Saturday, November 29, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


DVB Roadshow: The magic of Inle Lake

Posted: 29 Nov 2014 02:41 AM PST

This week, the team travels to southern Shan State to take time out on the beautiful Inle Lake.

The team experiences a day in the life of the In-tha, the sons and daughters of the lake.

Join us, as we again take you off the beaten track in Burma.

Then follow us on Facebook at facebook.com/dvb.dpdm or visit the website, dvbdpdm.com

 

The post DVB Roadshow: The magic of Inle Lake appeared first on DVB Multimedia Group.

Thailand losing ASEAN fight for China trade

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 11:46 PM PST

Thailand will lose an estimated US$3.62 billion worth of trade in the Chinese market to Cambodia, Laos, Burma [Myanmar] and Vietnam over the next five years due to their better labour competency and higher manufacturing quality.

“The influx of foreign investors both from ASEAN and beyond ASEAN, such as South Korea and Japan, will help to reinforce the labour capability and manufacturing quality of those countries,” said Aat Pisanwanich, director of the Centre for International Trade Studies at the University of the Thai Chamber of Commerce.

“As a consequence, this will definitely affect existing ASEAN players, particularly Thailand.”

ASEAN members have a 10 percent market share of trade in China valued at $250 billion a year. Among ASEAN, Thailand is now second only to Malaysia in the Chinese market, with a 1.95 percent share.

In 2019, ASEAN’s market share in China is expected to grow to 11 percent, with China’s trade amounting to $2 trillion. During the period, Thailand’s market share is forecast to grow to 1.97 percent, but the nation’s ranking is projected to slip to fourth place, as Indonesia and Vietnam are expected to overtake Thailand in 2019.

According to the latest study on Thailand’s product competitiveness against ASEAN in the China market between 2015 and 2019, Thai products that are expected to become less competitive include rice, fishery products, textiles and apparel, shoes, gems and jewellery, electrical appliances and electronics.

Products with promising prospects are rubber and rubber products, tapioca, fruits and processed food.

ASEAN and China agreed to launch negotiations for an ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) in November 2001.

In the following year, ASEAN and China signed the Framework Agreement on Comprehensive Economic Cooperation, with the intention to strengthen and enhance economic, trade and investment co-operation; progressively liberalise and promote trade in goods and services as well as create a transparent and liberal investment regime; explore new areas and develop appropriate measures for closer economic co-operation; facilitate more effective economic integration of the newer ASEAN member states; and bridge the development gap among parties.

The Agreement on Trade in Goods was signed in 2004 and implemented on 1 July 2005 by ASEAN members and on July 20, 2005 by China. Under this agreement, the six original ASEAN members and China have to eliminate tariffs on 90 percent of their products by 2010, while Cambodia, Laos, Burma and Vietnam have until 2015 to do so.

According to Mr Aat, Thai exporters and authorities need to conduct more in-depth studies of China’s market and its consumers’ demands, tastes and consumption behaviour in each province, set up distribution centres in key cities and maintain the standard of Thai products.

This article was originally published in the Bangkok Post on 26 November 2014.

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Burma’s digital present and future

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 08:49 PM PST

The terrain of Burma's Internet has changed fundamentally within the space of a year. But amidst the commotion over the recent launches of the first international-led private mobile phone networks inside Burma, other significant changes have gone relatively unnoticed.

In the space of a year, the size of Burma's domestic Internet – the number of companies and organisations who are hosting websites inside the country – has tripled. In September 2013, the number of locally hosted websites or "domains" was 300. By September 2014, the number had jumped to 900 and by November it had surpassed 1,000.

From a performance perspective, the rise of local sites is a boon for users inside the country. Locally hosted websites load and open more quickly than websites hosted abroad, as the digital information does not have to cross Burma's notoriously underdeveloped international Internet infrastructure. Moreover, the jump in local domains is indicative of the rise of a small but real and growing Internet economy in Burma, as locally hosted websites need local companies to put ("host") their sites online and programmers to build those sites.

Relatively speaking, the size of Burma's domestic Internet is still tiny but the explosive growth and importantly, who is a part of it, also speaks magnitudes about the changing business landscape in the country.

The growing number of Burmese tech startups, local non-tech companies who are finally going online, and Burmese government offices who are hanging out digital shingles for the first time, are contributing to the rise in sites. But the larger number of locally hosted sites is also a digital reflection of the fact that 2013 and 2014 have set records for Foreign Direct Investment in Burma. And international companies moving into Burma are setting up local web presences.

There is a common but slightly misguided assumption that mobile phone services by themselves are a relatively simple way for an underdeveloped country to leapfrog into a connected future. But, any mobile service or "last mile" technology (eg. wiMax, fiber to the home, etc) is restricted by the state of the underlying telecommunications infrastructure. In Burma's case, new mobile phone users and new towers are connecting to a sparse and decaying fiber network that is already beyond capacity.

Coca–Cola, which re-entered Burma in 2012, has a registered and locally hosted .mm domain name, although their website is not yet operational. Japan's Mizuho Bank, one of nine Foreign banks awarded a preliminary license to open a branch this past September, is in the same boat.

Car manufacturers Mercedez Benz and Mazda have new showrooms in Rangoon and new local online portals. And public facing websites are the not the only ways foreign companies have been registering a digital presence in Burma. The large Japanese mining and construction equipment company Komatsu, which according to reports has been operating in the country since earlier in the year has no website but has a registered .mm email server.

But the domain names that have been registered in the absence of any formal announcements regarding plans to enter Burma may eventually speak the loudest. Noteworthy newcomers include: 7-eleven.com.mm and Foodland.com.mm

When reached for comment, spokespeople for both convenience store giant 7-11 and Foodland, which operates large grocery stores in neighboring Thailand, said they currently had no plans to set up franchises in Burma.

Ooredoo and Telenor launched their new mobile services in August and September respectively.

Just like individuals connect to their Internet Service Providers at home to go online, large telecommunication companies have to connect to their global Internet service providers to link into the worldwide Internet.   The more redundancy one has in fiber infrastructure, the more stable one's Internet will be. Similarly, the more redundancy one has in global service providers, ie. the more diverse providers a company has, the more stable that company's service will be (to a point). Because if one connection to one provider goes down, there are others to rely on.

Telenor currently has four consistent providers. MPT has six, although they are known to oddly change at random intervals. Ooredoo has just one global service provider. On Sunday, connections to 2 of the country's global service providers went down. And one of those was Ooredoo's only connection to the worldwide Internet; the company and customers were left completely in the dark. (The company did not respond to requests for comments on their choice to use only one provider.).

Since Telenor and Ooredoo opened for business, SIM card prices in Burma have plummeted from US$150 to $1.50 and customers have marveled at the ability to call internationally. But many have also complained about occasionally spotty, slow, and at times non-existent Internet and mobile services.

Generally speaking, Ooredoo, which launched first, has had noticeably more problems, problems that sub-contractors in the tower industry say were also inevitable given their choice to start their service with so much unfinished tower construction.

"We have faced operational challenges rolling out the fiber which has resulted in delays, but international fiber connectivity is still critical for our ability to grow our subscriber base and provide good internet connectivity."

There is a common but slightly misguided assumption that mobile phone services by themselves are a relatively simple way for an underdeveloped country to leapfrog into a connected future. But, any mobile service or "last mile" technology (eg. wiMax, fiber to the home, etc) is restricted by the state of the underlying telecommunications infrastructure. In Burma's case, new mobile phone users and new towers are connecting to a sparse and decaying fiber network that is already beyond capacity. (So much so, that since Telenor and Ooredoo went online, Internet Service Providers in Burma have simply stopped offering new fixed-line Internet connections.)

For Telenor and Ooredoo to be able to provide the capacity and redundancy needed for stable service, many across the industry point out that the companies need to be as involved with putting up towers and tower equipment as they are with building more long-haul domestic and international fiber links.

Although Ooredoo has taken a starring role with regards to eye-catching marketing and corporate service responsibility initiatives, the company has also declined to even acknowledge any plans to beef up infrastructure.

Telenor's spokesperson Hanne Knudsen confirmed that Telenor is in the process of building new fiber lines; Knudsen declined, however, to say when they would be ready and where their eventual international connections might go.

For now, she says that Telenor is "leasing capacity from MPT [Myanmar Post and Telecommunications] on their cables to China and Thailand and are buying capacity from the border for the international connectivity." At the borders, Telenor, like Ooredoo and MPT, are paying for bandwidth on terrestrial cables into Thailand and China, as well as on the country's only subsea Internet cable, SEA-ME-WE 3.

Knudsen says, "We have faced operational challenges rolling out the fiber which has resulted in delays, but international fiber connectivity is still critical for our ability to grow our subscriber base and provide good internet connectivity."

Julian Rawle is a consultant in the subsea fiber-optic cable industry who first came to Burma to speak at the Myanmar Connect telecoms conference in 2013. He says, "The mobile operators can see that everyone's going to want to sell them international connectivity, so they want to get their networks up and running, and they'll discretely go out and work out the best way to provide the international connectivity that they're going to need."

And new international connectivity may already on the way.

In March of this year, MPT signed a construction contract to bring a new high-speed undersea cable to Burma. The South East Asia-Middle East-Western Europe 5 or SEA-ME-WE 5 consortium cable is projected to be completed and operational sometime in 2016.

Rawle is no longer just a bystander in what may now be more appropriately referred to as the Burmese telecoms race. He was so entranced by the liberalisation and potential in the telecom market on his visit in 2013 that he returned to the 2014 Myanmar Connect conference with a potentially game-changing proposal.

He is now working with Campana, a Singapore-based Burmese firm, to bring a private subsea Internet cable to Burma. Dubbed the "MYTHIC" Cable, the undersea fiber-optic span would plug Burma into a well-connected region in northwest Malaysia and also include a branch into Thailand for extra redundancy.According to Rawlethey have funding to start a feasibility study and to make their initial down payment on a supply contract in early 2015.

Although in the submarine cable business nothing is considered guaranteed until boats are in the water laying cables, the MYTHIC Cable has started to hit necessary milestones and Rawle projects that it will be operational "sometime in 2016, before SEA-ME-WE 5". And there are whispers in the breeze of another private cable initiative, as well.

Consortium cable systems like SEA-ME-WE 3 or SEA-ME-WE 5 span large distances and connect numerous countries, but private cables can be implemented much more quickly and importantly for Burma, the advent of a competitive non-MPT funded cable could dramatically alter the cost of data in the country.

Currently, the price for bandwidth from Rangoon to the Thai border is more than double the price of bandwidth on the Thai side. As the owner of the only operational fiber network connecting Burma to the international Internet, MPT can charge a premium and does. The introduction of a competitive private cable would drive down bandwidth prices and consumers would feel the difference in their wallets.

Doug Madory who monitors the Internet for Dyn Research (formerly Renesys) says, if I were Myanmar, "I would take the private cable that connected me and run with it as soon as I can get it. If SEA-ME-WE 5 shows up and also offers great stuff, great. But, I think they would want to jump at getting a dedicated connection."

Once up and running, any new international cable will upend the Internet experience in Burma. Because of dramatic advances in the technology of undersea fiber optic cables since Burma's only undersea cable SEA-ME-WE 3 was built in 2000, a new undersea fiber connection will dissolve current constraints on international bandwidth and fundamentally alter the speed of the Internet. Moreover, analysts think that the advent of a new international undersea cable would spur rapid investment and growth in needed domestic infrastructure, much like it did in Africa.

