of themselves as citizens of Myanmar—and that was not going to change after independence in 1948. Kuomintang, then Communist, Control In the 1950s, most of the Wa Hills were occupied by renegade Nationalist Chinese Kuomintang forces that retreated across the border into Myanmar following their defeat by Mao Zedong's Communists in the Chinese civil war. The Kuomintang established bases in the Wa Hills and in the mountains north and south of Kengtung, from where they tried on no less than seven occasions between 1950 and 1952 to invade Yunnan, but were repeatedly driven back to the Myanmar side of the border. The parts of the Wa Hills where the Kuomintang was not present were controlled by various local warlords. The Kuomintang's presence in northeastern Myanmar was a major reason why China decided to support the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) in the early 1960s. Myanmar Communists in exile in China began surveying the border as early as 1963 to identify possible infiltration routes. On Jan. 1, 1968, the CPB—and the Chinese—made their move. The old Kuomintang bases were some of the first targets. And while the political commissars were Myanmar Communists, the foot soldiers were almost exclusively "volunteers" from China. It was only when the CPB had captured the Wa Hills in the early 1970s that its "people's army" began to consist of recruits from Myanmar. Before long, the bulk of the CPB's fighting force was predominantly Wa. But China was still supplying the CPB troops with all their weapons and other equipment, which made them the most formidable rebel army in Myanmar. By the mid-1970s, the CPB had established control over more than 20,000 square kilometers of territory in northeastern and eastern Shan State. Myanmar's central authorities were as remote and alien as they had always been in regards to the Wa Hills. But it was also clear that there were severe frictions between the CPB's ageing Bamar leadership and its mostly hill-tribe troops, who had little or no sympathy for communist ideals. Mutiny and Ceasefire In 1989, the tribesmen rose in mutiny and drove the old leaders into exile in China. But there is every reason to believe that the Chinese had a hand in the mutiny as well. Just a few months before it broke out, the CPB's politburo had held a meeting and the then-chairman Thakin Ba Thein Tin, read out a message from the Chinese authorities. The entire CPB leadership had been offered retirement in China. It was clear that China no longer was interested in exporting revolution to Myanmar, but wanted to open the border for trade and exploit the natural resources in the frontier areas. Thakin Ba Thein Tin was furious. "We have no desire to become revisionists," he said, indicating that he considered the post-Mao leadership in China to be revisionist—which was enough for the Chinese to encourage the rank-and-file of the CPB to rise up in mutiny. And so the UWSA was born. Almost immediately, the newly formed group entered into a ceasefire agreement with the Myanmar government, which allowed it to retain control of its area and its weaponry in exchange for not fighting the government's army. This led to the formation of the UWSA's current territory, which it claims consists of 13,514 square miles (35,000 square kilometers), including new areas along the Thai border that were captured in the early 1990s. With a population of 400,000 and its own local administration, schools, hospitals and even a bank, this "mini-state" is almost unique in recent Asian history. The closest comparison would be to the parts of Sri Lanka that were ruled by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) until it was wiped out by a massive government offensive in 2009. Chinese Influence The currency used in the UWSA's area is the Chinese yuan, and mobile telephones are connected to Chinese networks. Chinese is much more widely spoken than Myanmar. With Chinese assistance, the UWSA has also managed to build up an army that is both stronger and better equipped than the CPB ever was. Its arsenal includes Man-portable air-defense systems (MANPADS), a wide range of mortars and rocket launchers, and even light tanks and a few helicopters. Recently, a helipad has been constructed at the UWSA's Panghsang headquarters, with a sign outside saying, in Chinese, feijichang, or airport. Even more worrying, on Oct. 30 of last year, the local Myanmar intelligence office in the garrison town of Tang-yan sent a message to the regional command headquarters in Lashio saying that the UWSA was constructing a "radar and missile base" in its area. The first location was supposed to be Mong Mau in the northern Wa Hills, but when the government found out about it, U Thein Zaw, the vice chairman of the Union Peace Working Committee, was sent to Panghsang to tell the Wa not to go ahead with their missile project. The UWSA leaders said that they wouldn't—and changed the location to Wing Gao, closer to Panghsang. The new facility is going to be built in partnership with a Chinese company called Liao Lian and equipment will be bought from China, Taiwan and Pakistan, the report asserts. It is not clear, however, what kind of missile it is, but given the fact that radars will be installed at the base, it is plausible to assume that it would be something more powerful than what the UWSA has in its current arsenal. The Myanmar-language report uses the term taweipyetonggyi, or "long-distance missile." So it is