Saturday, December 13, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Buddha Bar storm: lawyers refuse to represent Blackwood

Posted: 12 Dec 2014 09:46 PM PST

Four lawyers have refused to represent Phil Blackwood, a New Zealand citizen detained in Insein Prison on charges of insulting religion, because they believe the case is "too sensitive".

A friend of Blackwood's family, who asked to remain anonymous, said that they had hired a well-known attorney in Rangoon who is a prominent member of the National League for Democracy, after the New Zealander had been unable to attain the services of a legal representative during his arraignment at Bahan police station on Thursday. But the attorney backed out the following day, saying the case was too sensitive.

"The lawyer we spoke to on Thursday night agreed to take the case, but then called us on Friday morning requesting an emergency meeting. He told the family he could not take the case because the police told him that this is a very sensitive topic that he should not be involved in," she said.

Speaking to DVB on Saturday, the lawyer in question declined to comment about the case and requested his name be withheld.

The family friend said that three other lawyers had also declined to represent Blackwood while he being held at the police station, each saying that the case was "too controversial as it relates to religion".

She said that Blackwood's wife was due to meet with two other attorneys on Saturday.

The New Zealand embassy has so far been unavailable for comment, however DVB has learnt that an official from the embassy is involved in the attempts to hire a lawyer to defend him.

New Zealand media on Saturday cited a an embassy official saying they had been told it may take up to two weeks for a permit to visit Blackwood in jail.

Thirty-two-year old Blackwood, recently appointed general manager of the newly opened VGastro bar-restaurant at the centre of the storm, has not been allowed any visitors and has been placed in separate cells in Insein Prison from the two other defendants, VGastro owner Tun Thurein and manager Htut Ko Ko Lwin. Both have acquired legal representation and, as they are Burmese citizens, have been allowed visitors, DVB was told.

Blackwood's friend said that his wife had asked prison authorities to deliver a family photograph to him, but even that request was refused.

"I am quite worried of how Phil might be feeling considering he hasn’t seen anyone, but I hope he is being optimistic," the family friend told DVB on Saturday. "He is very deeply sorry that they have offended the Buddhists with their promotional ad as that was clearly not their intention, and he’s hoping their apologies will be accepted. He removed it [from Facebook] even before it went viral and cancelled the event as soon as he found out that it had a negative impact.

"I hope people see that it was just an honest mistake, and they can forgive him for that."

Blackwood, Tun Thurein and Htut Ko Ko Lwin were arrested after a protest sprung up outside their nightclub on Wednesday evening in reaction to the promotional advert that had been posted on the VGastro Facebook page, which depicted an image of the Buddha wearing headphones.

The posting was circulated widely in Rangoon and drew howls of protest from Buddhists, claiming it was insulting and in bad taste. The post was quickly deleted and an apology issued, but a crowd gathered outside the bar, calling for action. Among the crowd were local monks from the Association of Protection of Race and Religion, commonly known as the ma-ba-tha, a fundamentalist Buddhist organisation closely associated with extremist monk Wirathu's 969 movement.

Bahan Township police intervened and arrested the three bar owners under articles 295 and 295(a) of the Penal Code: for "insulting religion" and "hurting religious feelings". Bahan police deputy-superintendent Sgt-Maj Thein Win told reporters late on Wednesday that police may also seek a closure of the nightclub.

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Keeping an eye on the Kaladan

Posted: 12 Dec 2014 06:54 PM PST

Within hours of the mix of stone and sand being dumped on the bank of the Kaladan River at Paletwa in Burma's western Chin State, local teenagers turned the new flat swath of land into a football pitch.

The aggregate material had been dredged from the bottom of the Kaladan River to ensure clearance for the 260-ton cargos ships set to start docking at the currently under-construction Paletwa inland port in 2015.

Paletwa residents play football on a new swath of land created by dredging operations to deepen the Kaladan River to allow large 260-ton cargo ships to dock at the new Paletwa inland port. (PHOTO: Kaladan Movement)

Paletwa residents play football on a new swath of land created by dredging operations to deepen the Kaladan River to allow large 260-ton cargo ships to dock at the new Paletwa inland port. (PHOTO: Kaladan Movement)

The port is the midpoint of the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, which will ultimately connect a deep-sea port at Sittwe on Burma's Bay of Bengal coast to the national highway system in Mizoram State, northeast India.

The Kaladan Project is one of two major Indian infrastructure development projects currently being implemented in Burma – the other being the India-Burma-Thailand Trilateral Highway – and was high on the agenda during a meeting between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Burmese President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw last month.

In a press statement following the meeting, an Indian official referred to the Kaladan initiative as a "totally a win-win kind of project".

While the project has the potential to provide economic opportunities in a remote part of Burma, local people have largely been kept in the dark regarding implementation plans. No environmental impact assessment has been conducted.

The project area is home to over one million people, mostly from ethnic minority groups who have traditionally been allowed little political power by central governments in Naypyidaw and New Delhi. It remains to be seen whether these people will ultimately win or lose from this large-scale development project.

The project was conceived by the Indian government in the early 2000s as an alternative shipping route to India's northeast region, as well as a potential natural gas pipeline route at a time when Indian state-owned companies had their eyes on Burma’s Shwe Gas fields. The Shwe Gas buying rights were ultimately awarded to China, but the idea for a Sittwe deep-sea port and Kaladan River transportation infrastructure development has remained a key component of India's "Look East" engagement with Burma, officially known as Myanmar.

The Kaladan Project also has geopolitical significance as India attempts to counterbalance China's growing economic and naval presence in the Bay of Bengal – namely the deep-sea port and Special Economic Zone 100km south along the Arakan [Rakhine] coast at Kyaukphyu.

The US$214 million Kaladan Project is being financed by the Indian Ministry of External Affairs' Development Partnership Administration as development assistance to Burma. Once in operation, ownership and management of the infrastructure will be transferred to the Burma government.

Construction of the deep-sea port at Sittwe and the inland port at Paletwa is currently being carried out by Indian conglomerate ESSAR Projects Ltd. The contract for the 130km highway linking Paletwa with the Burma-India border is slated to go to an as yet unnamed construction company, widely expected to be Burmese crony Zaw Zaw's Max Myanmar Group although one of the Indian firms building the Mizoram-side highway is reported to be planning to make a bid.

Indian workers construct a wall around the Sittwe deep-sea port terminal. (PHOTO: Kaladan Movement)

Indian workers construct a wall around the Sittwe deep-sea port terminal. (PHOTO: Kaladan Movement)

Chin State's Paletwa Township remains isolated due to notoriously poor roads, and an improved transportation infrastructure is clearly needed. Many local residents express hopes of future economic opportunities from the new Kaladan Project highway. But there are also widespread concerns about the potentially negative impact.

No environmental impact assessment has been conducted on the Burmese side where there is the potential for deforestation and destruction of riverine ecology. No studies have been conducted on the impacts of increased river traffic to local fisheries, which provide an important source of protein and income in this remote and underdeveloped region.

Project-connected job opportunities for locals have been few, and there are no comprehensive plans outlining how the project can be harnessed to spur local employment and economic growth in the future. There are concerns that rich businesspeople from other parts of Burma will swoop in and monopolise any new economic opportunities.

Public consultations have been lacking, and the route of the planned highway from Paletwa to the Burma-India border has never been publicly announced. This information gap among local people has raised the spectre of land-grabbing by cronies and military-connected businesses, a common occurrence across Burma.

For now, Paletwa residents will continue to make the best from what they have been given thus far; a new place to play football and watch the ongoing construction.