In fact, earlier this month China Unicom reported that it finished building a domestic fiber line from the Chinese border town of Ruili through the large cities into Ngwe Saung; the new fiber-optic cable was built in anticipation of SEA-ME-WE 5, which is expected to land in the ocean town.

And other Internet "saviours" may soon be on the way.

In late October, the government finally issued long-awaited rules and regulations on how to apply for telecom licenses. Edwin Vanderbruggen from the law firm VDB Loi says that the Monday after they were issued, applicants for the new licenses were spilling out of the building in Naypyidaw.

"It was almost comical," he said, but added that it just goes to show how strong the interest is in the telecoms sector. People in line were turning in applications to build fiber optic cables, construct Internet satellites, start new Internet Service Providers, and there were even people "who think they'll get the same kind of license like Telenor and Ooredoo," he said. Competition is just heating up. "It doesn’t stop with Ooredoo and Telenor. There’s much more coming."

The biggest stumbling block to Burma's connected future may now be antiquated and unpredictable financial regulations that are hindering cross-border finance. But almost regardless, Burma's digital future and the race to be a part of are just taking off.

 

Naomi Gingold is a freelance journalist based in Rangoon who frequently writes about technology. You can read more from here at: naomigingold.com

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Nov. 29, 2014)

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 05:00 PM PST

Burma Is Still an 'Extreme Risk' for Business Investment, Survey Says

After all the investment hype showed on Burma in recent years, with the Southeast Asian nation dubbed Asia's last "frontier market," the country has failed to make a top 10 slot in a new survey of the world's best investment prospects.

Instead, the 2015 Growth Opportunities Atlas produced by business risk analysts Maplecroft has listed Burma as an "extreme risk" location for foreign investors.

"Despite advances in encouraging foreign investment, [Burma] remains among the world's most difficult countries in which to establish a business, ahead of countries including Guinea, Somalia, Angola, Congo and Venezuela, all of which are considered 'extreme risk,'" Maplecroft said.

But nine of the top 10 best places to invest next year are in Asia, the British assessors said, and include China, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, South Korea, Hong Kong, Vietnam, Singapore, the Philippines and Indonesia.

"A combination of prudent fiscal and monetary policies, rapid gains in education and digital inclusion and favorable demographics, including higher proportions of working age adults, have provided a solid base for the [top] economies to advance steadily up the global income and value chains," Maplecroft said.

In Asia, only North Korea is also ranked as an extreme risk for business in the survey.

Chinese State Firm to Help 'Strengthen' Burma's Oil & Gas Industry

China National Petroleum Corporation has signed an agreement with Burma on "expanding oil and gas cooperation."

"CNPC and [Burma] will strengthen communication in energy policies, technology, oil and gas projects and trade, in order to seek for more cooperation opportunities to promote the development of [Burma's] oil and gas industry," a report by Oil and Gas Technology magazine said.

"The two sides will deepen cooperation in oil and gas exploration and development, refining, and chemicals, and carry out preliminary studies on natural gas utilization and refinery construction projects."

CNPC is the majority owner of two controversial oil and gas pipelines built through Burma into China's neighboring Yunnan province. The oil line is a conduit for crude oil shipped from the Middle East and Africa to a specially built terminal at Kyaukphyu on Burma's west coast.

Chinese companies were not among the foreign businesses that won licenses earlier this year to develop 20 offshore oil and gas blocks off Burma's coast.

The CNPC cooperation agreement was signed with Naypyidaw's Ministry of Energy.

Major Japanese Banking Group Teams Up With Burma Bank

Resona Holdings of Japan is joining up with Rangoon's Myanmar Apex Bank to provide banking services for Japanese firms operating in Burma, a report said.

Resona is Japan's fourth largest lender with more than 600 retail branches spread among three banks.

Myanmar Apex Bank was established only four years ago and is part of the Eden Group Limited. It has 47 branches in Burma.

"[Resona Holdings] can provide management systems for bank branches, technical skills for operating retail banking business, and other banking services," Mizzima news quoted Resona's president, Kazuhiro Higashi, as saying.

"The collaboration will help to service Japanese companies looking to borrow in the local currency," Mizzima said, quoting a joint statement by the banks.

Burma's Progress to Market Economy in Danger 'If Reforms Slow Down'

Burma's transition from a state-controlled to market-based economy "poses significant risks," a financial study said.

"If reforms lag and financial markets are not liberalized, the government will be handicapped in effectively financing its deficits. Lagged reforms or sustained pressures on [Burma's] current account would lead to faster depreciation of the kyat," said Mantis, a Netherlands economic forecasting company specializing in frontier markets.

"If recent reforms are successful and [foreign direct investment] remains strong, then appreciation of the kyat is possible."

Mantis said more action was needed by the Naypyidaw government to establish market-based monetary and financial systems, which are necessary to "maintain the momentum."

The study forecast that Burma's kyat will follow a gradual depreciation path in line and inflation will remain in the upper single digits.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Nov. 29, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

‘Myanmar Needs to Talk About How to Deal With Its Past’

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 04:00 PM PST

Matthew Bugher is the Global Justice Fellow at Harvard Law School. (Photo courtesy of Matthew Bugher)

Matthew Bugher is the Global Justice Fellow at Harvard Law School. (Photo courtesy of Matthew Bugher)

A report released earlier this month by Harvard University's International Human Rights Clinic lays out damning allegations accusing three senior Burmese generals of war crimes and crimes against humanity.The three men, including current Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Ko Ko, still hold senior positions in Burma's quasi-civilian government, prompting questions from some quarters about President Thein Sein's reformist credentials.

The report is the product of a three-year investigation by the clinic that found sufficient evidence for the issuance of arrest warrants by the International Criminal Court. The clinic's work focused on a Burma Army offensive in eastern Karen State from 2005-08 that displaced more than 40,000 civilians, many of whom were subject to a variety of human rights abuses at the hands of soldiers.

Matthew Bugher, the report's principal author, spoke with The Irrawaddy about the clinic's findings and their implications for transitional justice in Burma, officially known as Myanmar, even as some of the alleged abuses continue to be reported in other conflict theaters.

Question: Why did you release this report, and why did you decide to release it at this time?

Answer: There were a number of reasons, and ultimately we thought that our memo represented a positive contribution to discussions about reform and transition in Myanmar. One of the reasons that we thought this needed to be public was that current commanders need to know that they could also be held to account and that the human rights community is committed to ensuring that we identify perpetrators and ensure that they're held accountable for abuses.

We also believe that there are longstanding military policies and practices that are still being implemented. And we believe that human rights issues are not being discussed enough in conversations about transition in Myanmar and that this transition will be stunted unless it addresses human rights abuses.

And finally, we think that the people of Myanmar need to have a conversation about how to deal with the past. These abuses that we documented are very serious concerns for the Karen population, and people throughout the country have similar concerns. Ultimately we hope that this memo will draw attention to those issues and help facilitate those conversations.

Q: Since the report's release, have you seen signs that those conversations are happening?

A: Sure, there's been a lot of media coverage about the report, and we've seen indications that there are conversations about these things. Sometimes they're very hard conversations and people don't always agree, but we are happy that people are talking about this.

I would also note that the government's response was that both sides of the conflict might have committed human rights abuses. We would go one step further and say both sides have committed human rights abuses, but that acknowledgement by the President's Office is a positive step; that 'yes, human rights abuses are occurring.'

I think we have a fundamentally different perspective on how to approach that fact: We believe that this needs to be talked about openly and that accountability is part of the solution and the government's rhetoric is saying that now is not the time to address these things.

Q: As your report states, 'abuses occurred on both sides of the conflict.' Why did you limit your inquiry to abuses perpetrated by the Burma Army?

A: When we began this investigation, it was a very different context in Myanmar. The Human Rights Clinic had previously published a report called 'Crimes in Burma,' and that was in 2009, which called for the creation of a UN commission of inquiry to look into international crimes that had occurred in Burma. The genesis of this current project was an endeavor to show that you could actually build a criminal case against individual perpetrators. And whereas a run of the mill human rights report would take a bird's eye view of a conflict and look at all the elements, building a criminal case is something different, where you actually try to establish evidence that's related to specific perpetrators. And that's what we're setting out to do.

Q: You've said that because Burma is not party to the Rome Statute, any International Criminal Court case would involve UN Security Council involvement. Can you talk more about that?

A: For a case to go before the International Criminal Court, there's a political process. Because Myanmar is not a party to the Rome Statute, for a case to move forward in relation to Myanmar would require UN Security Council action. And that would include having to get past the veto powers of the permanent members of the Security Council.

We have decided not to get involved in that political conversation. What we're trying to do is give the people of Myanmar and the human rights community the evidence they need to have this conversation. International justice is one way to address the kinds of abuses that we documented, but there are other ways: domestic prosecution, a truth commission, documentation efforts by civil society, removal of perpetrators from office. There's a lot of ways to address these kinds of abuses. International justice is one option and I think it's something that people should be talking about, but we are not going to be the ones to make a statement on which particular path Myanmar should take.

Q: You met Burma's deputy defense minister last week. What was his reaction to the report?

A: First of all, I would say the fact that I was able to have a meeting with the deputy minister, who is an active duty military officer, is a very positive sign. Years ago we wouldn't have been able to get that meeting.

That said, on the particular findings of our memo and our investigation, we didn't come to agreement. He thought that our findings were one-sided and were inaccurate, and so on the specific issues that I raised, including military policies and practices, the specific facts of what happened in 2005 and 2006, and what should happen about accountability, we disagreed on all of those things.

Q: You've called for further investigation into the allegations laid out in the report; was there any indication that the government would consider taking this task upon itself?

A: We have not seen any indication that the government plans to investigate these things. The Myanmar National Human Rights Commission has a mandate that could include looking at these things, and we would encourage them to do that, but we haven't seen any signs that this is going to happen soon. Our recommendation for further investigation is not only to the Myanmar government. We think that there's a role for civil society to play, for ethnic groups to play, for human rights community to play, for the international community. And we're encouraging all parties to begin a conversation about Myanmar's past and about accountability for ongoing abuses.

Q: Aung San Suu Kyi has herself said that she is not interested in pursuing legal action against members of the former junta. How do you explain your clinic's divergence with her on this issue?

A: We understand that there are opinions, including Suu Kyi's opinion, that now is not the time to take legal action against individuals who perpetrated crimes in the past. And we think that's an opinion that needs to be heard. What we're concerned about is that that's the dominant opinion being heard, at the expense of voices of a lot of other people who have different opinions.

I've spoken with more than 100 individuals who've had their lives destroyed or [have been] displaced by military conflict, and that's a drop in the bucket. There are thousands of communities like the one that we've worked in and millions of people who've had their lives disrupted by armed conflict. Their opinions are much different than Suu Kyi's, and I believe that their opinions are not being heard enough right now.

Q: These three men presumably are not the only government leaders who could be tried for the crimes you allege. Do you think there is a fear that any prosecution of these men could open a kind of Pandora's Box, setting a precedent that people still in power don't want?