abundantly clear that the Wa have no intention of submitting to the authority of a country that they feel that they have never been part of. The Wa Hills have gone from being ruled by nobody to being occupied by the Kuomintang and then the CPB, and are now administered by the UWSA. Bargaining Chip But what are the Chinese up to and why are they making sure the UWSA is armed to the teeth? The simple answer is that China does not actually want the UWSA to fight the Myanmar army, but would like to see it strong enough to deter any attack against it. For China, the UWSA is a useful bargaining chip when Beijing wants to put pressure on the Myanmar government not to stray too close to the West, or to protect Chinese investment in the country. The latter concern became especially important after President U Thein Sein's government decided in September 2011 to suspend the US$3.6 billion Myitsone hydroelectric dam project in Kachin State. China also has to deal with ongoing protests against a copper mine project in Letpadaung, which is a joint venture between the Chinese Wanbao Mining Copper company and the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings. In other words, any military action against the UWSA would pit the Myanmar army against China. The Wa leaders are always accompanied by Chinese intelligence officers, and it is no exaggeration to say the UWSA is an extension of China's People's Liberation Army. So would the Myanmar army risk a conflict with the UWSA? Sri Lanka's offensive against the LTTE was successful because the Tamil militants had nowhere to retreat to when they came under attack, whereas an attack on the UWSA would force tens of thousands of refugees into China, causing further frictions between Myanmar and its powerful northern neighbor. The UWSA's MANPADS would also enable it to shoot down airplanes and helicopters. At the same time, however, no government in Myanmar can tolerate a continuation of the present situation in northeastern Shan State: a pocket-state with its own army. But if the present government wants to succeed where all its predecessors have failed—to convince the Wa that their hills are indeed part of Myanmar—a different approach than the military option may be needed. A divide-and-rule scheme, which seems to be what is in the offing, may also cause resentment and divisions that could result in an even messier situation than what we have now. But before the end of the year, some action is bound to take place in the Wa Hills. And whatever shape it takes, it will be a much more serious challenge than any of the other ethnic conflicts that have been plaguing Myanmar for decades. It will involve an area never before controlled by any Myanmar government—and China. This article first appeared in the June 2014 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Who Are the Wa? appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| The Trickle-Down Effect Posted: 02 Jun 2014 12:47 AM PDT |
| ‘The Transformation Underway Is Real and It Is Rapid’ Posted: 01 Jun 2014 10:22 PM PDT  The United Overseas Bank's managing director and head of international, Ian Wong. (Photo: UOB) RANGOON — Singapore-based United Oversea Bank (UOB) has had a representative in Burma since 1994, and is working with foreign investors entering the country. Ian Wong, UOB managing director and head of international, answered The Irrawaddy's questions by email, discussing foreign direct investment (FDI) trends and the upcoming licensing of foreign banks. Question: How is UOB promoting FDI into Burma? What are some of the recent activities of UOB in the country? Answer: UOB has an ongoing unwavering presence in Myanmar for 20 years, working closely with the local Myanmar Banks and Central Bank. In 2011, UOB established a Foreign Direct Investment Advisory Unit to help our existing and potential clients from our network of over 500 offices and branches across Southeast Asia, Greater China and beyond to invest in Myanmar. To date, we have helped more than 50 companies explore various business opportunities through our FDI Advisory services. Our client research tells us that while Myanmar remains a key investment hotspot for companies looking for regional growth opportunities in Southeast Asia, their top concerns when expanding into Myanmar is limited bank financing options and the lack of insights around local laws and regulations. Our latest FDI symposium in Yangon held jointly with Myanmar Investment Commission, Myanmar's Ministry of Commerce and International Enterprise Singapore in February this year attracted over 300 clients across our network. The Bank's deep expertise in structuring project loans in high growth sectors such as energy and oil and gas can also contribute to the development of Myanmar's economy. We made a start on this when in February this year (2014), UOB signed a financing agreement in Naypyitaw with Singapore company, Asiatech Energy, to build Myanmar's largest gas-fired power plant in Mon State. We have also partnered with US-based APR Energy, a global leader in power solutions, to support their construction of a 100 MW power plant in the Mandalay region of Myanmar. The APR Energy contract was the first power generation agreement signed by a US-based company with the government of Myanmar since the lifting of sanctions in 2013. UOB's commitment to Myanmar also extends to the local banking community. UOB was one of the first banks to establish a correspondent banking