 

Danielle Swearingen is a research intern with the Kaladan Movement.

The views expressed in this article are the author's and do not reflect DVB editorial policy.

 

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Burma, Thailand look to jump-start Dawei SEZ

Posted: 12 Dec 2014 06:08 PM PST

Officials from Burma and Thailand will meet next month to approve the framework of the initial phase of the delayed Dawei development project.

Arkhom Termpitayapaisith, secretary-general of Thailand's National Economic and Social Development Board, said the two countries had already set up policy committees to oversee the scheme.

Deputy Prime Minister MR Pridiyathorn Devakula will chair the Thai committee, which is scheduled to meet its Burmese counterparts in Bangkok from 7-9 January.

The development project in Dawei, also known as Tavoy, situated 350 km west of Bangkok, features a number of megaproject investments including deep-sea ports and a special economic zone (SEZ).

In October, the Thai and Burmese governments agreed to revitalise the project by letting Thai firms play a bigger role in the much-delayed SEZ when Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha paid an official visit to the country.

Mr Arkhom said the policy committees were expected to consider the proposed projects in the first phase proposed by Italian-Thai Development Co (ITD) and Rojana Industrial Park Plc, which were set to develop the road network linking the Thai border with Dawei.

They are the only two companies that proposed the project’s development in a bid opened early this year by Dawei Special Economic Zone Development Co, a co-company the Thai and Burmese governments set up to manage the Dawei project.

ITD and Rojana will develop 27 sq km of industrial estate and construct a two-lane road from the Thai border to Dawei as well as develop a port and a power plant.

Mr Arkhom said the meeting might discuss the next step of the development, and Japan would be invited to join this phase.

Previously, Japan was reluctant to invest in the project due to worries over feasibility.

Mr Arkhom said the initial phase was expected to take two or three years to complete, thus the two governments must set further plans as soon as possible.

Thailand and Burma see completion of projects in the initial phase as a confidence builder for foreign investors.

A motorway connecting Dawei with Laem Chabang deep-sea port in Thailand’s Rayong province is also under consideration by the government.

Construction of a 98-km Bang Yai-Kanchanaburi motorway valued at 55.6 billion baht (US$1.8bn) is also set to start next year.

 

This article was originally published in the Bangkok Post on 11 December 2014.

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Loikaw’s Quiet Allure

Posted: 12 Dec 2014 05:00 PM PST

Wide open spaces dotted with charming architecture add to Loikaw's appeal. (Photo: Christopher Ian Smith)

Wide open spaces dotted with charming architecture add to Loikaw's appeal. (Photo: Christopher Ian Smith)

LOIKAW, Kayah State — Cabbages spilled over the back of my bus seat, but I was too busy watching the scenery to care.

The sights I passed on the road into Loikaw, the capital of Kayah State, included gorgeous views of rice paddies and teak fields, then Christian churches, military bases, mountaintop pagodas and the lovely Moebye Lake, twice the size of the more famous Inle Lake to the north.

It quickly became obvious why some effort had gone into removing the need for permits to visit Loikaw. Travelers are going to go nuts for this place. From friends who had previously visited here, I had heard that this newly-opened region offered waterfalls, caves, volcanic lakes, mountaintop pagodas and home-visits to a vast array of ethnic groups, including the Padaung, the group whose female members famously often wear rings around their necks.

Kayah State—Myanmar's smallest—has largely been off-limits to foreigners due to long-running conflict between the Myanmar Army and local ethnic armed groups. The state's largest ethnic armed group, the Karenni National Progressive Party, signed a ceasefire deal with the government in March 2012. However, the legacy of conflict lingers on. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, reports indicate that all seven townships in Kayah State have been contaminated by landmines.

I arrived by local bus from Kalaw in Shan State; quite the experience, but I admit, not the most efficient choice of transport. As you come into Loikaw, you are immediately struck by the majestic mountaintop Taung Kwe Pagoda which dominates the town to impressive effect. Loikaw had a similar feel to Hpa-an, the capital of Kayin State, but with a better-looking infrastructure.

I asked to be dropped off at the first guesthouse I saw, but an employee told me that it did not have a license to accept foreigners. It turned out that there were about a half-dozen foreigner-friendly guesthouses in Loikaw but they were each located far from one another and most were already booked out by locals.

After a healthy cover of sweat thanks to the detailed but not-to-scale map of Loikaw available at every guesthouse, I managed to find a room and was pleasantly surprised at the high quality (relative to Yangon). My bathroom was clean with hot water and a bathtub. There was air-conditioning and the price included breakfast.

Asking around, I discovered that there were no motorbikes or bicycles for rent in the city, just guides for hire at US$25-35 per day. Luckily, as I pondered my options over a beer at a lakeside beer station, a local university student with a mohawk and a motorbike joined me and offered to show me around. He rattled off a list of the sights that I should see: "You have to visit the mountain pagodas, Kyet Cave, Umbrella Lake, and we can visit the market tomorrow where the Padaung sell their rice-wine." Foreign visitors are still a novelty here.

For me, the chain of hilltop pagodas was the most exciting novelty. First, we headed up to the famous Taung Kwe Pagoda. If it's not the sight of the pagoda, it's the sight from the pagoda that can leave you a bit breathless. It's the crown jewel of a chain of pagodas that includes Myaka Lup Pagoda, Shwe Let War Pagoda and Nagayon Pagoda. Each one offers its own elegance and experience, but the incredible views of the city, valley and Shan mountain range are what make them spectacular.

The next day, the not-to-scale map disappointed again when it became obvious that Kyet Cave was not a couple of blocks away from the airport, but a very long drive from the town. The journey, though, was charming; through beautiful teak and rice fields, as well as ancient ceremonial grounds where "spirit poles" called Kayhto Bo, still used annually for animistic ceremonies, stick up 15 feet into the air.

Kyet Cave, also known as "Yarsu Ku," is watched over by an old monk with arguably the happiest face in existence. He was very willing to light up the cave if you brought him a jug of petrol for the generator. Inside, I saw the cave's mysterious coffins sprinkled around in various states of condition. There are many different stories and theories, though no general consensus, on why they are there. The happy monk just shrugged and said he didn't know where they came from.

Another long drive away from the town is Htee-pwint-kan, also known as Umbrella Lake, which is actually a small volcanic pond. The pressure from below intermittently lifts parts of the soil above the surface of the water, creating the "umbrella" effect that gives the lake its nickname. The span of time for this event can stretch out over a couple of days and whether you see it or not depends solely on luck. According to local lore, seeing seven of these "umbrellas" at once is considered an extremely lucky sign and your best chance is during a full moon.

My mohawk-sporting informal guide told me that the Padaung village could be visited only with a permit and an official guide but that the villagers commonly visited local markets to sell their wares. Here, if you avoid any style of behavior that could be construed as gawking, you may be lucky enough to sit and have a cup of sweet fermented rice wine with them.

Before ending my trip, I scaled the steps of Taung Kwe Pagoda one more time to watch the sunset. At this time of day, the railings become dotted with locals and visitors with the same idea—to watch the valley turn golden, across the rooftops of churches and mosques, and all the way across the fields to the Shan mountain range.

Visitors should note that permits and official guides are still required in order to visit areas outside of Loikaw. Kayah State, full of natural resources and local ethnic groups, needs a secure peace before it will become truly open. For now, with that proviso, Loikaw is still a lovely place to visit.