A: I don't know whether that fear exists or not, I haven't spoken to people that would be in a place to tell me whether they're fearful or not. What we do say is that there needs to be wider investigation. These three individuals are not the only ones that could be held accountable for similar things.

Q: Have you been in contact with groups in Kachin and northern Shan states about government offensives over the last few years there? Is a similar pattern playing out against those populations?

A: To be clear, the clinic has not investigated military conduct in the northern part of the country. But we're very closely reviewing reports that are coming out of that area and speaking with people who have done research in those areas, and we're concerned about the reports of attacks on villages, opening fire on villagers as they flee, torture, sexual violence, the use of civilians as human shields and forced labor. The patterns of violence and human rights abuses that we're seeing in Kachin State and Shan State are strikingly similar to the abuses that we documented in the eastern part of the country in 2005 and 2006.

Q: What are some of the risks associated with this report's release?

A: Certainly there are those who are saying now is not the time to be presenting information like this, but we believe that this memo and other human rights reporting are the kinds of things that will help drive forward reform. I think those who are saying that this is a risky endeavor, those concerns are overblown. What we're trying to do is support reform efforts.

The post 'Myanmar Needs to Talk About How to Deal With Its Past' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Bhopal’s Toxic Legacy Lives On, 30 Years After Industrial Disaster

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 03:45 PM PST

A victim of the Bhopal gas tragedy, a gas leak from a Union Carbide pesticide plant that killed at least 3,500 people, attends a sit-in protest in New Delhi November 10, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

A victim of the Bhopal gas tragedy, a gas leak from a Union Carbide pesticide plant that killed at least 3,500 people, attends a sit-in protest in New Delhi November 10, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

BHOPAL / NEW DELHI, India — Beyond the iron gates of the derelict pesticide plant where one of the world's worst industrial disasters occurred, administrative buildings lie in ruins, vegetation overgrown and warehouses bolted.

Massive vessels, interconnected by a multitude of corroded pipes that once carried chemical slurries, have rusted beyond repair. In the dusty control room, a soiled sticker on a wall panel reads "Safety is everyone's business."

On the night of Dec. 2, 1984, the factory owned by the US multinational Union Carbide Corp accidentally leaked cyanide gas into the air, killing thousands of largely poor Indians in the central city of Bhopal.

Thirty years later, the toxic legacy of this factory lives on, say human rights groups, as thousands of tonnes of hazardous waste remains buried underground, slowly poisoning the drinking water of more than 50,000 people and affecting their health.

Activists want this waste removed and disposed of away from the area, and feel Indian authorities, who now own the site, have fumbled on taking action—either by clearing up the waste itself or in pursuing Union Carbide to take responsibility.

"There is a very high prevalence of anemia, delayed menarche in girls and painful skin conditions. But what is most pronounced is the number of children with birth defects," said activist Satinath Sarangi from the Bhopal Medical Appeal which runs a clinic for gas victims.

"Children are born with conditions such as twisted limbs, brain damage, musculoskeletal disorders… this is what we see in every fourth or fifth household in these communities."

Sarangi admits there has been no long-term epidemiological research which conclusively proves that birth defects are directly related to the drinking of the contaminated water.

Toxic Water

Built in 1969, the Union Carbide plant in Madhya Pradesh state was seen as a symbol of a new industrialized India, generating thousands of jobs for the poor and, at the same time, manufacturing cheap pesticides for millions of farmers.

Fifteen years later, 40 tonnes of Methyl Isocyanate gas was released and carried by the wind to the surrounding densely populated area, and the extent of the disaster remains unclear and under debate.

The government recorded 5,295 deaths, but activists claim 25,000 people died in the aftermath and following years.

Another 100,000 people who were exposed to the gas continue to suffer today with sicknesses such as cancer, blindness, respiratory problems, immune and neurological disorders. Some children born to survivors have mental or physical disabilities.

While those directly affected receive free medical health care, activists say authorities have failed to support those sick from drinking the contaminated water and a second generation of children born with birth defects.

In a rehabilitation centre run by the charity Chingari Trust, located 500 meters from the factory site, disabled children aged between 6 months and 12 years gather for treatment which ranges from speech and hearing issues to physiotherapy.

"Our life changed emotionally and physically since we got to know about his medical problem when he was just 4 months old," said 26-year-old Sufia, sitting on a mat on the floor, cradling her two-year-old son Mustafa who has cerebral palsy.

"We had to stop the therapy when he was 8-months-old as it was very expensive. My husband is an electrician and doesn't earn much. With the center it is good as it's free. It's also good to meet other mothers with their children and realize that I am not alone."

Call For Clean-Up

The government was forced to recognize that the water was contaminated in 2012 when the Supreme Court ordered that clean drinking water be supplied to some 22 communities living around the factory site.

"I don't think there is any doubt now that the waste dumped by Union Carbide is a serious problem and that it needs to be dealt with urgently," said Sunita Narain, director of the Delhi-based think-tank Center for Science and Environment.

Studies by Narain's organization in 2009 found samples taken from around the factory site contained chlorinated benzene compounds and organochlorine pesticides 561 times the national standard.

The profile of the chemicals found in samples from within the site matched the chemicals in drinking water in the outside colonies, said the report, leaving no doubt that there could be no other source of these toxins than Union Carbide.

Studies since have confirmed water pollution, but the hazardous waste remains in pits in some 21 locations within the 68-acre site and buried in a wasteland outside, largely due to wrangles between authorities and activists on its disposal.

The United Nations this week welcomed a government decision to reconsider the official figure of people affected by the gas leak, and look into additional compensation, but pressed authorities to get rid of the toxic waste.

"New victims of the Bhopal disaster are born every day, and suffer life-long from adverse health impacts," said Baskut Tuncak, UN Special Rapporteur on human rights and toxic waste.

"Without cleaning the contamination, the number of victims of the toxic legacy left by Union Carbide will continue to grow, and, together, India's financial liability to a rising number of victims," he added in a statement.

Activists want Union Carbide, which was taken over by Dow Chemical Company in 2001, to take the waste out of the country, saying there are no adequate facilities in India to deal with it. They have also criticized state authorities for not pursuing the corporation for the clean-up. State government officials were not immediately available for comment.

Seventeen people living around the plant have filed a petition in the US courts to get the multinational to bear the cost of the clean-up.

Dow Chemical Co. has long denied responsibility, saying Union Carbide spent US$2 million on remediating the site, adding that Indian authorities at the time approved, monitored and directed every step of the clean-up work.

Union Carbide was sued by the Indian government after the disaster and agreed to pay an out-of-court settlement of $470 million in damages in 1989. The company says the Indian government then took control of the site in 1998, assuming all accountability, including clean-up activities.

"While Union Carbide continues to have the utmost respect and sympathy for the victims, we find that many of the issues being discussed today have already been resolved and responsibilities assigned for those that remain," Tomm F. Sprick, Director of Union Carbide Information Center, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation in an email.

The post Bhopal's Toxic Legacy Lives On, 30 Years After Industrial Disaster appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Friday, November 28, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


DVB Bulletin: 28 November 2014

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 04:24 AM PST

On tonight's bulletin:

  • Suu Kyi responds after talks fail to come about
  • UK Foreign Office urged to revisit Burma sanctions
  • Amnesty International sound the alarm on Latpadaung
  • Kachin CSOs at odds with state govt over Manaw celebrations

You can watch DVB Bulletin every weeknight on DVB TV after the 7 o'clock news.

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88 Gen leader Hla Myo Naung, passes away, aged 47

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 03:42 AM PST

Prominent pro-democracy activist and 88 Generation Peace and Open Society (88GPOS) member Hla Myo Naung passed away on the morning of 28 November at Thingangyun Hospital in Rangoon.

Hla Myo Naung, 47, died the day after he was admitted to the hospital with a severe liver condition.

Fellow activist and 88GPOS member Min Zayar said Hla Myo Naung had been chronically ill but his sudden death came unexpectedly.

"The main cause of Hla Myo Naing's death was cirrhosis of the liver but he was also suffering from various other illnesses and it was already too late by the time he arrived at the hospital," he said.

"He came to my house about a week before he was admitted to the hospital. We expected he would need to undergo long-term treatment. But now he's gone."

Hla Myo Naung was born in the town of Kyaukpadaung near Mandalay. He studied law at Rangoon University and participated in the 1988 student demonstrations, after which the activist was sentenced to five years in prison by the military regime which took power in 1989.

After being released from prison, Hla Myo Naung and other 88 Generation student leaders were sentenced to 65 years' imprisonment for participating in demonstrations against the fuel price hikes, which preceded the so-called "Saffron Revolution" in 2007.

"Hla Myo Naung was a student leader who worked hand in hand with us since the student protests in March 1988. He was a longtime participant in the fight for democracy and the eradication of Burma's military dictatorship. We will always remember Hla Myo Naung for his self-sacrifice and hard work," said Min Zayar.

In an interview with DVB, 88GPOS leader Mya Aye said, "Hla Myo Naung was with us since we were jailed in 1989, and together we made it through those difficult years."

"Back then, his family was wealthy, but by the time he passed away Hla Myo Naung had no possessions whatsoever aside from his legacy as a self-sacrificing leader. I will always remember and respect him as a close friend, as well as a comrade."

Hla Myo Naung's funeral will be held on 30 November at the Yeway Cemetery in Rangoon.

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Suu Kyi reiterates call for dialogue after sexpartite talks flounder

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 03:34 AM PST

Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi continued to call for dialogue between herself, the government and other major political players despite the abrupt cancellation of a scheduled meeting on constitutional reform set for Friday in Naypyidaw.

Speaking at a press conference, she said, "We want to address the concerns of those who insist there is no need to amend the Constitution. That is why we proposed the sexpartite talks. We want to identify their concerns and ask which articles they do not wish to amend.

"We aim to exchange points of view to clarify these concerns, and find common ground where we can reach a mutual agreement. That's why we believe dialogue is necessary."

The National League for Democracy chairperson also told reporters: "As for dialogue, the quicker it happens, the better it will be for the people. The slower [the process takes], the more people will suffer. I cannot comprehend at all why the government does not want to engage in dialogue, because a dialogue is not a competition for victory over one another."

She added that one should not enter into dialogue as a way of winning, but to do what is best for the country.

The cancelled meeting was scheduled to bring together Suu Kyi, President Thein Sein, military Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, house speakers Shwe Mann and Khin Aung Myint, and Arakanese politician Aye Maung as a representative of ethnic political parties.

On Thursday, Burma's Information minister Ye Htut appeared to signal the government's unwillingness to sit for negotiations on the Constitution with Suu Kyi, deeming the proposed six-way talks "impractical", according to a reported interview with Radio Free Asia (RFA).

"From our point of view, I don't think it [constitutional dialogue] can happen at this time as there are significant differences in our ways of approach," he was reported saying on RFA Burmese. "The standpoint of our approach is institution-wise and the approach considered by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the parliament is based on individuals. And at the meeting yesterday, it was said that it would be impossible to appoint just one representative for all ethnic parties because Burma has such a diverse range of ethnicities, and that the appointment should not be made by parliament but by the ethnic parties themselves. So based upon these points, we think the idea of the sexpartite dialogue is not quite close to reality."