network with local Myanmar banks. The Bank has a long-term commitment to share best practices in international trade, risk mitigation and working capital solutions with the business community, regulators and local banks. We will be holding a one-day seminar on 2 June 2014 during which we will share with our local bank counterparts in Myanmar our experience on the development of an Interbank Money Market and Treasury operations. Q: The Central Bank of Myanmar (CBM) will soon be allowing foreign banks to open branches in Burma. What are your expectations of this move? What are the benefits for Singapore banks such as UOB of coming into the country? A: UOB welcomes a banking license in Myanmar as it would allow us to serve our clients' banking and financing needs as they invest and expand into Myanmar. The economic and financial transformation underway is real and it is rapid. What is key now is for more investors, foreign governments and multinational organizations to help generate trade and investment opportunities that benefit the people and businesses of Myanmar. It is clear that UOB has stayed its course in the last 20 years in Myanmar and will certainly step-up its engagement and collaboration efforts responsibly with all local stakeholders as the country opens up its economy. UOB is committed to building our businesses here in Myanmar for the long term and looks forward to fostering even closer ties in the years to come. Q: What kind of foreign businesses do you expect to see entering Burma? A: According to our experience, businesses that are looking to expand into Myanmar are in industries such as energy, oil and gas, telecommunications, manufacturing and construction. As the economy expands, there are also opportunities for both foreign and domestic investors in areas such as real estate development, in particular accommodation, to address the shortage for visitors. At the same time, with the anticipated trend towards urbanization, the education, health-related and financial services sectors will attract investors to cater to the population's increased spending in tandem with rising income. Q: How do you think the entry of foreign banks into Burma will impact the domestic banking sector? A: The International Monetary Fund believes that financial sector reforms in Myanmar will open doors to its trading partners, particularly those within the Southeast Asian region, and help Myanmar take advantage of the Asean Economic Community that will be established by 2015. UOB is among the first foreign banks to open a representative office in Yangon in 1994 and was one of the first banks to establish a correspondent banking network with local Myanmar banks. UOB is also working with the Central Bank of Myanmar and the Myanmar Banks Association to provide training, workshops and study tours for local banks in the areas of trade and payment processing, trade finance and credit risk management. We believe that this cooperation will enhance further the service level of the banking sector in Myanmar. With a branch license, UOB will be able to work together with local banks for certain onshore infrastructure projects, and share our knowledge on project financing and loan structuring. We see our role as complementary with domestic banks as foreign banks, with a limited branch network and restrictions on selected activities, will not be in direct competition with the local banks in Myanmar's domestic retail market. The post 'The Transformation Underway Is Real and It Is Rapid' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Living From the Sea in the Irrawaddy Delta Posted: 01 Jun 2014 05:00 PM PDT  Women unload a fishing net from a boat. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) KADONKANI, Irrawaddy Division — As soon as I set foot on the shore, the fishy air filled my nostrils. After a five-hour boat ride from Bogale, a town in Irrawaddy Division, I found myself standing on the shore of one the biggest fishing villages in the delta. Though it is a seaside village, the beach has no white sand, and the water is murky as it is located at the outer most tip of the delta. Around me, people were busy unloading their catch of the day from fishing boats under the evening sun. Situated where the Irrawaddy River meets the Andaman Sea, Kadonkani is a big village where most of the residents make their living from the sea. They catch fish, shrimp and clams. From their catch, they make dried fish and ngapi—a fishy paste—while some supply fish to the divisional capital of Pathein, and to Rangoon. Most of the villagers are poor ethnic Burmans. They work for eight months a year. When the rains come, most of them stay at home—out of a job—and live on their savings, while some people do odd-jobs. "How could we venture out to sea in the rainy season? It's very dangerous," a fisherman explained to me. "The beach doesn't come alive until the cold season is in when the skies are blue and we resume our fishing." The post Living From the Sea in the Irrawaddy Delta appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| More Money, More Problems? Questions for Myanmar’s Aid Industry Posted: 01 Jun 2014 09:42 PM PDT  A child uses a World Food Program bag to shelter from the rain at Bawdupha camp for internally displaced Rohingya Muslims near Sittwe, Arakan State. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Myanmar, having remained isolated for nearly five decades, had a limited number of national and international NGOs working in the country until only six years ago, but the situation changed dramatically with the onslaught of Cyclone Nargis in May 2008. Scores of international NGOs entered the country in the months and weeks that followed the disaster, some of whom would later come in for criticism, accused of entering the country with bleeding hearts but no real sense of Myanmar's political realities. Many local NGOs were also established to assist the disaster-affected communities. In any country, a well-functioning civil society is essential to complement the works of the government, so these were welcome initiatives. The economic sanctions placed on Myanmar by Western governments were firmly in place at the time, a scenario that proved to be a jackpot for international NGOs, as all external funds to Myanmar were channeled through these organizations. With the Nargis relief in 2008 and additional external assistance with the inauguration of a quasi-civilian government in 2011, hundreds of millions of dollars have been channeled through these international NGOs, ostensibly for the benefit of Myanmar's people—and with only a trace of sustainability. Sustainability is lacking because these organizations' efforts are ignoring national systems and networks, with only a few exceptions. Many of these NGOs are actually creating a parallel and competing system, weakening the national systems rather than complementing the government's efforts. Little NGO aid has gone toward strengthening public institutions or building human resources therein, despite much talk on systems building and putting the government in the driver's seat. Given the geopolitical position of Myanmar and in the context of current geopolitical dynamics, the most important question one must ask is: Who are these NGOs accountable to? To the Myanmar government? To the community for whom they provide services? Or to the patrons who fund their continued existence? Who dictates the missions, mandates and functions of these organizations? Based upon the performance, allegiance and behavior of these organizations, there are reasons to question the relevance, dependability, authenticity and morality of many of these organizations as we see them today. With all these organizations, there is very little accountability in terms of their operating costs and performance. In the larger scheme of development agendas, the very existence of these organizations can become counterproductive and threatening to the political environment at a time when the government is looking forward to reconciliation with all armed groups. Given the multiplicity of Myanmar society, these international organizations could also become a conduit in spreading neo-liberal economic principles, wherein everything is measured by its monetary value. This has the potential to destroy societal values and the very fabric of societies, especially in a fragile environment such as in Myanmar. NGOs should work with the government in strengthening public systems rather than weakening them through competition. The government also must clarify the framework for NGOs' operations, which would be mutually beneficial. The partnership must be in the common interest of the communities, government and the NGOs, and if such a framework cannot be agreed, the NGOs should not be allowed to operate in Myanmar. This position will be criticized by external agencies, but the framework for NGOs' operation in any country must be decided by the host government, in its national interest, and not dictated by the funding agency. The collective work of most NGOs in Myanmar has created an employment industry in itself. The NGOs tell the funding agency what they want to hear, which consists mostly of portrayals of the government in a bad light, to varying degrees. The policies of donor governments are also based on such erroneous feedback from these NGOs, earning the latter kudos and boosting funding for cause X, Y or Z. This is an unethical practice and must be stopped. The government of Myanmar must take a strong stand against this kind of behavior, and bid NGOs guilty of this a farewell from the country. The most recent drama in Myanmar is the efforts of the central government and ethnic armed rebel groups to achieve peace after decades of civil war. Given the history of mistrust and failures of numerous ceasefire agreements, a genuine peace can be achieved only through honest political dialogue and mutual compromise, mediated through a neutral party. Many of the foreigners currently involved in peace negotiations are among the self-declared sworn enemies of the former junta government, who suddenly descended on Myanmar to cash in on the "peace business." In Myanmar, even "peace" has been project-ified by NGOs and UN agencies. No provision of social services or infrastructure development can be sustained or will bring stability unless there is lasting peace and permanent security in these conflict areas, but it seems even peacemaking in Myanmar has become an international business. Ramesh Shrestha is a former Unicef country representative to Myanmar. The post More Money, More Problems? Questions for Myanmar's Aid Industry appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Former Norway Envoy’s Telenor Move Raises Eyebrows Posted: 01 Jun 2014 09:36 PM PDT  Katja Nordgaard, Norway's former ambassador to Burma, met with President Thein Sein in August 2013. (Photo: President's Office website) The