Brief info

Getting there:

I traveled by slow local bus from Kalaw on a 12-hour journey for US$12. More comfortable air conditioned buses depart from Yangon and Mandalay and take 16-18 hours for about $12-18. The train, cheaper than the bus and rumored to have great views, takes nearly 24 hours from Naypyitaw. Myanmar Airways has several flights a week from Yangon to Loikaw that cost around $73. But be warned that these flights can often be canceled up to 24 hours ahead of time due to low occupancy.

Staying there:

The cheapest places to stay start at $25 per night and include the Nan Ayar Inn, the Loikaw Princess Guesthouse and Min Ma Haw. They are clean and rooms are well equipped with furnishings and air-conditioning and come with a standard simple breakfast of toast and eggs. Bathrooms are clean with hot water, mirrors and western toilets. The city's only "high-end" hotel, Hotel Loikaw (http://www.hotelloikaw.com), sits on the edge of the lake, overlooking the golf course and goes for $60-80 per night.

This story first appeared in the December 2014 print edition of The Irrawaddy Magazine.

The post Loikaw’s Quiet Allure appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Civilian Justice Trumps Military Impunity in Myanmar

Posted: 12 Dec 2014 04:30 PM PST

Burmese armed forces soldier on parade in this file photo. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Burmese armed forces soldier on parade in this file photo. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

In November, a civilian court in Myanmar's Shan State did what few courts in the country have ever done–it sentenced a soldier in the Myanmar military to prison for a crime committed against a civilian.

It did so after the military court overseeing the case, under intense pressure from local human rights groups and media, agreed to transfer the defendant to a civilian court. The Burmese law governing courts martial allows such a transfer to civilian courts when a soldier is accused of violating civilian criminal law, including sexual violence and murder.

The victim in this case was a 14-year-old mentally handicapped girl of Kachin ethnicity. The perpetrator, Private Kaung Bo Bo, attacked her while she was on her way to the market, dragged her into some bushes, and raped her. The court found the soldier guilty of kidnapping and rape, and sentenced him to 13 years in prison. Before his civilian trial, a court martial had found him guilty of another crime, leaving his barracks without permission, and sentenced him to a year in prison.

The case in question was particularly horrifying, but it sadly fits a well-documented pattern of sexual violence committed by soldiers against ethnic civilians.

For many years, women's groups and human rights organizations have documented the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war in areas of ethnic conflict in Myanmar. Sexual violence is used to terrorize ethnic civilian populations into submission and as punishment for their assumed support of ethnic armed groups.

The Women's League of Burma and its member organizations have gathered documentation showing that over 100 women have been raped by members of the Myanmar Army since the country started on its path to peace and democracy in 2010. Nearly half of the attacks were gang rapes. Most cases were linked to military offensives in Kachin and Northern Shan States.

The push for civilian justice for military abuses is not limited to sexual violence. Torture and killings of ethnic civilians by the Myanmar military are also well-documented. While common in areas of ethnic conflict in Myanmar over the past decades, they have been more frequent in Kachin and northern Shan States in the past few years.

Torture is used in and outside of detention. Villagers in areas of ethnic conflict report being tortured by members of the Myanmar military as punishment for their perceived support of armed groups, as revenge for a recent military defeat, or to instill fear. Villagers and displaced persons also face arbitrary arrest and detention because their ethnicity or place of residence puts them under suspicion of being members or supporters of an ethnic armed group.

Almost none of these victims of sexual violence, torture and killings—and their families—will likely ever have their day in court. They face numerous obstacles to seeking justice in Myanmar's criminal justice system.

A primary challenge is Article 445 of the 2008 Constitution, which forbids legal action against members of past governments for actions undertaken by those governments. Although it is unspecific about who may be charged, and in what kinds of proceedings, it is widely interpreted as an amnesty provision guaranteeing impunity to members of the military and government for past and future violations.

Yet, it has not completely barred judicial and non-judicial bodies from considering some violations.

Another challenge is that military courts have jurisdiction over all Defense Services personnel, and the decision of the Commander in Chief on issues of military justice is final and conclusive. Myanmar's military justice system is not open to the public, and civil society activists find it difficult, if not impossible, to obtain reliable information about pending or completed cases.

Civilians, including victims and their advocates, have no right to be present at the trial or to obtain any information about the charges, findings, or sentence. A recent report by the Women's League of Burma details the challenges in pursuing military justice, including the transfer of the accused to new jurisdictions, lack of transparency, and intimidation.

Even when civilian courts gain jurisdiction over military personnel, victims' rights are impeded by institutions that should support them. Police often cooperate with the military to pressure victims to stay silent, sometimes offering compensation in exchange for agreements not to press charges or inform the media.

Human rights defenders face threats of retaliation and experience difficulty gaining access to victims.

The rape conviction in Shan State demonstrates that it is possible, at least in some cases, to obtain justice for crimes committed against civilians. There are also reports that last year a soldier was sentenced by a criminal court to life in prison for the rape of a young girl, and other advocates have mentioned three to four other similar cases.

The Myanmar National Human Rights Committee recently recommended that a civilian court take up another high-profile case of military abuse in a conflict area—the killing and alleged torture of journalist Par Gyi, who was allegedly killed while in military custody in Mon State's Kyeikmayaw town.

These cases represent some of the first efforts to deal with the past and obtain justice for victims of human rights violations in Myanmar. The work of civil society, politicians and media on these cases is admirable.

However, the current ad hoc approach is not sustainable. Groups such as the Women's League of Burma and its member organizations struggle to provide the necessary support for the growing number of victims who approach them for help in seeking justice.

The military and government can take steps in the short term that would make a significant contribution. The military courts should authorize more transfers of cases of sexual violence, torture, and killings to civilian criminal courts when requested—starting with accepting the recommendations of the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission in the Par Gyi case and taking steps to ensure the trial is fair and effective.

A policy that directs all military courts to transfer these cases automatically, or at the least on the request of the victim, should be adopted. In a recent interview with Voice of America, Commander in Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing confirmed that, although the military would decide in most cases, civilian justice is an option in some cases when soldiers are accused of human rights violations.

Further, the military leadership should publicly affirm that violations against civilian populations, particularly rape and sexual assault, can never be excused or tolerated. Military training should be revised to ensure that human rights violations, particularly sexual violence, are no longer perpetrated, if they are, they must be thoroughly prosecuted.

Establishing accountability for the security forces will not only increase their professionalism but ultimately demonstrate that they can and shall be devoted to the protection of civilians. These actions, to avoid recurrences, should pave the way to larger reforms aimed at introducing civilian oversight over the army.

The responsibility to provide a remedy for violations goes beyond criminal justice. The Myanmar government should take responsibility for the medical, psychosocial and other needs of survivors of sexual violence and torture, as well as the family members of victims of killings.

The government should also reform its laws governing these crimes to meet international standards and undertake an investigation of institutional factors that enable or encourage systematic use of sexual violence, torture, and killings as weapons of war, with a view to recommending reforms to prevent their recurrence.

International actors engaged in rule of law assistance also have an important role to play. In their work with the judiciary, police, and lawyers, they should help to build their capacity to handle cases of sexual violence, torture, killings and other serious violation of human rights. These courts must also be able to act independently, both from institutional pressure and from threats or bribes by the accused.

At a time when building trust and reconciliation at all levels—from communities to leaders of armed groups—is a high priority for the Myanmar government, it is important to take steps to address the abuses that civilians have suffered in conflict.

Without accountability for perpetrators, and without recognition or support from the government to remedy these violations, the survivors of sexual violence and torture and the families of victims killings cannot be expected to have any trust in reforms.