 

 

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BUSINESS WEEKLY 28 NOVEMBER 2014

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 02:23 AM PST

 

Ups and downs

The Burmese kyat was selling on Friday at 1037 to the US dollar, while buying at 1025. The price of gold stands at 660,000 kyat per tical. Fuel prices remain constant: petrol 820 kyat; diesel 950 kyat; octane 950 kyat per litre.

 

Foreign investors invited to consider SEZ projects

International investors have been invited by the Myanmar Investment Commission to signal their interest in three of Burma's upcoming special economic Zones: Thilawa, Dawei  and Kyaukphyu. At the 11th ASEAN Summit on 12 November, the secretary of the MIC , Aung Naing Oo, extended the offer to the foreign delegations present and stated that the first priority for investors should be labour-intensive industries, followed by value-added and hi-tech sectors.

 

Garuda Airlines and MAI sign code-sharing agreement

Indonesia's Garuda Airlines signed a code-sharing agreement with Myanmar Airways International (MAI) on 25 November as part of efforts to boost economic ties between Burma and Indonesia. The deal takes effect in December 2014 and will connect passengers to and from Rangoon and Jakarta via Bangkok and Singapore airports. Around 55,000 people have travelled between Burma and Indonesia for business and sight-seeing, said Sithu, the managing director of MAI.

 

China Burma sign US$ 7.5 billion deal

China signed a US$ 7.8 billion investment deal with Burma during Premier Li Keqiang's visit to Naypyidaw during the recent ASEAN summit. With a major portion of the investment focusing on the energy sector, the deals also extended to include the agriculture, telecommunications and infrastructure sectors. Chinese investment in Burma stood at $14 billion out of a total $50 billion foreign investment.

 

Foreign residency applications considered

Burma's Ministry of Immigration and Population has indicated that a permanent residency system for foreigners will be launched in the first week of December. It will reportedly enable foreigners to apply to stay in Burma for five years with possibilities for extensions.

 

Military firm enters telecoms market

Burmese military-owned Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) plans to become a telecommunications operator in the near future, according to Minister for Communications and Information Technology Myat Hein. MEC will be the fourth operator in Burma alongside government-run Myanmar Post and Telecommunications, Norway's Telenor and Qatar-based Ooredoo. Myat Hein pledged that all operators will be allowed to compete freely compete in the marketplace. MEC currently sells pre-paid cards for MPT under the brand MECTel.

 

Japan, Thailand 'hesitating' on Dawei

Speaking in Burma's lower house of parliament on Wednesday, Minister for National Planning and Economic Development Kan Zaw announced that Japan and Thailand – assumed to be the prime investors in the Dawei deep-sea port project in Tenasserim – are hesitating.

Read more

 

Latpadaung mine 'must be halted' pending EIA, says Amnesty

Marking two years since Buddhist monks and activists were brutally attacked by riot police at the Latpadaung copper mine site, Amnesty International (AI) has issued a press release highlighting ongoing problems associated with the project. Amnesty said the mine is likely to causes further human rights abuses and is calling for the project to be halted until a proper environmental and social impact assessment (ESIA) is carried out.

Read more

 

Rice price volatility in Burma must be addressed, says World Bank

The price of rice in Burma has increased by 41 percent between 2009 and 2013, a rate much higher than neighbouring competitors Thailand and Cambodia. This has led to a decrease in Burmese rice exports and food security at home, according to a recent report by the World Bank.

Read more

 

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Latpadaung mine ‘must be halted’ pending EIA, says Amnesty

Posted: 27 Nov 2014 11:59 PM PST

Marking two years since Buddhist monks and activists were brutally attacked by riot police at the Latpadaung copper mine site, Amnesty International (AI) has issued a press release highlighting ongoing problems associated with the project.

Amnesty said the mine is likely to causes further human rights abuses and is calling for the project to be halted until a proper environmental and social impact assessment (ESIA) is carried out.

AI's director of global issues, Audrey Gaughran, said the ESIA commissioned by the local subsidiary of China's Wanbao Mining Ltd has "critical gaps", particularly relating to environmental issues.

"The construction of the Latpadaung mine must be halted immediately until a thorough environmental and social impact assessment has been carried out, which genuinely consults all the people affected," she said.

AI said the initial ESIA ignores local concerns about the existing Sabetaung and Kyisintaung copper mines nearby, which are operated by other Wanbao subsidiaries, as well as the nearby Moe Gyo Sulphuric Acid Factory which supplies acid to the mine. The acid factory is owned by the Burmese military's business entity, the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (UMEHL).

"More than 25,000 people live in 26 villages in the 5km distance between the two mines, with the sulphuric acid factory also in close proximity. People who may be affected by pollution need more information on how cumulative risks from all three projects will be managed," said Gaughran.

The AI statement also emphasised that the project is proceeding without resolving several important environmental and human rights concerns. In particular, nobody has been held accountable for the abuses committed by Burmese riot police officers who forcibly dispersed a peaceful protest against the Latpadaung copper mine—allegedly using, among other weapons, white phosphorous.

In addition, Amnesty said that thousands of farmers who refuse to leave their homes remain under threat of forced eviction because their lands were acquired for the mine in a flawed process characterised by misinformation.

According to the press statement, government authorities misled villagers by indicating that their compensation was being provided in respect to damage to their crops, but in reality the authorities intended to provide compensation as a pretext for acquiring their land.

On account of such misinformation and other issues, protests in the region continue regularly as hundreds of families resist forced evictions to make room for the mine, which is situated near Monywa in central Burma's Sagaing Region.

Four villages made up of 441 households are supposed to be relocated for the project. Among these households, Amnesty says, 245 have been moved to resettlement sites, but the remaining 196 refuse to leave their homes. In addition, land from 26 other villages—most of which is farmland—has been acquired for the project.

AI's Gaughran has called on Burmese authorities to engage in meaningful consultations with communities that have been affected by the project or will be in the future.

"The authorities should urgently set up a genuine consultation with the affected villages on the land acquisition and proposed evictions. They must guarantee that no one will be forcibly evicted," she said.

As to the injuries sustained by 99 monks and nine other protesters during the crackdown on 29 November 2012, the Amnesty statement said many individuals suffered "extremely painful burns" and that "some have been left with lifelong injuries and scarring."

In this regard, Gaughran said, "Two years after this brutal attack, it is completely unacceptable that the scores of people injured while protesting are still waiting for justice and reparations. White phosphorus munitions should never be used by the police – the use of such weapons against peaceful protesters is a flagrant violation of international law.

No police officer or official who was involved in the attack has been investigated, prosecuted or sanctioned, while the government has failed to provide victims with effective remedies and adequate reparation."

AI issued the statement ahead of the two-year anniversary of the violent crackdown, and the NGO said it currently investigating past and current human rights issues relating to: the Latpadaung mine; the Sabetaung and Kyisintaung mines; and the Moe Gyo Sulphuric Acid Factory. Amnesty said it will present its findings in a report due to be released in early 2015.

The Latpadaung copper mine is a joint venture between UMEH and Wanbao Mining's Burmese subsidiary. According to the project's production sharing agreement, the joint venture partners will retain 49 percent of the profits, while the remaining 51 percent will be given to the Burmese government.

A commission led by Aung San Suu Kyi to investigate the impact of the mine as well as the crackdown recommended that an environmental and social impact assessment be carried out. The resulting ESIA stated that members of the four communities to be relocated are "potentially highly impacted" and acknowledges the process could "threaten their ability to survive".

Key to the ESIA proposed mitigation plan is the market-value compensation for land lost to the project. This follows the previous earmarking of funds for regional development projects, which have had some success in the supply of electricity and potable water.

However, local residents have refused to accept compensation en masse, as continual protests calling for the complete abandonment of the mining project have been staged.

The website of Wanbao's local subsidiary says: "Being responsible for shareholders, employees, clients and the society, Wanbao Mining adheres to the corporate culture of 'human-orientation, collaboration and win-win; enterprising and innovation, pursuing excellence' in order to make contribution for the construction of harmonious society."

Although China's current president, Xi Jinping, has championed the "Chinese Dream" slogan, the Latpadaung project was launched under China's former president, Hu Jintao, whose catch phrase encouraged China to build a "harmonious society."

The "history" section of the subsidiary's website concludes by saying: "We should not forget that the core of sustainable development is human development and progress. By improving the quality of life, by using local and natural resources and by promoting a healthy environment, we will succeed in preserving the Earth's life-support systems for present and future generations."

In March 2014, an article published by Eleven Daily News said that another ESIA compiled by Knight Piésold Consulting found that "acid and metals generation arising from waste rock have posed extremely high environmental risk to surface and groundwater."

Eleven Daily News also quoted an article written by scientist Nyo Hmainn Wai in the Myanmar Environmental & Economic Review which warned about the potential dangers posed by the Latpadaung project. In the article, Nyo Hmainn Wai said the area might become "an open pit with toxic water that could cause serious environmental damage if the acidic water produced by the copper mine flows into the Ayeyawady [Irrawaddy] River."

 

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Mandalay students, profs parlay after Education Bill protest

Posted: 27 Nov 2014 11:43 PM PST

A delegation of student activists met with university professors at the Masoyein Monastery in Mandalay a day after the All-Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) led a public demonstration in the city denouncing the National Education Law.

At a press conference after Friday's closed-door meeting, the students said they had engaged only in informal talks and did not discuss the controversial bill, which was passed on 30 September by President Thein Sein despite widespread objections from student and teaching bodies.

The bill provides for the creation of a National Education Commission, which civil society organisations such as the National Network for Education Reform believe will keep the education sector under tight government control.

On Thursday morning, students and activists marched through the streets of downtown Mandalay from Eaindawyar Pagoda to City Hall carrying placards and shouting slogans.

Several of the chants harkened back to student protests held during the colonial era, such as "Victory to the revolution!" and "Thabeik Thabeik Hmauk Hmauk" (Alms bowl, Alms bowls, turn them over!),a slogan that has been generally used to call for strikes in Burma ever since.

The ABFSU issued a 60-day deadline for the government to negotiate with the students and revise the bill, and vowed to step up protests if their demands are not met.

"Student unions have objected to the National Education Law ever since it was at the drafting stage," said Swe Linn Tun, the ABFSU's Mandalay district chair. "This law centralises control with the government, offers no guarantee for freedom of education, and does not include provisions to allow for the forming of student unions."

The protest was joined by members of student unions and youth groups from the city of Taungoo in Pegu Division; Monywa and Kanbalu in Sagaing Region; Mandalay Division's Kyaukse and Myingyan; and eastern Rangoon.

Similar protests took place in Monywa and Myingyan earlier this week.

Local police in Mandalay attempted to stop the protest on Thursday as students began marching out of Eaindawyar Pagoda on grounds that the organisers did not have official permission to stage a public protest under the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Law.

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2014 ceasefire ‘impossible’, says ethnic leader

Posted: 27 Nov 2014 07:06 PM PST

Representing the Burmese government, representatives from the Myanmar Peace Centre (MPC) sat down with the ethnic armed groups' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) in Chiang Mai on Thursday to continue discussions about the peace process; however any talk of a ceasefire was overshadowed by the recent shelling of a Kachin training camp by the Burmese army, which left 23 cadets dead and 20 injured.

NCCT Vice-chairman Nai Hongsa said it would now be "completely impossible" to sign a nationwide ceasefire agreement by the end of this year following the Burmese army's deadly assault on the boot camp which was located near Laiza, headquarters of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA).