May 16 announcement that Norway's former ambassador to Burma, Katja Nordgaard, will soon take a position with Telenor, the majority state-owned Norwegian telecommunications firm that signed a lucrative deal with Burma's government last year, has prompted concern from some quarters about the ethics of what they see as just the latest example of an economic agenda driving Oslo's foreign policy toward Burma. Mark Farmaner, director of the Burma Campaign UK, a London-based advocacy group that has been one of the loudest critics of Norway's Burma policy, is concerned by the potential ethical implications of Nordgaard's jump from ambassador to telecoms executive and the message it sends to poorly paid Burmese bureaucrats looking to cash in on their government connections. "The Norwegian government was one of the first to embrace [President] Thein Sein's government despite ongoing human rights abuses, and were rewarded with a lucrative telecoms contract for Telenor," Farmaner told The Irrawaddy. "Now we see an ambassador who played a key role in reversing Norway's policy of prioritizing human rights also reaping the financial benefits of cozying up to the Burmese government." Nordgaard, who first introduced Telenor to Burmese government officials in 2012, was quick to deny any suggestion that she helped the firm beat out the other 89 competitors who also put in bids for one of two Burmese telecoms licenses up for grabs. Nordgaard told The Irrawaddy via email that although she participated in meetings between Telenor and the government, "I did not play a role in assisting Telenor to win its contract. I helped introduce Telenor, along with a range of other Norwegian companies, to Myanmar and to government officials—this is a totally normal and important task for any ambassador in any country." Nordgaard also told The Irrawaddy that Telenor's winning bid was a result of the firm's hard work and commitment to Burma. "Telenor's successful bid for a national telecommunications license in Myanmar was based exclusively on the overall quality of the bid, underscored by Telenor's regional experience and commitment to being a long-term investor in Myanmar," she said, a sentiment apparently shared by Telenor spokesperson Glenn Mandelid, who responded with a near identical answer to The Irrawaddy's inquiries regarding Nordgaard's role in the Telenor bid. "Telenor's successful bid for a national telecommunications license in Myanmar was based exclusively on the overall quality of our bid, underscored by Telenor's regional experience and commitment to being a long-term investor in Myanmar," Mandelid stated in his emailed response, which arrived some eight minutes before Nordgaard's reply. Nordgaard, who served as Oslo's envoy to Burma from 2010 until last November, will take over as head of the firm's Corporate Affairs unit, a position that she will officially assume on Aug. 4. Telenor's announcement of Nordgaard's hiring is somewhat unusual as she continues to serve as Norway's ambassador to Thailand and Cambodia. Many other Western governments discourage or forbid their diplomats from signing outside employment contracts until after they have officially left their foreign service posting. Norway does not appear to have such rules. A spokeswoman with the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs told The Irrawaddy that Nordgaard's new position with Telenor complied with the ministry's ethics policy, adding that measures were in place to ensure that there would be no conflict of interest. "The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in collaboration with Nordgaard, have made an assessment on her liability in matters relating to Telenor in the remaining period of her service. It is obvious that she will step aside if such cases arise. The same will apply in the event of conflicts of interest in connection with matters affecting an area Telenor is engaged in," said ministry spokesperson Astrid Sehl via email. Nordgaard's new role with Telenor will cover Burma, but not exclusively, the ambassador told The Irrawaddy. "I will not have any direct responsibility for Telenor's operations in Myanmar, but I will of course be engaged also with Myanmar on an overall level, as I will with the 12 other countries where Telenor is operating." This will also include Thailand, where Telenor controls an effective majority stake in local cellular provider DTAC, Thailand's second largest. The announcement of Nordgaard's new role with Telenor before she has even left the Norwegian foreign service is not likely to improve her standing among the Thai-Burma border-based community organizations with whom Nordgaard and her Foreign Ministry colleagues frequently butted heads. Reached for comment, Tin Tin Nyo, general secretary of the Women's League of Burma, said she wasn't surprised by news of Nordgaard's Telenor move, given the Norwegian government's keen interest in advancing Norwegian firms in Burma. Tin Tin Nyo said she and many of her colleagues were "very disappointed" with how Norway's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Nordgaard in particular, handled Oslo's ambitious plans to support Burma's peace process. "There wasn't enough consultation with the community" from the outset, Tin Tin Nyo told The Irrawaddy, adding that Norwegian officials appeared to prioritize pleasing Burma's government over the concerns of ethnic minority groups. Much of this tension arose over the Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI), a Norwegian government-funded project that Nordgaard as ambassador played a central role in getting off the ground. Since 2012, the MPSI has spent more than US$2 million on aid projects in ethnic areas of eastern Burma, territory that was until very recently home to one of the world's longest running civil wars. The MPSI, which began in 2012, was supposed to support projects "designed to build trust and confidence," but many civil society groups representing Burma's ethnic minorities on the Thai border did not take warmly to the initiative or its lofty goals. Much of the criticism stemmed from what these groups perceived as a deliberate attempt by the MPSI to sideline them and their long-standing cross-border aid networks in favor of Rangoon-based actors closely affiliated with the Burmese government. An internal review completed in March noted that "some ethnic stakeholders have viewed MPSI-supported projects as attempts to 'buy peace' in collusion with the Government's political, social and economic agenda." Deputy Foreign Minister to Statoil Nordgaard is not the only Norwegian foreign affairs official involved in Burma who has jumped shipped to a state-owned Norwegian firm with Burmese business interests. Shortly after his party was driven from office last September, Torgeir Larsen, Norway's deputy minister of foreign affairs, took a position with the majority state-owned oil firm Statoil, where he now serves as a specialist focusing on government relations and public affairs for international operations. While with the Foreign Ministry, Larsen visited Burma frequently, including most recently in May of last year, when he traveled to Karen State to observe a Norwegian-funded aid project. On a previous trip to Burma in May 2012, Larsen dropped in on an MPSI-supported project that saw ethnic Karen internally displaced persons (IDPs) receive identity cards in Pegu Division. At the time of Larsen's 2012 visit, critics blasted the ill-defined role of the MPSI and its involvement in what many said was a shameless attempt by Larsen and his Norwegian diplomatic colleagues to use IDPs as a prop for a photo op. "The peace initiative's policy of using IDPs in order to test the strength of the peace process could put IDPs in danger," Karen environmentalist Paul Sein Twa told the Myanmar Times at the time of Larsen's visit. "Troops have not withdrawn, and we cannot clearly see any indicators that the current peace process is durable. There is no guarantee of IDPs' safety if the fighting begins again, or if the military harasses resettled IDPs." During Larsen's tenure, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs appeared to heavily promote Statoil in Burma, with Nordgaard as ambassador taking part in meetings between Statoil and officials from Burma's Ministry of Energy. These meetings on at least one occasion in February 2012 included former Energy Minister Than Htay, who was later removed from his cabinet post, reportedly for corruption. The Norwegian government's efforts to promote Statoil appear to have paid off. In March of this year Statoil, which is 67 percent state-owned, and its American partner ConocoPhillips, jointly received the rights to operate a 9,000-square-kilometer offshore block. According to a Statoil spokesperson, "Larsen has no particular role with respect to Myanmar, and he has not been part of Statoil's communication with Government stakeholders in Myanmar." While both Statoil and Telenor's respective bids were being considered, Nordgaard, Larsen and their colleagues at the Foreign Ministry appeared to go out of their way to avoid criticising Burmese government policy. Former Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide, who like Larsen left his post last year, went so far as to publicly defend the Burmese government's right to bar stateless Rohingya Muslims from obtaining citizenship while giving credence to claims that they are outsiders from Bangladesh who don't belong in Burma. Responding to a question from a Norwegian newspaper about the Rohingya in early 2013, Eide replied that nations are "not obligated to give citizenship to everybody who is living there." "This is not something we are going to demand," he added. "Some critical voices talk as if all nations would have received people from neighboring nations and made them citizens. We think this is a conflict that can be resolved through economic development and local reconciliation processes." The comments were no doubt well received in Naypyidaw, where government officials have been clearly annoyed at being lectured by the likes of US President Barack Obama and other Western leaders on the need to address long-standing persecution of the Rohingya minority. Oslo's enthusiasm for Naypyidaw does not appear to have diminished under the leadership of the right-leaning government that took office at the end of last year. Norway continues to support the MPSI as well as the Burmese government-affiliated Myanmar Peace Center, and was a major funder of this year's controversial national census. The post Former Norway Envoy's Telenor Move Raises Eyebrows appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Burma, Bangladesh at Odds over Deadly Border Clash Posted: 01 Jun 2014 09:27 PM PDT  Part of a fence separating Burma and Bangladesh is seen from a village in Bangladesh. (Photo: Nyein Chan / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON / DHAKA — Bangladesh