Aileen Thomson is the International Center for Transitional Justice's representative in Burma. This article first appeared on Dec. 11, 2014 at opendemocracy.net.

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The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Dec. 13, 2014)

Posted: 12 Dec 2014 04:00 PM PST

Burma Gets Wired up to China's Yunnan Province

The Chinese state-owned telecommunications firm China Unicom has finished building a 1,500-kilometer (932-mile) long optical cable route through Burma.

The cable links China's neighboring Yunnan Province with the Bay of Bengal coast, and improves communications between Mandalay, Rangoon and Ruili on the Chinese side of the border.

"The optical cable line will improve south China's telecommunication quality with Southeast Asia and nurture outsourcing industries like call centres," said Myanmar Business Today, quoting China Unicom.

"The project, designed to improve regional connectivity, cost about US$50 million."

Foreign Investors Hiding Behind Burmese Citizens 'Face a Crackdown'

Foreign investors who seek to bypass laws by registering businesses under the names of Burmese citizens are facing a "crackdown" by the Myanmar Investment Commission, a report said.

The problem is most pronounced in Burma's rapidly growing garment industry, commission secretary Aung Naing Oo said.

"As far as we know about 50% of companies [in the garment industry] were foreign investments registered under the names of [Burma] citizens," he was quoted by the Myanmar Times as saying.

Foreign firms are not permitted from entering business in several industries and are subject to restrictions in other areas, such as land ownership.

Aung Naing Oo said there had been a two-year leniency window for foreign investors to comply with the law but now the commission is "going to take action…in the future there will not be any forgiveness for them."

Developing Nations 'Need to Share Electricity' to Improve their Economies

Cross-border electricity trading would help the economies of South and Southeast Asia to improve by overcoming power shortages, a report said.

Blackouts and other electricity restrictions are shaving at least two percent off Bangladesh's annual gross domestic product, the London Financial Times said as an example of the problems facing the region.

"The shortages drive up business costs due to the need to invest in expensive diesel-fired generators, lead to a loss of worker productivity and high levels of wastage of perishable products in sectors such as agriculture and fisheries," the Times said.

Similar problems face Burma and India, it said.

"Lack of investment, crumbling infrastructure and inefficient systems cause shortages and similar losses in all the growing economies of the region. Cross-border connectivity could enhance system reliability, lower costs and carbon emissions and relieve debilitating shortages, the business newspaper said, referring to a proposal by the World Bank.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations has developed a blueprint for cross-border power sharing but little has happened yet.

Singapore Firm Pays US$47 Million for Share in Rangoon Office Tower

Keppel Land, a Singapore company part of one of the world's biggest offshore oil services businesses, is paying over US$47 million for a share in a new office construction in Rangoon.

Keppel will buy a 40% share in the City Square Office development in Pabedan Township, Myanmar Business Today has reported.

Other partners in the tower block project, which covers 2.4 hectares (six acres), are Burmese businesses Shwe Taung Junction City Development and City Square Development.

The overall cost of the major development will be US$118 million, Keppel reportedly said.

Singapore companies are among the biggest foreign investors in Burma, especially in real estate.

"Foreign investment goes mainly into the hotel and real estate business and Singapore and Hong Kong come first," Aung Naing Oo, the secretary of Myanmar Investment Commission, was quoted by Eleven Media as saying this week.

Tourism Steam Train Service Sets Off 'Without Telling the Tourists'

A vintage steam train service to attract rich foreign tourists to the historic Bagan site has been introduced without any advanced marketing overseas, the regional travel industry magazine TTR Weekly said.

"Very little advance notice has been given to overseas tour operators so it is unlikely that the train's sales team will be able to muster group business in the short-term," TTR Weekly said.

"Tour operators are likely to adopt a cautious approach to see if the train is here for the long-term, or just another experiment that lacks a marketing plan, or sales expertise to secure advance bookings through the international travel trade."

The 110 kilometer (68 mile) round trip between Kyaukpadaung in Mandalay Division and Bagan has been developed by Bright View Steam Locomotive Tours and begins on Dec. 16 on a weekly basis.

Burma is attracting ever-growing foreign tourist numbers but many of them visit on pre-booked packages via travel companies.

The ministry of hotels and tourism is forecasting that the total number of visitors to Burma this year will reach three million, and has set a target of five million tourist arrivals by the end of 2015.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Dec. 13, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Friday, December 12, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


DVB Bulletin: 12 December 2014

Posted: 12 Dec 2014 03:41 AM PST

On tonight's bulletin:

  • Thein Sein pushes ASEAN trade statement in Busan
  • NZ Citizen remains in Insein prison
  • Burma to launch telecoms satellite?
  • Google introduces Burmese to translation platform

You can watch DVB Bulletin every weeknight on DVB TV after the 7 o'clock news.

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Three face jail after Buddha Bar post causes religious outcry

Posted: 12 Dec 2014 02:34 AM PST

Three men, including one from New Zealand, are being held by police after posting an image of Buddha wearing headphones on Facebook to promote a nightclub.

Philip Blackwood, 32, from Wellington, Tun Thurein, 40, and Htut Ko Ko Lwin, 26, work at the V Gastro bar and nightclub in Rangoon. They have been charged under the Religion Act, which carries a two-year jail term for insulting or damaging any religious symbolism, plus an additional two-year penalty for those who insult a religion in writing.

The nightclub has apologised for the picture, and insist they did not mean to cause offence.

The three men are currently being held in Insein prison, and are due to return to court on 18 December.

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2 Karen rebels killed in highway robbery

Posted: 11 Dec 2014 09:09 PM PST

Two members of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) were shot dead when they happened upon a gang of dacoits robbing a public bus on the highway between Tavoy [Dawei] and Rangoon on Wednesday.

The bus, belonging to Aung Yadanar Express Bus Line, was carrying passengers from the Tenasserim capital to Rangoon when it was forcibly stopped by a gang of about 10 bandits at a quite stretch of road at Malwe Hill near the town of Ye, in Mon State.

As the dacoits were in the process of looting the bus, a KNLA official identified as Lt Khin Win of the 4th Brigade, 10th Battalion, and his assistant (name unknown), happened upon the crime scene while they were traveling by car.

"Lt Khin Win and his assistant stumbled upon the scene, unaware of a robbery taking place. The bandits called them to exit their vehicle, then opened fire on them," said Saw Eh Na, the Myeik-Tavoy district secretary of the Karen National Union, which is the KNLA's political wing.

"His assistant tried to run but was shot in the back and killed."

Saw Eh Na said Khin Win was critically wounded and rushed to hospital in Ye by a friend who found him soon after. However, he died on the way. The area used to be known for rampant banditry in the past, he said.

The Aung Yadanar Bus Terminal in Tavoy and the district police confirmed the robbery took place, but did not provide further details.

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Pegu fury over generational land claim

Posted: 11 Dec 2014 09:04 PM PST

A Farmers in Nattalin, Pegu Division turned out in their hundreds to demand the return of land seized by the Burmese army 25 years ago.

Farmers allege that the district government was charged with redistributing the land in the mid-90s.

Police halted the protest on several occasions.

The post Pegu fury over generational land claim appeared first on DVB Multimedia Group.

Kachin, Palaung, Kokang forces clash with govt units in Muse

Posted: 11 Dec 2014 08:39 PM PST

Clashes were reported between combined forces of three armed groups and the Burmese military in northern Shan State's Muse district on 10 December.