He said the killing has effectively brought negotiations to a standstill.

Nai Hongsa said Thursday's meeting in northern Thailand focused on mending the growing level of distrust between the ethnic armed groups and the government.

"The level of trust has plummeted to a new low," said the NCCT vice-chairman. "Now we must focus on mending the relationship to keep negotiations from breaking down completely."

The Chiang Mai round of talks was attended by the MPC's Min Zaw Oo and Hla Maung Shwe, while the KIA's Vice chief-of-staff Gen Gun Maw Sumlat and the New Mon State Party leader Nai Hongsa headed the 16-member ethnic team.

Although the training camp was run by the KIA, the 23 young cadets who were killed on 19 November were not Kachins, but members of other affiliated militias. Eleven were from the Palaung State Liberation Front, eight from the Arakan Army, two from the Chin National Front, and two from the All Burma Students Democratic Front.

The Burmese military has claimed that the artillery shell that killed the cadets was a warning shot which inadvertently hit the camp.

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Walking the Walk

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 04:47 AM PST

Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, left, shakes hands with commander in chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, at 14-party talks in Naypyidaw on Oct. 31, 2014. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, left, shakes hands with commander in chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, at 14-party talks in Naypyidaw on Oct. 31, 2014. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Burma seriously needs talks, but talking for talking's sake is not enough. These must be substantive discussions that will eventually lead to solutions to the country's many problems, bringing about benefits for its diverse peoples.

These days, many Burmese people are convinced that a dialogue is, now more than ever, essential to resolve longstanding grievances over the country's undemocratic Constitution. But the current stage of the constitutional amendment process is far from where we need to be. We are still talking about having talks.

On Tuesday, Parliament unanimously endorsed six-party talks—to involve President Thein Sein, the speakers of both Houses of Parliament, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, military commander in chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and an ethnic representative—to address amending the 2008 Constitution, which was drafted by the former military regime. It was the first time ever that Burma's Parliament has endorsed such talks.

More interestingly, the proposal was submitted by a parliamentarian from the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Lawmakers seemed to endorse the meeting in hopes that it might help thaw Burma's currently frozen constitutional discussions, which have hit a snag after military representatives in Parliament came out against any change to the charter.

The opposition and ethnic groups have not objected to the idea. Suu Kyi herself told reporters outside Parliament on Tuesday: "I do not oppose this proposal. This shows that the Parliament agrees that high-level leaders should have these discussions, and I consider this an improvement."

On Thursday, Parliament moved quickly to choose an ethnic representative, voting for Arakanese lawmaker Aye Maung to represent them at the proposed sexpartite meeting.

But the idea appears to have been met with the cold shoulder from Thein Sein. Presidential spokesman Ye Htut told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that a six-party discussion would be "not pragmatic" and was unlikely to happen.

The military seems to be of the same mind. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing recently told Voice of America that four-party talks earlier proposed by Suu Kyi would be "narrow." Suu Kyi's sought-after four-party talks would involve Thein Sein, Union House Speaker Shwe Mann, the military chief Min Aung Hlaing and herself.

In a separate VOA interview, the president matched the senior general's sentiment: "Discussion is the right way, but only four of us is not inclusive enough," he told the broadcaster in comments made before Parliament's endorsement of six-party talks.

The president and the military chief are believed to want to stick to the format of a 14-party roundtable meeting held in late October.

Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of
the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at kyawzwa@irrawaddy.org.

Unfortunately, that meeting didn't result in any progress on the pressing issues that the country faces. Many critics said the meeting was held as a political ploy, just prior to US President Barack Obama's visit to Burma in mid-November. Fourteen representatives from government, political parties and the military sat down in Naypyidaw, with participants including Thein Sein, Min Aung Hlaing, Shwe Mann and the opposition leader Suu Kyi.

The latest developments in Burma's dynamic political arena appear to be splitting the country's leaders into two camps. On one side, there are those in support of a six-party dialogue: parliamentary members from both Suu Kyi's opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) and the ruling USDP, and Burma's ethnic political parties. Many of the country's most prominent voices outside Parliament, such as 88 Generation leaders, are also throwing their support behind a sexpartite outcome.

On the other side: Thein Sein and the military establishment.

Why is the president and military averse to sitting down with the four other representatives proposed by Parliament? They seem to think a larger dialogue bringing more voices—and potentially conflicting views—to the table will increase the likelihood that the political status quo prevails through the 2015 election. That status quo affords military representatives in Parliament a veto over most amendments to the charter, including the provision barring Suu Kyi from the presidency.

A genuine dialogue is crucial not only to discuss amending the Constitution, but also to address Burma's various other problems, including a peace process with the country's ethnic minority groups that is foundering.

Since Thein Sein took office in March 2011, the president and Suu Kyi have held bilateral meetings six times, though if those sit-downs included substantive discussions on issues like constitutional change, there's little to show for it today.

And while talking about constitutional talks is progress when you consider where the country was three years ago, it's high time that those doing the talking move on to the arduous work of negotiation and compromise. Instead of talking the talk, it's time to walk the walk.

A Timeline of Suu Kyi's Many Meetings
1989 — Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi tries in vain to meet with then Snr-Gen Saw Maung in the aftermath of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising.

Sept. 20, 1994 —Suu Kyi meets the chairman of State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), Gen. Than Shwe, and Secretary One, Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, at a governmental guesthouse. The meeting is the result of mediation by Dr. Rewata Dhamma, a Burmese Buddhist monk living in the United Kingdom.

Oct. 28, 1994 — A second meeting between SLORC representatives—Khin Nyunt, Armed Forces Judge-Advocate Brig-Gen Than Oo and Armed Forces Inspector-General Brig-Gen Tin Aye—and Suu Kyi takes place at a governmental guesthouse.

2000 — Suu Kyi meets then Sen-Gen Than Shwe. Details of the exact time and venue are unknown.

January 2002 — Suu Kyi meets Than Shwe. Following the meeting, the junta steps up the release of political prisoners and her National League for Democracy (NLD) party is allowed to reopen 35 of its branches in Rangoon.

October 2007 — Suu Kyi meets then Information Minister Aung Kyi, who was appointed by Burma's military junta as a liaison to hold talks with Suu Kyi. He meets with the opposition leader at least three times over the next four years.

Aug. 19, 2011 — Aung San Suu Kyi meets President Thein Sein for the first time in Naypyidaw. The meeting lasts nearly an hour and is "significant," a government official says. The meeting is believed to have paved the way for the NLD to rejoin electoral politics and collaborate in promoting political reconciliation.

April 12, 2012 — Suu Kyi meets Thein Sein again ahead of her historic entry into Parliament. NLD spokesman Nyan Win says that during the talks in the capital, Naypyidaw, the two discussed democratization and the peace process with ethnic rebels, as well as parliamentary affairs.

Aug. 12, 2012 — Suu Kyi holds her first talks with Thein Sein since becoming a member of Parliament. The Burmese opposition leader and Thein Sein discuss a wide range of issues but details of the two-hour meeting are confidential, according to Col. Zaw Htay, director of the President's Office. The talks take place in the capital, Naypyidaw.

In September, Thein Sein says in an interview with BBC that he could accept a Suu Kyi presidency.

Sept. 25, 2012 — Suu Kyi and Thein Sein meet in New York. On Sept. 16, Suu Kyi began a 17-day visit to Washington, New York, Kentucky and the West Coast. Thein Sein arrived in New York on Sept. 25 for the UN General Assembly.

Aug. 31, 2013 — Thein Sein and Suu Kyi meet in Naypyidaw and exchange views on the state of the country's political affairs.

March 9, 2014 — Suu Kyi meets Thein Sein, their fourth sit-down since their historic first meeting in 2011. During the meeting, the two leaders may have discussed a four-party meeting that Suu Kyi had proposed to the president in November. The opposition leader has called for talks to be held involving herself, Thein Sein, the powerful Lower House Speaker Shwe Mann and the Burmese military's commander in chief, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, to discuss amendments to Burma's Constitution.

Oct. 31, 2014 — The first-ever high-level roundtable meeting is held in Naypyidaw with 14 participants in attendance: Thein Sein; Min Aung Hlaing; Suu Kyi; Deputy Commander-in-Chief Soe Win; Shwe Mann; Upper House Speaker Khin Aung Myint; Union Election Commission chairman Tin Aye; vice presidents Nyan Tun and Sai Mauk Kham; USDP Vice Chairman Htay Oo; National Unity Party representative Thein Tun; Nationalities Brotherhood Federation leader Sai Aik Pao; Federal Democratic Alliance leader Khin Maung Swe; and United Nationalities Alliance leader Khun Htun Oo. The meeting yields little against high expectations from political parties and the general public.

Research by Thet Ko Ko and Wei Yan Aung.

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Questions Surround 4th Telecom License, After Military Firm Name Emerges

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 04:35 AM PST

Workers construct a mobile phone antenna in Irrawaddy Division in early November. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Workers construct a mobile phone antenna in Irrawaddy Division in early November. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A Ministry of Communications and Information Technology official has denied a report that a military-owned conglomerate has been selected to become Burma's fourth telecom operator, after a state-owned newspaper this week announced that the conglomerate was awarded a mobile phone license.

The Mirror, a Burmese-language government mouthpiece, mentioned in an article on Thursday that in the telecom sector "there will be four operators; with Ooredoo, Telenor and MPT currently operating, and the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) soon becoming the fourth operator."

The paper ran a correction the next day denying that MEC had been awarded a telecom license.

Myo Swe, chief engineer of Myanmar Post and Telecommunications (MPT), a majority state-owned firm under the ministry, told The Irrawaddy that the paper had make a mistake. "The minister has not said it will be MEC; we asked the newspaper to correct it," he said, adding, "The fourth operator has not yet been chosen.

"The only sure thing is that we will not invite foreign companies again, since there are already two foreign operators. So we are going to choose a local operator," he said.

The government has previously said it would open up Burma's underdeveloped telecom sector to two foreign and two local firms. It remains unclear which local company will become the fourth telecom operator.

Minister of Communications and Information Technology Myat Hein was quoted in state media on Wednesday as saying, "The next local operator will soon be made public."

Burma's telecom sector is rapidly growing and according to government figures, the number of mobile phone users jumped from 1.6 million in March 2011 to 11.6 million in September this year, with MPT dominating the market.

In the past months, Myawaddy TV, which is owned by the military, ran advertisements saying MEC would soon sell SIM cards for mobile phones.

MEC is one of two sprawling business conglomerates owned by the Burma Army, which also owns the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings (UMEHL). The military, which ruled Burma with an iron fist for decades, has historically dominated lucrative and strategic industries in order to strengthen its capacity, finances and hold on the country.

According to some telecom sector experts, either MEC or Yatanarpon Teleport will be awarded the fourth telecom license.

"I heard that MEC and Yatanarpon Teleport are potential winners for local telecom operator license, but we still don't know exactly who will be the winner," said Lwin Naing Oo, the managing director of Shwe Pyi Takon, Telecommunication Company, a local private telecom firm in Rangoon.

"We can't compete with them [for the license] as they are giants," said Lwin Naing Oo, whose firm gained public attention when it announced two years ago that it planned to launch 5,000 kyat ($5) SIM cards by 2013.