has lodged a protest with Burma over what it called an unprovoked attack against its border guards by Burmese security forces on May 30, following an earlier exchange of fire in which one Bangladeshi guard was killed. Burma has given a different version of events and has warned Bangladesh it will not tolerate any violation of its sovereignty or territory. Maj-Gen Aziz Ahmed, head of Border Guards Bangladesh (BGB), told reporters on Saturday that a body handed over by the Burmese side was that of guard Mizanur Rahman, 43, who had gone missing on May 28. In a statement on Saturday, the Bangladeshi Foreign Ministry said it had called in Burma's ambassador to protest at an "unprovoked eruption of gunfire from the Myanmar border force" on May 30. "The Myanmar Ambassador was told that a BGB team was waiting near border pillar no. 52 for identification of the dead body which was proposed by the Myanmar side. However, to the complete surprise of the BGB, Myanmar border forces suddenly started firing on the waiting BGB team without any provocation," it said. Burma's Foreign Ministry said in a statement on Saturday that the first incident on May 28 involved Burmese troops and "two suspected armed Bengalis in yellow camouflage uniform who entered into Myanmar territory" in Maungdaw Township. One was killed and the other fled into Bangladesh, it said. Many in Burma, including government officials, use the term "Bengali" to refer to Rohingya people, hundreds of thousands of whom live in the northwestern state of Arakan. They are seen by Burma as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. They are denied citizenship and increasingly live in segregated camps after outbreaks of communal violence over the past two years. "There was no BGB team patrolling along the border … on that day, as claimed by the Bangladesh side," Burma's Foreign Ministry said. It denied that Burmese troops opened fire on any BGB members and said the clothing worn by the man who was killed did not match the BGB uniform. On the May 30 incident, it said Burma had asked the BGB to "fetch the dead body at the Boundary Pillar 52 where the exchange of fire had occurred." The allegation that the Burma side started to fire was "far from the reality," it added. Bangladesh’s statement noted a reported deployment of Burmese forces along the border and said that violated a 1980 agreement, so the forces should be withdrawn. It added that Burma should not "allow any action that may affect the friendly bilateral relations" between the two. For its part, Burma said it would "resort to diplomatic means to solve problems peacefully in view of existing bilateral friendly relations and good neighborliness." The post Burma, Bangladesh at Odds over Deadly Border Clash appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| 6 Arrested in China Killing Blamed on Cult Members Posted: 01 Jun 2014 09:20 PM PDT  This screen capture of a video shows an alleged member of a Chinese religious cult beating a woman to death at a McDonald's restaurant in eastern China on May 28, 3014. (Photo: Youtube) BEIJING — Six members of a religious cult have been arrested over the beating death of a woman at a McDonald’s restaurant in eastern China, police said on Saturday. The accused, including four members of the same family, allegedly attacked the woman in the city of Zhaoyuan on Wednesday evening after she refused to tell them her phone number. Zhaoyuan police said on their microblog that the six belonged to a group calling itself the "All-powerful spirit" and had been collecting numbers in an effort to recruit new members. Zhaoyuan is in Shandong Province, a traditional hotbed for religious cults. The region gave birth to the violent anti-Christian Boxer movement that laid siege to Western interests in Beijing and elsewhere during the waning years of the Qing dynasty in 1900. State broadcaster CCTV said religious material had been found at a location linked to the sect but gave no further details. A clerk who answered the phone at Zhaoyuan police headquarters said no one was available to comment on the case. All-powerful spirit, or "Quannengshen" in Chinese, was founded in the northeastern province of Heilongjiang in the early 1990s and later spread to the country’s eastern provinces, the newspaper Southern Metropolis Daily reported. It said the group promoted a philosophy based on a distorted reading of the Christian Bible and had been banned as an "evil cult" by the government in 1995, although that could not be immediately confirmed. Another paper, the Beijing Morning News, said 17 members of the group had been arrested in Beijing in December 2012 for harassing people in a public park with claims that the world was coming to an end. China has struggled at times to control grassroots religious movements based on Christian or Buddhist ideology, most notably the Falungong meditation movement that attracted millions of adherents before being brutally repressed in 1999. The post 6 Arrested in China Killing Blamed on Cult Members appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Thai Forces Descend on Central Bangkok to Stifle Coup Protests Posted: 01 Jun 2014 09:12 PM PDT  Soldiers block the entrance to an elevated train station near a shopping mall in central Bangkok on June 1, 2014. Thailand’s military government sent thousands of troops and police into the area to deter demonstrations against its seizure of power. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — Thailand’s military government deployed thousands of troops and police to stop any protests on Sunday against its seizure of power, with shopping malls and some train stations closing in central Bangkok areas where protesters were expected to congregate. The military took over on May 22 after months of protests that had undermined the government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, forcing ministries to close for weeks on end, hurting business confidence and causing the economy to shrink. Protests against the coup have taken place in Bangkok most days since then although they have been small and brief. On Sunday the authorities anticipated that protesters would gather at several spots in the capital including an area in the center where big malls are located. The military has banned political gatherings of five people or more. Deputy police chief Somyot Poompanmoung told Reuters on Sunday that 5,700 police and soldiers would be sent to these areas and rapid deployment units were ready to stop protests that spring up elsewhere. Some top-end malls around the Ratchaprasong area chose to close or have reduced opening hours, and the operator of the Skytrain overhead rail network has shut several stations in the central area. "It’s a business center and we need to protectively avoid any damage if authorities need to break up a gathering," Somyot said, adding mall owners could also find themselves in trouble with the authorities if protests took place on their premises. On Saturday, as on the two previous days, the authorities effectively closed down the normally busy roads around Victory Monument, which was becoming a focal point for opposition to the coup. The area was flooded with police and troops but no protesters turned up. "Reconciliation" In a televised address late on Friday, army chief and coup leader General Prayuth Chan-ocha said the military would need time to reconcile Thailand’s antagonistic political forces and push through reforms. He outlined a process beginning with three months of "reconciliation." A temporary constitution would be drawn up and an interim prime minister and cabinet chosen in a second phase, taking about a year, he said. An election would come at an unspecified time after that. The United States, European Union countries and others have called for rapid restoration of democracy. At a conference in Singapore on Saturday, US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel urged the Thai armed forces to release detainees, end censorship and "move immediately to restore power to the people of Thailand, through free and fair elections." Australia scaled back relations with the Thai military on Saturday and banned coup leaders from travelling there. At the heart of nearly a decade of political turmoil in Southeast Asia’s second-biggest economy is conflict between the Bangkok-based royalist establishment dominated by the military, old-money families and the bureaucracy, and supporters of former telecommunications mogul Thaksin Shinawatra, who is adored by the poor in the north and northeast. Thaksin, who was ousted as premier in a 2006 coup, is the brother of Yingluck and was considered the real power behind her government. He has chosen to live in exile since fleeing a 2008 conviction for abuse of power. The post Thai Forces Descend on Central Bangkok to Stifle Coup Protests appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
| Hong Kong Holds March to Remember Tiananmen Posted: 01 Jun 2014 09:06 PM PDT  Protesters carry a banner symbolizing the spirit of the pro-democracy movement in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in 1989 during a protest in Hong Kong on June 1, 2014, three days before the 25th anniversary of the military crackdown on the movement. (Photo: Reuters) HONG KONG — Thousands of people marched through downtown Hong Kong on Sunday to remember the bloody crackdown on the Tiananmen Square protests in Beijing, days before the 25th anniversary of the tumultuous event. The demonstrators marched from a large park to Hong Kong government headquarters, while a separate group continued on to the Chinese central government’s liaison office. They renewed their long-standing demand for China’s Communist Party to overturn its official verdict that the protests that ended in bloodshed on the night of June 4, 1989, were a "counterrevolutionary riot." One protester dressed up in a tank costume to evoke the memory of "Tank Man," the unnamed man who was famously photographed standing up to a line of tanks. Twenty-five years later, Beijing still has not given an official account of the crackdown on the protests, which killed hundreds of people, if not more. The topic remains taboo in mainland China. Police said up to 1,900 people took part in Sunday’s march, according to broadcaster RTHK. Organizers said 3,000 people participated. The protest march was a prelude to an annual candlelight vigil that will be held Wednesday to remember the victims. Attendance at the vigil, which usually attracts tens of thousands of people, is expected to be higher than usual because it’s the 25th anniversary. Beijing regained control of Hong Kong from Britain in 1997, but the city was allowed to retain a high degree of autonomy and Western-style civil liberties unseen on the mainland, including freedom of speech. The post Hong Kong Holds March to Remember Tiananmen appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