Small-arms gunfire and artillery fire were exchanged sporadically throughout the day between Burmese government forces and an alliance involving the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Ta-ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA).

The TNLA's spokesperson Mong Aik Kyaw said the three armed groups clashed with units of the Burmese army's 11th, 77th and 88th Infantry Divisions after government reinforcements entered a territory held by the TNLA in Tamoenye.

"More than 500-strong Burmese government troops entered an area under our control triggering a head-on clash with our mobile units. It is hard to say which side opened fired first," said Mong Aik Kyaw.

"The fight between Saihkong and Hopon villages went from around 5am until 3:30pm, with both sides exchanging intermittent small arms and artillery fire."

Mong Aik Kyaw said the fighting may continue as troops from both sides remain at their positions on Thursday.

Clashes had already broken out between the Burmese government forces and the TNLA on 8 and 9 December, in Namhsan Township between Ongswan and Ongdat villages, and in Kyaukme Township between Lwesa and Nahlo villages, respectively.

The TNLA said there have been at least seven clashes with the Burmese army since the start of December 2014.

While a ceasefire between armed groups and the government was signed in 2012 during Burma's democratic reforms, there have been multiple reports of skirmishes between the government forces and rebel factions in disputed regions of north Burma.

The post Kachin, Palaung, Kokang forces clash with govt units in Muse appeared first on DVB Multimedia Group.

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


US Sends Mixed Message to Burma Military

Posted: 12 Dec 2014 02:59 AM PST

Soldiers salute Burma's army chief during a parade to mark the 67th anniversary of Armed Forces Day in the capital, Naypyidaw, in March, 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

Soldiers salute Burma's army chief during a parade to mark the 67th anniversary of Armed Forces Day in the capital, Naypyidaw, in March, 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

WASHINGTON — Human rights advocates and some lawmakers say the United States is sending the wrong signal by opening the door for broader engagement with Burma's widely criticized military just weeks after President Barack Obama assured opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi that closer ties weren't going to happen soon.

Congress, acting at the administration's request, is expected to allow US training in some noncombat activities for the military in Burma. This would be part of a sweeping defense policy bill slated to pass Friday.

The administration says this does not mean closer ties are imminent with a military known for rights abuses. Patrick Ventrell, a National Security Council spokesman, said the provision would "give us the flexibility to pursue slightly broader engagement if the military takes steps to implement reforms and support Burma's democratic transition."

But lawmakers who oversee US foreign policy say it's ill-timed. Political reforms have stalled, tens of thousands of minority Muslims are still living under apartheid-like conditions in displacement camps after attacks by Buddhist extremists, and fighting is heating up between the government and ethnic rebels.

"It sends the wrong message to the people of Burma who are counting on the US to uphold the values and rights they so desperately seek," said Republican Rep. Steve Chabot, who chairs a House panel on Asia.

John Sifton, Asia advocacy director for Human Rights Watch, said it would be different if reforms were advancing in Burma. "But even the president (Obama) is saying they are going backward."

When Obama traveled to Burma last month, his second visit in two years, Suu Kyi requested that the US not pursue new areas of military engagement at least until the national elections in late 2015, according to several congressional aides who requested anonymity because they were not authorized to divulge briefings on the trip given by administration officials. The president gave that assurance, the aides said.

Ventrell confirmed Obama discussed the subject with Suu Kyi and others. He said the president's message was that the United States did not intend to go further toward "more traditional military-to-military cooperation" until the Burmese military makes clear steps toward reform.

Washington has normalized diplomatic relations and rolled back sanctions to reward the former pariah state's shift away from five decades of authoritarian rule. But the United States retains an arms embargo and strictly controls ties with the Tatmadaw, as Burma's military is known. So far, engagement has been limited to seminars on human rights, rule of law and institutional reform. Myanmar has also been an observer at annual US military exercises hosted by neighboring Thailand.

The defense bill would allow "consultation, education, and training" on humanitarian and disaster relief, and medical and health standards — areas that critics say should be left to Burma's civilian government agencies. The language was drafted by the House and Senate committees that oversee defense policy and are more hopeful than their colleagues on foreign policy panels that military engagement will, over time, encourage reform.

"Increased contact of their troops with the US military will help to demonstrate the principles of accountability, civilian control, and rule of law that are the hallmarks of a healthy democracy," said Sen. Jim Inhofe, top-ranking Republican on the Armed Services Committee.

But Sen. Robert Menendez, Democratic chair of the Foreign Relations Committee, wrote to Obama this week saying the bill's language appears to be at odds with the commitments Obama made to Suu Kyi. He called for the administration to articulate a "clear and consistent policy" on military engagement, and which of the new authorities it intends to exercise.

Rep. Eliot Engel, top Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, told The Associated Press: "Deepening our military ties with Burma sends the perverse signal that the United States will turn a blind eye to the Burmese military's violent and regressive behavior."

Five days after Obama's visit, the military shelled a Kachin rebel camp, killing 23 people, a blow to talks aimed at ending decades of war in the nation's border regions. The military said the strike was unintended.

And despite Obama's appeal for reform of a junta-era constitution that guarantees a military bloc in the legislature and bars Suu Kyi from becoming president, the government has since announced that won't happen before the election.

The nominee to become the next commander of US forces in the Pacific, Adm. Harry Harris Jr., said in Senate testimony last week that Burma remains "firmly under military control."

The post US Sends Mixed Message to Burma Military appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

2 KNLA Members Killed in Highway Bus Robbery

Posted: 12 Dec 2014 02:27 AM PST

Karen National Liberation Army troops on guard in Karen State. (Photo: Getty Images)

Karen National Liberation Army troops on guard in Karen State. (Photo: Getty Images)

RANGOON — Two members of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) were slain by unknown assailants on Wednesday while attempting to intervene in a robbery in Tenasserim Division, according to local Karen sources.

10 armed men in full camouflage uniforms stopped and boarded an Aung Yadanar express bus at 18 Mile Village, Yebyu Township, demanding money from the passengers.

KNLA captain Khin Win and enlisted soldier Maung Lay were shot and killed by the bandits after hearing that the robbery was in progress and travelling by car to where the bus was stopped, according to Bado Saw Bee Ler, Dawei district chairman from KNLA Brigade 4.

"It happened around 6:30 pm," he told The Irrawaddy on Friday. "The robbers all had guns and were in full uniform. They stopped our two members and shot them on the road when they went to help."

The bandits seized 2.7 million kyats (US$2600) from passengers on the bus before allowing it to continue on its route from Dawei to Rangoon. None of the passengers were injured in the incident.

“This area is under control by Burmese Army. We do not know when they (robbery) are in the mean time. We are sharing information with Burmese Army at the moment about we are searching them,” said Bado Saw Bee Ler.

The Karen National Union (KNU), the political wing of the KNLA, signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese government in 2012 after a five-decade long fight for Karen autonomy. Recent years have seen a warmer relationship between Naypyidaw and the KNU, including a January meeting between members of the organization's senior leadership, President Thein Sein and military commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing to discuss efforts to implement a nationwide ceasefire agreement.

The post 2 KNLA Members Killed in Highway Bus Robbery appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Rangoon Municipality Plan to Move Street Vendors into Multi-Storey Markets

Posted: 12 Dec 2014 02:06 AM PST

Street vendors sell goods on Maha Bandoola Street in downtown Rangoon's Latha Township. (Photo: Ko Soe / The Irrawaddy)

Street vendors sell goods on Maha Bandoola Street in downtown Rangoon's Latha Township. (Photo: Ko Soe / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Rangoon municipality officials said they are working on a plan to turn the city's markets into multi-storey buildings. They hope the plan would create more space in the markets, so that street vendors can be moved indoors and off the city's busy pavements.