Ye Myat Thu, an IT technician and an executive member of the Mandalay Computer Federation, said he had heard that Yatanarpon Teleport was awarded the fourth telecom license. "As far as I know Yatanarpon Teleport already got license, but now they are still [only] working as an internet service provider," he said.

Myo Swe, of MPT, said Yatanarpon Teleport planned to become a public company and launch mobile services, adding, "But they have still not launched as a public company so it's unclear whether they will become a local telecom operator, or not."

Yatanarpon Teleport and MEC could not be reached for comment.

Burma's telecom sector was exclusively controlled by MPT until August when Qatar's Ooredoo and Norway's Telenor launched the first foreign-owned mobile services. MPT is a local operator and has announced it will be working with Japan's KDDI Corporation and Sumitomo Corporation to improve its service and compete with foreign firms. KDDI and Sumitomo said they would invest $2 billion in their cooperation with MPT.

Yatanarpon Teleport, another majority state-owned telecom firm, currently provides internet services, but no mobile phone services. In April, local media reported that it was in discussions with four foreign companies to set up a joint venture that would provide mobile services. Thailand's True Move and Malaysia's Aexiata were said to be among the foreign firms interested in the project.

MEC's business activities are largely focused on securing access to products that are of strategic importance to the military, such as cement and rubber for army vehicles, according to some Burma experts. They have said MEC could be eyeing the creation of a military-owned telecom firm, a formula that has been successful in for example Vietnam, where army-owned Viettel is one of the largest telecom firms.

In the months before foreign operators launched their services, MEC, which had no prior experience in mobile services, suddenly launched 1,500 kyat (US$1.50) SIM cards; distribution of the cards has since stopped.

In 2013, MEC also announced it would be working with MPT to provide mobile services, but it's unclear if the conglomerate is doing so. Previously, it had been reported that MEC owns a stake in MPT, while there are also unconfirmed reports that it owns part of Yatanarpon Teleport.

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Lawmakers Slam Hesitation on Six Party Talks

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 04:00 AM PST

President Thein Sein greets opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyidaw last month. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

President Thein Sein greets opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyidaw last month. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

MANDALAY — One day after a presidential spokesman derided a proposed roundtable meeting of Burma's top leaders as "impractical", lawmakers have slammed President Thein Sein's government for ignoring widespread support for constitutional amendments.

Speaking to Radio Free Asia on Thursday, Information Minister Ye Htut told Radio Free Asia that a proposed six-party constitutional summit was unworkable, two days after the summit was unanimously endorsed by parliament.

"This shows that they are still treating the opposition parties as the enemy," said Thein Nyunt, a lawmaker from the New National Democratic Party. "It shows that they still cannot face those with different opinions on how to build the future of the country."

"They should have understood the importance of the meeting. Since they have refused it, this means they have no sincerity while ruling the country," he added.

The roundtable was set to include President Thein Sein, National League for Democracy chairperson Aung San Suu Kyi, speakers of both houses of parliament, military leader Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, and a representative of an ethnic minority party.

Politicians, activists, ethnic leaders and parliamentarians had welcomed the proposals and expressed new hope for the possibility of constitutional amendments.

"We welcome the proposal and we support it, for such a meeting is an important step for the country," said Kyaw Min Yu, a student leader from the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society. "But I wonder why they would say the proposal is impractical. Everyone knows such a meeting is vital. To refuse is to run away from reform."

On Wednesday, ethnic parties endorsed Arakan National Party lawmaker Dr. Aye Maung to represent their interests at the talks. Ye Htut told Radio Free Asia on Thursday that only having one representative for ethnic party parliamentarians at the summit would fail to account for the broad diversity of opinions and priorities among the parties.

"The proposal from the Union Parliament is requested accordingly with the constitution," said Aye Maung. "Saying it is impractical is too early, I have to say. As for the issue of ethnic representation, this is just the first step. We can expand it later."

Aye Maung noted that this occasion was the second time the government had rejected a proposal for high-level meetings, having earlier rebuffed a dialogue between Thein Sein, Suu Kyi, Min Aung Hlaing and lower house speaker Shwe Mann.

"We have to question why they are not willing to do this meeting," he said. "What are they afraid of? We want to know why don't they believe in holding such a meeting for the sake of the country's transition."

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Information Access on Agenda as Media Prepare for Military Meeting

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 03:20 AM PST

Photos of US President Barack Obama and opposition politician Aung San Suu Kyi are seen as a man arranges newspapers at a wholesale market in Rangoon on Nov. 14, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun)

Photos of US President Barack Obama and opposition politician Aung San Suu Kyi are seen as a man arranges newspapers at a wholesale market in Rangoon on Nov. 14, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun)

RANGOON — Burma's Interim Press Council held a meeting with journalists on Friday to decide the main topics to be discussed at a first-ever workshop between members of the media and military officers, which is expected to take place next month.

The meeting was held at the council's office in Rangoon and was attended by representatives from more than 20 local media outlets.

Myint Kyaw, founder of the Myanmar Journalists Network (MJN), told The Irrawaddy that participants discussed a range of topics and issues related to the relationship between Burma's media and the powerful military establishment.

"We have four main topics, such as access to information, discussing difficulties that both sides have in understanding the other; writing a code of conduct for journalists that would apply to their reporting on military news," he said, adding that he could not recall what the fourth topic of discussion would be.

The council's vice president, Pho Tauk Kyar, told The Irrawaddy that the press body would organize journalists into four groups of three members each to discuss the issues agreed to on Friday, with each of the groups assigned one of the issues.

"We will view this opportunity [to meet with military officials] as a chance to build a better relationship between the military and journalists."

The workshop will be hosted by the Defense Ministry's Department of Public Relations and Psychological Warfare. It is expected to be held in mid-December.

On Nov. 23, members of the council met with Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and other military officials for the second time in Naypyidaw.

Min Aung Hlaing, Burma's commander in chief, told members of the council at the meeting that the military would hold the workshop as soon as possible, according to Myint Kyaw.

The Interim Press Council has sought to step up engagement with senior government officials this year. Members of the council have met with President Thein Sein twice and in August reached an agreement to meet with Information Minister Ye Htut once a month. The press body was established by the government in 2012.

For its part, the military has indicated that it would like to develop more effective communications with the press, announcing on Monday that it would set up an official email account to which journalists could direct inquiries. The military also pledged to update news on its website in a more timely manner.

The Ministry of Defense's most recent posting to its website was made on Oct. 10.

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ICRC Sets Record $30m Budget For Burma

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 03:16 AM PST

Rohingya IDPs at a camp in Sittwe, capital of Arakan State, in 2012. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Rohingya IDPs at a camp in Sittwe, capital of Arakan State, in 2012. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) on Thursday announced a record US$30 million budget for work in Burma over the coming year, as the organization plans to spend a full 25 percent more worldwide than it did last year to meet "vastly expanding needs."

The ICRC told reporters in Rangoon this week that the funds will largely be allocated to projects in Arakan, Kachin and Shan states, where armed and communal conflicts have displaced enormous numbers of civilians in recent years.

"We will focus on conducting humanitarian activities and development of refugee camps in Rakhine [Arakan], Kachin and Shan states in the coming year," said Moe Myint Aung, a senior public relations officer for the ICRC. He added that the ICRC 2014 budget in Burma was just over $24 million.

The new budget will accommodate several projects including the upgrading medical equipment, streamlining hospitals and increasing access to healthcare in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the three states.

"We will use some of the budget for other conflict [affected] areas if necessary, and we plan to act jointly with all stakeholders of the conflicts," Moe Myint Aung said.

The ICRC was recently granted permission from the Burmese government to establish sub-offices in Myitkyina, that capital of Kachin State, and Kengtung in eastern Shan State. The office in Myitkyina opened in March 2014, while the new facility in Kengtung is set to open in January 2015.

Michael O'Brien, an ICRC spokesperson, said the ICRC will work closely with the Ministry of Health and the Myanmar Red Cross Society, which already has an established nationwide network.

"We work very closely with the Ministry of Health and the Myanmar Red Cross Society. They have branches all over the country, so we do a lot of our activities through them," he said.

There are six ICRC offices operating in Burma, located in Hpa-an, Mandalay, Mrauk U, Myitkyina, Sittwe and Rangoon. The ICRC in Burma has a staff of about 300.

An independent association based in Geneva, Switzerland, the ICRC carries out humanitarian assistance in conflict-affected areas worldwide. The overall 2015 budget for ICRC operations worldwide is $1.8 billion.

The ICRC has been present in Burma since 1986, conducting activities including IDP assistance and detainee welfare, though access to Burma's prisons is still highly restricted since visits resumed in 2013 after a long hiatus.

The ICRC was among the organizations affected by mob violence in Arakan State earlier this year, when local communities accused foreign aid workers of favoring Muslim communities in the predominantly Buddhist state. All foreign aid workers were temporarily evacuated when locals attacked their offices and warehouses.

Some services have returned to the area—which was devastated by communal violence between Arakanese Buddhists an Rohingya Muslims that began in mid-2012—but only a fraction of former aid to the region has yet been restored.

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ADB to Loan $80M for Upgrade of Irrawaddy Delta Road

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 02:01 AM PST

The Irrawaddy Delta is Burma's main agricultural area and home to 8 million people. The region faces challenges such as salt water intrusion, pollution, declining fish stocks due to overfishing, and growing flood risks. (Photo: Hein Thet /The Irrawaddy)

The Irrawaddy Delta is Burma's main agricultural area and home to 8 million people. The region faces challenges such as salt water intrusion, pollution, declining fish stocks due to overfishing, and growing flood risks. (Photo: Hein Thet /The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The Asian Development Bank (ADB) on Thursday announced it will provide the Burma government with an US$80 million loan for the upgrade of a road that is a key transport link in and out of the Irrawaddy Delta, the country's most important rice-growing area and home to millions of farmers.

The ADB said it would fund upgrading the 54-kilometer road link between Pyapon, a town located close to the mouth of the Delta, and Maubin, located some 60 kilometer west of Rangoon.

"Upgrading the Maubin-Pyapon road which traverses the southeast of the Delta will dramatically improve connectivity, cut travel times, reduce transport costs, and support economic development and livelihood opportunities for many poor communities," Jamie Leather, principal transport specialist in ADB's Southeast Asia Department, said in a statement.

The bank said the region is Burma's agricultural heart and has potential for large-scale agribusiness and seafood industries, but the road network is in "poor condition, due to years of neglect and the impact of Cyclone Nargis in 2008", adding that this "deters enterprises like cash crops and high-value seafood products which require decent roads to get goods to market on time and in good condition."

"Climate-resilient features have been incorporated in the project design, including an increase in the height of parts of the road to improve clearance during seasonal floods and to cope with any climate-related storm surges," the ADB release said, adding that road safety measures and connections to local waterways would also be included.

It said the project could help reduce travel times in and out of the southeastern part of the Delta by 20 percent; the bank expects the road upgrade to be completed by September 2018.

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Money, Jewelry Pilfered From Famed Inle Lake Pagoda

Posted: 28 Nov 2014 01:09 AM PST

Devotees offer gold foils at Inle Lake's Phaung Daw Oo Pagoda last September. The pagoda was robbed on Wednesday. (Photo: Thaw Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

Devotees offer gold foils at Inle Lake's Phaung Daw Oo Pagoda last September. The pagoda was robbed on Wednesday. (Photo: Thaw Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — More than 10 million kyats (US$9670) worth of money and jewelry has been stolen the famous Phaung Daw Oo Pagoda at the Inle Lake township of Nyaung Shwe on Wednesday, according to the building's custodians.

The pagoda, home to an internationally famous two-week boat racing festival to mark the end of Buddhist Lent, is a popular destination for Burmese travellers and foreign tourists. Officials noticed the theft after unlocking a cabinet to store the day's donations.

"When I unlocked the steel cabinet to put the money in, the key did not go into the lock," Sai Aung Kyaw Tun, a member of the pagoda's board of trustees, told The Irrawaddy. "I pulled the doors and it opened. I found the cabinet empty. The loss is estimated at more than 10 million kyats."

"We reported the theft to the police and they looked for clues at the pagoda yesterday," said Khin Zaw Oo, administrator of the Tha Lay village tract, on Friday. "The person responsible for looking after the gold foil donation counter is on a trip and the case will be opened when he returns."

Police corporal Khin Maung Si, from Nyaung Shwe's Nan Pan Police Station, told The Irrawaddy that actions had been taken based on information gathered by the police investigation.

Despite the theft, the pagoda remains open to the public for visitation and prayer.

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UK MPs Group Urges Return of Burma Sanctions if Abuses Don’t Stop

Posted: 27 Nov 2014 11:15 PM PST

Britain's Prime Minister David Cameron greets Burma's President Thein Sein at 10 Downing Street in London on July 15, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

Britain's Prime Minister David Cameron greets Burma's President Thein Sein at 10 Downing Street in London on July 15, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

An influential British parliamentary committee has told the UK government it should press for a re-imposition of European economic sanctions on Burma if there is no improvement in the country's human rights situation over the next 12 months.

"We recommend that the government reiterate to the government of Burma that the current situation is still highly unsatisfactory, and that the UK will strongly advocate the re-imposition of sanctions by the EU if there is no progress over the next 12 months," a report by the British parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee said this week.

The recommendation follows a review of the British Foreign Office's work on human rights in Burma and other countries. The review heard submissions from several Burma-focused human rights NGOs, which have complained that the British government has put too much emphasis on promoting British business links.

London and the European Union must in particular press for the unconditional release of all political prisoners and an improvement in the condition of Burma's Rohingya Muslim community, the committee said.

The report coincides with a new "doing business in Burma" guide by the British Chambers of Commerce, which the NGO Burma Campaign UK said makes no reference to human rights abuses or the continuing land theft by the Burma Army and other powerful forces for commercial benefit.

"To produce a report on the trade outlook in Burma without mentioning human rights violations or responsible investment demonstrates the Chamber's lack of genuine interest in these issues," campaign director Mark Farmaner told The Irrawaddy.

"The British government funds the British Chambers of Commerce in Burma and this is an insight into their real priorities. They talk up trade opportunities and play down human rights abuses."

EU economic sanctions, with the exception of weapons sales, were lifted unconditionally in April 2013 after previously being subject to annual re-assessment. Britain adhered to these sanctions along with the other 27 member countries of the union.

"Burma Campaign UK believes that European Union sanctions on Burma were lifted prematurely, without the EU's own human rights benchmarks being met. The slowdown and then reversal of the reform process since sanctions were lifted is evidence that too much was given away too soon and the premature lifting of sanctions undermined, rather than reinforced, the reform process," the NGO said in a statement following the British Foreign Affairs Committee report.

"Now that EU economic and diplomatic sanctions have been lifted by the EU, re-imposition of sanctions would be very difficult. To be applied most effectively, sanctions should also be applied in coordination with other countries, and in support of diplomatic initiatives to promote genuine reforms," Burma Campaign UK said.

The Foreign Affairs Committee report voiced concerns about the general attitude to human rights by the British Foreign Office. There was an "inherent conflict that exists between promoting UK trade and investment and human rights at the same time. The government should recognize that this conflict exists, rather than maintaining that human rights and business interests go hand in hand."

Burma Campaign UK alleged that the British Foreign Office has "dropped human rights as their priority and instead prioritized trade. There is a clear conflict of interest in challenging human rights abuses by the Burmese government at the same time as trying to win business contracts from that same government."

"This report demonstrates how international patience with the government of Burma is now running out," said Anna Roberts, the executive director of Burma Campaign UK. "The Foreign Affairs Committee has taken a much stronger stance on human rights in Burma than the British government. There is a growing recognition of the many problems with Burma's reform process and of the huge scale of ongoing human rights abuses."

In a general review on doing business abroad, the British Chambers of Commerce omits any reference to human rights issues in Burma and how they might impinge on foreign investors, but it does note that the country "still suffers from pervasive government controls, inefficient economic policies, corruption, and rural poverty.

"[Burma] is the poorest country in Southeast Asia; approximately 32 percent of the population lives in poverty. [It] has all the elements required to create another Asian economic miracle," the Chambers of Commerce said. "Its strategic position located between China and India could turn [Burma] into a prime location for tapping into the growth of those two Asian giants."

The Foreign Affairs Committee assessment also coincides with the spotlight being turned back on the controversial Letpadaung copper mine in Sagaing Division, run by Chinese company Wanbao Mining and the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings (UMEHL), a business arm of the Burma military.

Amnesty International said there was a serious risk of further human rights abuses around the mine because of the way it is still being developed.

"Construction is proceeding without resolving ongoing environmental and human rights concerns. Thousands of farmers remain under the threat of forced evictions since their lands were acquired for the mine in a flawed process characterized by misinformation," Amnesty said in a Nov. 27 statement.

"Two years after police used incendiary weapons against monks and villagers protesting [the] mining project, no one has been held accountable. No police officer or official who was involved in the attack has been investigated, prosecuted or sanctioned, while the government has failed to provide victims with effective remedies and adequate reparation."

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Letpadaung Mine Development Risks Further Abuses: Amnesty

Posted: 27 Nov 2014 10:42 PM PST

Protestors at the Letpadaung copper mine project blockade trucks in 2013. (Photo: Han Win Aung)

Protestors at the Letpadaung copper mine project blockade trucks in 2013. (Photo: Han Win Aung)

RANGOON — Plans for the development of the Letpadaung copper mine in Sagaing Region pose a serious threat of human rights abuses and environmental risk, Amnesty International said in a statement on Thursday.

Ahead of the two-year anniversary of a violent attack on protestors, Amnesty drew also attention to the fact that no one has been brought to account for the incident.

At least 99 monks and nine other protestors were injured in the attack, with many suffering permanent scarring and injuries from white phosphorous burns, the use of which is prohibited by international weapons conventions.

"Two years after this brutal attack, it is completely unacceptable that the scores of people injured while protesting are still waiting for justice and reparations," said Audrey Gaughran, Amnesty International's director of global issues.

Four villages are being completely cleared for the mine, with 245 households moved to resettlement sites and a further 196 currently refusing to leave their homes. Land around 26 other farming villages, home to more than 25,000 people, is also being acquired by the project.

Amnesty said that villagers have been misinformed about their land acquisitions, with authorities allegedly using a promise to compensate farmers for crop damage as cover to acquire land.

"The authorities should urgently set up a genuine consultation with the affected villages on the land acquisition and proposed evictions," said Gaughran. "They must guarantee that no one will be forcibly evicted."

An environmental and social impact assessment commissioned by one of the mine's operators fails to detail plans for waste storage and other environmental safeguards, according to Amnesty.

The organization also expressed concerns about the close proximity of the 26 villages to mine sites and a factory that supplies Letpadaung with sulphuric acid.

Operations at Letpadaung were suspended for nearly a year after police attacked a peaceful protest in November 2012. When the project resumed, a new contract allocated a 51 percent stake to the Burmese government. The original partners, Chinese mining company Wanbao Mining Ltd and the military-backed Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd, retaining a 49 percent share.

Protests at the site have been widespread, including an incident in May where three contractors were kidnapped and held hostage by student activists and monks.

Last year, Thant Shin, a minister from the President's Office, blamed local criticism of the project on activists who opposed the project for political reasons.

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North Korea’s ‘Princess’ Moves Closer to Center of Power

Posted: 27 Nov 2014 09:04 PM PST

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un (C) visits the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun to mark the 61st anniversary of the victory of the Korean people in the Fatherland Liberation War, in this photo released by KCNA in Pyongyang July 27, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un (C) visits the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun to mark the 61st anniversary of the victory of the Korean people in the Fatherland Liberation War, in this photo released by KCNA in Pyongyang July 27, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

SEOUL — In her slim-fitting trouser suits and black-heeled shoes, Kim Yo Jong cuts a contrasting figure to her pudgy older brother, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.

On Thursday, state media said the younger Kim, 27, had taken a senior position in the ruling Workers’ Party, confirming speculation she had moved closer to the center of power in the secretive state.

It named her as a vice director alongside the head of the Propaganda and Agitation Department, which handles ideological messaging through the media, arts and culture.

Kim Yo Jong’s title supports earlier reports from a North Korean defector group which said she may have taken a high-level role when Kim Jong Un recently disappeared from public view for more than a month, prompting speculation about his grip on power.

South Korea’s intelligence agency later said Kim, 31, was likely to have had surgery on his left ankle. Kim has since reappeared, walking with a limp.

Kim Yo Jong’s power has been likened to that of a prime minister, an unnamed South Korean intelligence source told the Seoul-based JoongAng Ilbo newspaper in April, even before her brother’s injury.

"All roads lead to Comrade Yo Jong," the source said.

Kim Yo Jong has featured in state propaganda since her brother took over the nuclear-capable country upon the death of their father, Kim Jong Il, in late 2011.

In 2012, as state TV showed Kim Jong Un arriving at the opening of an amusement park in Pyongyang, Kim Yo Jong ran from one position to another between ranks of applauding party cadres and generals as if she was orchestrating the event for the new North Korean dictator.

Since then, the smartly-dressed Kim, her hair usually pulled back in a ponytail, has made several appearances with her brother, giggling at state concerts, presenting awards to fighter pilots or riding a white horse.

Women in patriarchal North Korea rarely become high-ranking officials or military commanders. They do, however, receive military training.

They are also vital to North Korea’s moribund economy. With many men engaged in state-appointed jobs in factories and bureaucratic departments, it is often women who turn to black market trading to earn the income most families need to survive.

But for Kim Yo Jong, it is her family name and proximity to Kim Jong Un that supersedes any cultural norms.

"People who are nominally her superiors most likely defer to her," said Michael Madden, an expert on the North Korean leadership.

A North Korean Princess

When Kim Jong Il ruled North Korea, his sister Kim Kyong Hui took a powerful role as a personal assistant with high-ranking military and party jobs.

She has not been seen since her husband, Jang Song Thaek, once regarded as the No.2 leader in Pyongyang, was purged and executed late last year.

Writing in his 2003 memoir about his 13 years as Kim Jong Il’s sushi chef, Kenji Fujimoto said the late dictator had a trusting relationship with Ko Yong Hui, his fourth partner, with whom he had three children: Kim Jong Un, Kim Yo Jong, and their elder brother Kim Jong Chol.

"Ko said she had travelled to Disneyland in Europe and Tokyo with her kids," Fujimoto wrote.

Not much is known about the elder Kim, who was once photographed at the Swiss boarding school all three children reportedly attended in a replica of Dennis Rodman’s NBA basketball jersey.