Sithu Lwin, deputy head of the markets department of the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC), said a plan had been proposed to Rangoon Division parliament to turn market buildings, such as Dawbon Market in Dawbon Township and Padamya Market in Shwepyitha Township, into high-rise buildings.

"Then we'll divide the [new] spaces among the original shopkeepers [of the market]. And we plan to put the street vendors at the top levels," he said, adding, "We've proposed the budget for the plan to [Rangoon] Division parliament to expand the existing markets in order to provide space for street vendors."

Sithu Lwin was reluctant to discuss details of the proposal. He was unable to explain what the costs of the plan would be, who would finance it, or how the often poor vendors could afford to rent the newly created market spaces.

"We still can't expose the details of the plan because I'm afraid more vendors will come onto streets if we do it now," he said, adding that the plan could be approved for the 2015-2016 fiscal year, which starts in May.

Thousands of hawkers and street stalls have long crowded the pavements in Rangoon's old downtown area, setting up shop on streets such as Maha Bandoola, Shwebontha, Sule Pagoda Road, Merchant and Anawratha.

YCDC officially allows the vendors to set up stalls from 3 pm to 8 pm and Rangoon municipal laws state that it is illegal to sell goods on the roadside outside of these hours, but the sellers can be found on the pavements for much of the day.

Vendors said that as long as they regularly paid local authorities they could sell their wares. "We are not allowed to sell things by the roadside [for the whole day], but we have an understanding [with officials]. We have to pay 2,000 or 2,500 kyats [US$2-2.50] per week," said a woman running a small roadside teashop in Botataung Township.

The numerous street side businesses add to the sense of congestion in downtown, which has suffered from worsening traffic jams following a sharp increase in sales of motorized vehicles in Burma in recent years.

Rangoon authorities, acting on advice from Japanese experts, responded to the increase in traffic by halving the city's colonial-era wide pavements and broadening roads, further reducing the space for vendors and pedestrians, often pushing them onto the streets.

Rangoon resident Myo Naing said he felt that the street vendors were contributing to the city's congestion problems that affect both pedestrians and cars, but added that any measures to deal with the problem should not hurt the incomes of the poor vendors.

"I don't want them [vendors] to sell things on crowded streets. But then, if they are banned, it would affect their livelihoods. They should be given spaces at small lanes," he suggested.

The post Rangoon Municipality Plan to Move Street Vendors into Multi-Storey Markets appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

In Muse, Promise and Perils of Development Redux

Posted: 12 Dec 2014 02:01 AM PST

A motorcyclist drives on a road within the Muse Central Economic Zone in northern Shan State. (Photo: Kyaw Hsu Mon / The Irrawaddy)

A motorcyclist drives on a road within the Muse Central Economic Zone in northern Shan State. (Photo: Kyaw Hsu Mon / The Irrawaddy)

MUSE, Shan State — The Muse Central Economic Zone project, spearheaded by the Shan State government and a local private venture, is moving forward in an effort to boost commerce along the Chinese border, despite land grievances from some local residents.

Located on the banks of Shweli River in Muse, a major trading hub on the Sino-Burmese border, the nearly 300-acre space allotted for the economic zone has been undergoing development since 2012. The project aims to establish six zones that will include residential areas, shop houses, hotels, shopping areas, a jade market and other business-related infrastructure, according to Ngwe Soe, the project director of the New Star Light Company, which is implementing the project jointly with the Shan State government.

Muse is the largest trading point between Burma and China, and has long served as the conduit through which Burmese exports and Chinese imports pass. Proponents of the economic zone say the plan will be a major boon for cross-border commerce.

The project covers about 295 acres, with investment by the Mandalay-based New Star Light expected at 94 billion kyats (US$94 million).

Developers are aiming to complete the project by 2017, after opening a Zone 1 phase in May of next year. The 89-acre Zone 1 will include condominiums, shop houses, a jade bazaar, hotels and an Ocean supermarket.

"We plan to open Zone 1 next year, 80 percent of construction is finished," Ngwe Soe said.

However, beginning in 2009, residents living on the allocated economic zone land have been forced to relocate in exchange for compensation from New Star Light. Like many development projects in Burma, the economic zone has provoked a backlash from some affected landholders who claim the compensation that they have been offered is inadequate.

Sai Ike, 58, has yet to be paid for his one acre of land, which he said the company "grabbed" from him.

"My parents had been cultivating paddy on their land since I was young. I was continuing to do that, but the company grabbed my land to develop this area. Although I don't have an official land ownership record issued by the government, I have some receipts showing that I paid [land] taxes to the government," he said.

"My little land plot was grabbed by the company during the harvest season. There's nothing left, everything has been destroyed by the company."

New Star Light says it has compensated those relocated using on a four category system based on how the land was used by its owners. Project director Ngwe Soe said the company paid compensation in accordance with the four-tier system, as well as a sum deemed equivalent to the value of any crops cultivated by the compensated party.

"There are only 17 acres remaining that have yet to be compensated, the rest of the landowners have already received compensation," Ngwe Soe said.

"Except for these remaining landowners, the rest of the people agreed to take compensation for their lands."

He defended the compensation scheme, saying the company was offering at minimum more than double the government's fixed price of 3 million kyats per acre for even landholders who lack official land ownership records.

"The district and township authorities collaborated with us when dispensing compensation. Even if they don't have ownership records, if they have receipts from dealings with the government for crops, we have paid them," Ngwe Soe said.

Some former landowners, however, claim that the compensation amounts, which they say they were effectively forced to take, were well below current market rates.

Ei Phyu, a holdout who has not taken the compensation offered, spoke to The Irrawaddy from seven acres of land within the project area that is increasingly surrounded by development.

"They offered me 80 million kyats for seven acres of land. I have not taken it to date. I won't give my land up for this project because the market land prices in this area are rising. It has reached 700 million to 1 billion [kyats] for one acre on the market," she said.

Hlaing Han Pha, who was relocated, said his parents had owned seven acres of land in the project area that they were forced to give up when the project was first put forward in 2009.

"One of New Star Light's subcontractors, Great Haokham Company's MD [managing director] Sai Ohn Myint, told us to sell our lands, but we refused. Then, without our knowledge, he changed our land to his name in the government's land records department," he said.

"We've been offered 3 million kyats for each acre as compensation by him. He said if we don't accept this amount, we will not get more money and will lose our land. … Now, we just want our land back," Hlaing Han Pha said.

Development projects including the Thilawa and Dawei special economic zones (SEZs) and smaller-scale private ventures have faced similar difficulties as Burma's government seeks to spur growth in the long-isolated economy.

The Muse Central Economic Zone was initiated by Vice President Sai Mauk Kham, who is a Muse native. In his second visit to Muse as vice president last October, he urged the project team to negotiate with former landowners to resolve the compensation issue.

For those holdouts still residing on the 17 acres of as yet uncompensated land, Ho Saung village may serve as an inspiration, after its inhabitants' recalcitrance forced project developers to redraw their plans.

"We've extended our project beyond the original map because we can't take seven acres, which are owned by one group [in Ho Saung]," Ngwe Soe said.