Even at dinner, Fujimoto said, Kim Jong Il kept his eldest son at arm’s length, preferring to place future leader Kim Jong Un and his sister, beside himself and their mother whom he called 'madam'.

"Kim Jong Il sits in the middle, and to his left, sits his madam," wrote Fujimoto.

"Prince Jong Un sits to the left of the madam, and the princess sits to the right of Kim Jong Il."

The post North Korea’s 'Princess' Moves Closer to Center of Power appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Can Man-of-the-People Widodo Micromanage 240 Million Indonesians?

Posted: 27 Nov 2014 08:58 PM PST

Indonesian President Joko Widodo and his wife Iriana (in red) take a selfie with their son Kaesang Pangarep and classmates after his graduation ceremony in Singapore on Nov. 21, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Indonesian President Joko Widodo and his wife Iriana (in red) take a selfie with their son Kaesang Pangarep and classmates after his graduation ceremony in Singapore on Nov. 21, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

JAKARTA — From flying economy class to making surprise visits to street markets and poor neighborhoods, the leadership style of new Indonesian President Joko Widodo is proving very different to his predecessors, who were often seen as stiff and aloof.

On a recent visit to cocoa plantations in eastern Sulawesi, Widodo squatted on the ground to chat with farmers about boosting their output. Excited onlookers scrambled up trees to get a better look at the president in his casual clothes and sneakers.

Widodo's down-to-earth manner, cultivated as a small-city mayor and then as governor of Jakarta, has won him many admirers in Indonesia, even if his bodyguards appear flustered when he breaks away and starts talking to ordinary people.

His mantra of "getting down to work" could also be what is needed to tackle bureaucratic inertia and endemic corruption in Southeast Asia's biggest economy, although some experts believe the 53-year-old former furniture businessman is still enjoying a honeymoon after only five weeks in office.

"He received so much positive feedback, but this will not last forever," said Shinta Widjaja Kamdani of the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce.

"People will look for results."

Widodo has already tackled some sensitive policies.

Last week he raised subsidized fuel prices by more than 30 percent, a move expected to save the government more than US$8 billion next year.

He also plans to tighten control over a potentially unruly cabinet stacked with political appointees, there to appease the parties in his coalition, with the creation of a "kitchen cabinet" of trusted aides to help him push through reforms.

Widodo's initial decisions have impressed investors at a time when Indonesia's economy is growing at its slowest pace in five years.

"The early signs are that he is bringing a new philosophy into the government of Indonesia," Richard Adkerson, chief executive of miner and oil producer Freeport-McMoRan, a major investor in Indonesia, told a conference in New York last week.

As he did when Jakarta governor, Widodo has made clear he is not afraid to ruffle feathers.

"I told my ministers that if they fail to reach their targets, then sorry, but there are thousands queuing up to replace them," Widodo said this month at a business forum, according to local media.

Widodo is also taking a no-nonsense approach to spending.

This week he slashed the government's travel budget by over a third to free up funds. His ministers have similarly barred staff from holding meetings in expensive hotels.

Leading by example, Widodo did not take the presidential plane to attend his son's university graduation ceremony in Singapore last Friday. Instead, he flew economy class on national carrier Garuda Airlines, winning praise on social media for his "humility."

Widodo also took a slimmed-down entourage to international summits this month, said cabinet secretary and close presidential adviser Andi Widjajanto.

He added that Widodo had not appointed a spokesman, and didn't plan to do so, because "he wants to talk to his people directly." The president also frequently appears before the media after cabinet meetings or conferences.

Widjajanto said Widodo had urged his ministers to follow his lead and "make field visits instead of just sitting in their offices."

All this is very different to previous administrations, where presidents were usually unapproachable, delegating most public interactions to aides.

But as the leader of 240 million people, some urge Widodo not to be a micromanager.

"It's great to check periodically on how things are going, but at some point he has to also think of the big picture," Stuart Dean, the CEO of General Electric's operations in Southeast Asia, told Reuters on the sidelines of a conference in Jakarta this week.

The post Can Man-of-the-People Widodo Micromanage 240 Million Indonesians? appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Girls Died by Suicide, Not Slain by Rapists: India

Posted: 27 Nov 2014 08:54 PM PST

Demonstrators at a protest against sexual assault in the southern Indian city of Bangalore. (Photo: Reuters)

Demonstrators at a protest against sexual assault in the southern Indian city of Bangalore. (Photo: Reuters)

NEW DELHI — India’s top investigative agency said Thursday that two teenage girls believed to have been raped and hanged by attackers in a north Indian village actually committed suicide because of shame over a relationship with a boyfriend.

An earlier probe by local police and post-mortem reports were incorrect, and five innocent men were arrested, said Kanchan Prasad, spokeswoman for the Central Bureau of Investigation.

Six months ago, images of the girls’ bodies hanging from a tree in their village of Katra in Uttar Pradesh state shocked the country, long inured to violence against women.

Local police said the girls were gang-raped and murdered. The five men were arrested and later released on bail.

The federal agency took over the probe following public outrage over the deaths of the two cousins, who were about 14 years of age. They were the daughters of two brothers.

"The CBI has come to the conclusion that the allegations of sexual assault and murder were false. It was a case of suicide," Prasad said.

She said medical reports ruled out any sexual assault, and the parents of the girls had filed a false police report of rape and murder.

"There were no marks of violence or injuries on the bodies of the two girls, except for the ligature marks on their necks. Also, nobody heard any cries for help though there were houses around the spot where the bodies were found hanging," she said.

Prasad said the older of the girls had a relationship with one of the suspects which she hid from her family.

The night the girls died, the younger girl had called her cousin’s boyfriend and suggested they go to a local fair. The three left their homes after dinner, Prasad said.

Later, the older girl and her boyfriend were caught by one of her relatives as they were about to have sex in a nearby field, she said.

The girls apparently committed suicide because they were afraid of the reaction of their families and the stigma attached to what they had done, the spokeswoman said. Indian villages are extremely conservative and such a scandal would be difficult for a family to bear.

The CBI will hand over its findings to a court, which will decide whether to prosecute the families of the girls for filing a false police complaint, she said.

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Burma Constitution Summit ‘Impractical’: Presidential Spokesman

Posted: 27 Nov 2014 08:19 PM PST

 

Burma's Information Minister Ye Htut. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Burma's Information Minister Ye Htut. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A summit of political leaders proposed by Burma's parliament to debate constitutional change is "impractical" and unlikely to happen, the president's spokesman said in a further setback to hopes for full democracy after 49 years of military rule.

A semi-civilian government took office in 2011 and undertook a rapid series of reforms but the pace of change has slowed, raising international concern that the military is not yet ready to submit to the authority of a parliamentary democracy.

The military holds 25 percent of the seats in parliament, a barrier to the more than 75 percent vote margin required for constitutional amendments. The current Constitution bars opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi from becoming president.

On Tuesday, parliament unanimously endorsed constitutional talks involving Suu Kyi, President Thein Sein, the speakers of the two houses of the assembly, military chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, and a member of a party representing an ethnic minority.

"This six-party summit is rather impractical," presidential spokesman Ye Htut told the Burmese-language service of Radio Free Asia on Thursday. "I don't think it can happen at the moment."

Public debate on the Constitution came to the fore around the Nov. 12-14 visit of President Barack Obama to Burma. Obama said it made little sense for the Constitution to freeze out Suu Kyi from becoming president.

Lower house speaker Shwe Mann said last week that the Constitution could not be changed before a general election in 2015.

Ye Htut spoke after military MPs turned down an invitation from Suu Kyi for a first meeting over dinner on Thursday as she sought to build ties with representatives of Burma's most powerful institution ahead of the proposed summit.

The military bloc sent a letter to Suu Kyi to apologise for being unable to make the dinner in the capital of Naypyitaw due to a prior engagement, said Nyan Win, a spokesman for Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy Party (NLD). The invitation was received at short notice for military lawmakers to change a scheduled meeting, one military parliamentarian told Reuters.

Suu Kyi, who was kept under house arrest for more than 15 years by the ruling military junta, has endorsed reforms by Thein Sein's government. But she has criticized its hesitation on further reforms and her party has gathered about 5 million signatures in support of a petition to amend the Constitution.

 

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‘Tastes Have Changed a Lot’

Posted: 27 Nov 2014 04:00 PM PST

Classic singer Mon Aung's voice will return to Burma, even if he can't. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Classic singer Mon Aung's voice will return to Burma, even if he can't. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Burmese music lovers recall the songs of Mon Aung with particular fondness; several of the artist's hits are now considered classics. Many will also recall his story, how he rose to national celebrity in the late 1980s before leaving the country in the aftermath of a crackdown on Burma's pro-democracy movement. Mon Aung currently resides in Norway.

Mon Aung's latest album, "Peace Raindrops," was recorded in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai, which has long been home to many migrants and exiles from Burma. He planned to also release the album in Burma, bringing the music back to a faithful audience he left 26 years ago. His plans were thwarted earlier this week when the Burmese Embassy in Thailand denied him an entry visa to the country of his birth.

The Irrawaddy's Ye Ni sat down with the legendary singer to talk about his return to a changing musical scene in Burma.

Question: What was the inspiration for your new album?

Answer: I've wanted to make this album for nearly 15 years. Some of the songs have been in my head since 1999, 2000. For various reasons, I wasn't able to make it. There were some financial and production problems. I had some new songs, and I got the chance to record this year. There are 12 songs on the album, and I decided to call it "Peace Raindrops."

Q: In the past, you've recorded with the Mizzima Hline Band, performing songs written by Ko Ne Win, Ko Ye Lwin and Ko Maung Maung. Did they also write songs for your new album?

A: Yes they did. Six songs were written by Ko Ne Win, five by Ko Ye Lwin, Ko Aung Win and D Chit Myo, and one by me. So, most of the songs were written by the Mizzima Hline Band.

Q: What's different about singing their songs this time around?

A: When I worked with them before, I was young and had little experience. I just sang songs as a hobby, I wasn't trained. I was a student at that time, and my voice had the emotion of a youth. Now I'm over 50 years old, and my mind is much more stable than it was at 25. My voice is firm now.

When I was young, I sang songs with force. When I listened to those same songs later, I'm not satisfied with some parts. I thought I should and could have done better. I didn't sing again for almost 15 years, and it was quite difficult to take up singing again. I couldn't control my voice.

One of my friends taught me some singing techniques, just before we recorded. It was difficult to follow at first, but then I got the hang of it and was able to record the album as I wished.

Q: So your vocal techniques have become more professional. What about the music? Has the musical style of the band changed much, or is it the same?

A: Except for Ko Tut Ki, all of the players are new. They are all professional musicians in Burma. I haven't worked with most members of the band before, but [songwriters] Ko Ye Lwin and Ko Ne Win came to assist with recording. They helped to coordinate with the players and get the style and musical patterns right, so it doesn't sound much different.

We noticed that tastes have changed a lot. When we finished the initial recording, we thought about adding some musical seasoning. We listened to the songs again and again, for almost three months. A Norwegian—he's not a musician but he understands music—helped me improve some of the songs. I came back to Chiang Mai and tried using a few other instruments. For example, we used a guitar or a fiddle instead of a keyboard, playing the same melodies.

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