The post In Muse, Promise and Perils of Development Redux appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Offshore Contracts Signed, But Delays Abound

Posted: 11 Dec 2014 11:45 PM PST

Oil wells on the banks of the Irrawaddy River in Chauk, Magway Division. (Photo: Reuters)

Oil wells on the banks of the Irrawaddy River in Chauk, Magway Division. (Photo: Reuters)

One of the 13 foreign companies to win offshore oil and gas exploration licences in March has announced it has finally negotiated a production-sharing contract with the state Myanma Oil & Gas Enterprise (MOGE).

But an industry report said it could be the next decade by the time any new oil or gas is actually produced from 20 licensed blocks.

The final contract was signed by Britain-based Ophir Energy, but it did not disclose any terms.

The other 12 foreign businesses, including some major international oil firms, plus eight Burmese companies, are continuing to negotiate contract terms.

"Nine months after the [Burma] government awarded exploration licences for 20 new offshore blocks to 21 foreign and domestic firms there has been only one production-sharing contract signed," the Asia Oil & Gas Monitor said this week. "[Ophir] has not made any information on contract terms available."

Its Block AD-03 covers an area of 10,000 square kilometres and is in the same region of the Bay of Bengal as the big Shwe natural gas field operated by South Korea's Daewoo International, said Natural Gas Asia news website.

The Shwe field's production will mostly go to China under a contract signed during the military junta era.

Most of the 20 offshore blocks still under contract negotiation have little or no research data on potential oil and gas reserves. Ten are in shallow water locations and ten in deep waters where exploration and production work is much more expensive.

The energy industry news agency Platts of Singapore quoted a Burmese oil services firm, Smart Technical Services, saying it did not anticipate any drilling in the 10 shallow water blocks before 2017 and thought it would be at least a year later for the deep water projects.

Major foreign firms which won licences in March include Shell, Chevron, Total, Japan's MOECO and ConocoPhillips.

With plummeting crude oil prices threatening to undermine the viability of many new exploration and production projects globally, especially in costly offshore deep water sites, Shell made a statement earlier this month saying it was reassessing contract terms with MOGE on its March block licence award.

"We have to be confident in our future investment. We are clarifying details within the models of production sharing contracts with the [Burmese] government, trying to understand some of the language," Shell vice president Graeme Smith told journalists.

The business law firm VDB Loi, which has offices in Rangoon, was quoted by Asia Oil & Gas Monitor saying that negotiations for new offshore oil and gas deals in Burma is much more complex than had originally been anticipated.

"The awarded operators have underestimated the effort that goes into a market entry in Myanmar. That is why the [production sharing contract] executions are slower than hoped. Same goes on the government side," VDB Loi's Edwin Vanderbruggen was quoted as saying.

However, the much smaller Ophir appears confident of success in Burma.

"Ophir is continuing to act counter cyclically to expand its exploration portfolio. The Block AD-03 [production sharing contract] contains multiple mapped prospects with world class potential and we now look forward to completing a 3D seismic survey to refine this prospectivity," chief executive Nick Cooper was quoted by Natural Gas Asia as saying in a statement.

The slow progress in finalising actual operational contracts for the new offshore development blocks is due to more than hesitancy by big oil companies worried over the plummeting oil market, according to Asia Oil & Gas Monitor.

"MOGE and various government departments are overwhelmed by new laws, changing rules and a bureaucratic system made worse by Naypyidaw's bid to ditch its past image of corruption by applying to the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative," the industry magazine said.

"Add to that the hesitancy of the foreign oil companies on cost grounds, following the collapse of crude oil prices, and the prospect of the rapid development of [Burma's] upstream looks unfeasible."

It notes that the pace of contract agreements is so slow, MOGE is still negotiating with some of the 13 winners of licenses for onshore blocks which were awarded as long ago as Nov. 2013.

"[Burma] is unlikely to reap any major financial rewards from its post-military regime oil and gas discoveries until the next decade," it said.

The post Offshore Contracts Signed, But Delays Abound appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Rights Group Opposes Thai Fishing Jobs for Ex-Cons

Posted: 11 Dec 2014 09:16 PM PST

Human Rights Watch has warned the Thai fishing industry is rife with forced labor, physical abuse and dangerous working conditions. (Photo: Sukree Sukplang / Reuters)

Human Rights Watch has warned the Thai fishing industry is rife with forced labor, physical abuse and dangerous working conditions. (Photo: Sukree Sukplang / Reuters)

BANGKOK — An international human rights group urged Thailand’s government on Thursday to cancel a plan to encourage freed prisoners to work on fishing vessels, saying the industry abuses its workers.

The appeal by New York-based Human Rights Watch came after Thailand’s Labor Ministry announced plans last week for prisoners serving sentences of one year or less to work on fishing boats on a voluntary basis after being released.

"Thailand is the third largest exporter of seafood in the world, supplying supermarkets in Europe and North America," Human Rights Watch said a statement. "It has long been accused of forcing Thai, Burmese, and Cambodian fishing crews to work in dirty, dangerous and difficult conditions."

It said the problems include use of forced labor, physical abuse leading in some cases to extrajudicial killings, excessive work hours, non-payment of wages, inadequate food and medical care, and dangerous working conditions.

It said the abuses have been documented by many groups, including UN-affiliated organizations and Thai academic institutions.

"It is dangerously irresponsible for the Labor Ministry to urge prisoners to work on board Thailand’s notoriously abusive fishing fleets," Brad Adams, the group’s Asia director, said in the statement. "The Labor Ministry can’t even figure out how to inspect such boats, let alone prevent hundreds of prisoners from being abused by fishing boat crews."

Viwat Jiraphanvanich, a senior official at the Labor Ministry’s Employment Department, said Thursday the program could help ease labor shortages in the fishing industry and find jobs for released convicts.

"Moreover, those who want to do these jobs would be protected by law, which means their employers can’t abuse them or else face penalties," he said.

The post Rights Group Opposes Thai Fishing Jobs for Ex-Cons appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

As Japan Burns More Coal, Climate Policies Under Pressure

Posted: 11 Dec 2014 09:12 PM PST

A barge sails during an open-sea transshipment in Berau district in Indonesia's East Kalimantan province August 17, 2010. The coal is exported to Japan, China and other Asian countries. (Photo: Reuters)

A barge sails during an open-sea transshipment in Berau district in Indonesia’s East Kalimantan province August 17, 2010. The coal is exported to Japan, China and other Asian countries. (Photo: Reuters)

TOKYO — Once at the forefront of the fight against global warming, Japan is now facing calls from other big economies such as China to set fresh emissions targets as Tokyo increases its use of dirty coal energy to replace nuclear.

Japan is the world's fifth-biggest emitter of CO2, but has watered down emissions targets due to the shutdown of its nuclear plants after the 2011 Fukushima disaster, with utilities burning a record amount of coal for power generation.

China and the United States, the world's biggest economies and polluters, as well as the European Union, have committed to new targets in the last few months. Japan now finds itself alongside India and Russia, the world's third- and fourth-biggest polluters, by not yet declaring goals.

Officials at Japan's industry and environment ministries denied any backsliding on climate policies and said by phone a joint committee was discussing new emission cut goals and aimed to come up with proposals as soon as possible.

But analysts say Japan's room for maneuver is limited after Tokyo eased rules for coal plants amid plans to raise coal-fired capacity by nearly 40 percent.

"We expect Japan would certainly come up with an ambitious target for the post-2020 period. That is not just China's expectation, I think it is the expectation of the world," said China's delegation leader Su Wei at climate talks taking place in Lima ahead of a 2015 UN summit in Paris (COP21).

Japanese delegates in Lima also said the government aimed to have targets as quickly as possible but gave no timeline.

China, the European Union and environmentalists criticized Japan last year after it threw out a plan to cut emissions by 25 percent from 1990 levels and diplomatic sources say they are alarmed about its shift towards coal.

Japan was a leading proponent behind the 1997 Kyoto Protocol that committed countries to binding emissions reduction targets and pushed for it to be named after its former imperial capital.

"Japan cannot excuse itself in Paris COP21 by saying 'sorry we don't have nuclear power so we can't reduce CO2 emissions'," said Nobuo Tanaka, an adviser at the government-affiliated Institute of Energy Economics, Japan.

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who called an election for Dec. 14, wants to restart reactors but is facing strong public opposition from voters wary of nuclear power after Fukushima.

Record Japan Emissions

The Paris UN summit in 2015 aims to finalize an agreement as part of long-term efforts to limit average temperature rises to 2 degrees (3.6 Fahrenheit) above pre-industrial times.

Countries are meant to announce plans for emissions reductions after 2020 by an informal deadline of March 31, 2015.

In November, China and the United States pledged to set new limits on carbon emissions from 2025.

Carbon emissions in Japan rose 1.6 percent in the year through March to a record.

Encouraged by eased environmental rules, companies are planning to install about 14.8 gigawatt of coal-fired capacity, an increase of 37 percent, in coming years.

Japan's appetite for cheap coal, to counter a soaring oil and gas bill after the nuclear shutdown, saw it import a record 109 million tonnes of coal in 2013.

Two nuclear reactors have cleared basic safety standards and may restart next year. But analysts and environmentalists say even with these utilities, Japan will not cut coal, which supplies about a third of power.

"Japan is losing a golden opportunity to reduce emissions by turning to coal to deal with nuclear power stoppages instead of building on its forte, energy savings, and developing modern ways of efficiency and conservation," said Aileen Mioko Smith, Executive Director, Green Action.

The post As Japan Burns More Coal, Climate Policies Under Pressure appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

US ‘Troubled’ That Crimean Leader in India With Putin

Posted: 11 Dec 2014 09:03 PM PST

Sergey Aksyonov, center, the leader of Crimea, walks inside a hotel after having his lunch as Indian businessman Gul Kripalani, right, watches, in New Delhi on Dec. 11, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Sergey Aksyonov, center, the leader of Crimea, walks inside a hotel after having his lunch as Indian businessman Gul Kripalani, right, watches, in New Delhi on Dec. 11, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

NEW DELHI — The leader of Crimea, the former Ukrainian territory annexed by Russia, visited India on Thursday as a member of President Vladimir Putin's annual summit delegation, and the United States said it found the reports troubling.

India does not back Western sanctions against Russia, but the unofficial trip by Sergey Aksyonov could spoil the mood before Prime Minister Narendra Modi hosts US President Barack Obama for India's Republic Day festivities in January.

State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said the United States was "troubled" by reports that Aksyonov may have been part of Putin's delegation and was seeking more information.

"We understand that the Indian Ministry of External Affairs have said they were not officially aware of his visit or his participation in the delegation … We are seeking further clarification on that."

Psaki also referred to reports of new nuclear and defense deals between India and Russia and reiterated Washington's view that it was "not time for business as usual with Russia."

Aksyonov arrived at the upscale Oberoi hotel in New Delhi accompanied by Russian diplomats to be greeted by Gul Kripalani, a Mumbai-based seafood merchant who wants to boost trade with Russia.

Speaking to reporters after signing a memorandum of understanding to promote business, Aksyonov said his visit had "a private character" and he did not take apart in any official events.

He tweeted separately, however, that he had come to India as "a member of the delegation under the leadership of the president of the Russian federation, Vladimir Putin."

The towering 42-year-old, previously an obscure nationalist politician, was elected in a closed session of the regional parliament after Russian forces in February took control of the Crimean peninsula in a bloodless operation.

He masterminded a quick-fire referendum to join Russia that was recognized by Moscow. Kiev and the West say it was rigged.

It was clear that his visit enjoyed Russia's full diplomatic backing, with the consul general to Mumbai and an aide to Ambassador Alexander Kadakin present at the meeting and lunch with businessmen.

No Indian officials were present.

News of the event leaked out on Wednesday when the Russian Embassy invited reporters to a signing ceremony only to cancel late in the evening.

A spokesman for India's Ministry of External Affairs said he was not officially aware of the Crimean visit. It is highly unlikely, however, that such an event would have taken place without New Delhi being in the loop.

Modi, addressing a joint news conference after meeting Putin, emphasized India's deep security ties with Russia. Moscow was long India's top arms supplier until the United States, which is keen to forge closer ties with New Delhi, took top spot recently.

"Even if India's options have increased, Russia remains our most important defense partner," Modi told reporters. No potentially awkward questions were allowed at the tightly stage-managed event held at an old princely palace.

India, which observes a policy of non-intervention, has refrained from criticizing Moscow's takeover of Crimea and support for an uprising in eastern Ukraine that has killed more than 4,300 people since April.

Kripalani, who said his Pijikay Group has annual turnover of about 150 million euros (US$190 million), signed the memorandum on behalf of the India-Crimean Partnership—a previously unknown group that he said represented five businesses.

The post US 'Troubled' That Crimean Leader in India With Putin appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

‘We Have to Do Lots of Things to Fill the Gaps’

Posted: 11 Dec 2014 04:00 PM PST

Shwe Shwe Sein Latt runs the Phan Tee Eain (Creative House) organization, which works to empower women. (Photo: Nang Sen Nom / The Irrawaddy)

Shwe Shwe Sein Latt runs the Phan Tee Eain (Creative House) organization, which works to empower women. (Photo: Nang Sen Nom / The Irrawaddy)

Phan Tee Eain (Creative House) is a civil society organization established in 2009 that works to empower women and rehabilitate those who have suffered from sexual violence.

At present, the organization is giving training in women's development and leadership, networking with women's organizations at home and abroad. It has taken a lead role in organizing women's forums in Burma, and has consistently served as a voice for women's rights in the culturally conservative country.

Shwe Shwe Sein Latt, director of Creative House, recently sat down with The Irrawaddy to talk about the role the organization is playing in empowering women and protecting and promoting women's rights in Burma.

Question: Creative House is planning to build a shelter to help rehabilitate sexually abused women. Would you elaborate on that?

Answer: Yes, Burma is in dire need of this shelter. I've told the government and other organizations [to establish such a shelter], but no one cared. Therefore, we have to create it, as our name is Creative House. I will build the first shelter with my own money, but I have no prior experience.

Q: What does the plan entail?

A: I'm thinking of renting an apartment where women who suffer from domestic violence can pour out all their troubles to us, and we'll comfort them. I hope at least they will be able to stay overnight at the apartment and help put their minds at rest. Women will no longer need to keep their feelings suppressed. The shelter will be a place where they can pour out their feelings and find comfort.

However, the best thing that could happen would be political changes. If there were real changes in politics, we wouldn't need to engage in social work. But, presently, we have to do lots of things to fill the gaps. Women account for 51 percent of the population and the country therefore will not see development if the status of women doesn't improve.

Q: In which towns do you plan to set up shelters?

A: I'm still considering it. I plan to run it on a manageable scale. At first, I need to build the required capacity. I have attended relevant training in management of shelters in Bangkok. I plan to run it in cooperation with the Social Welfare Department.

I plan to launch a hotline for them [women subjected to abuse] to reach the police. I need to negotiate with the government on this. I'll network with police, political parties and lawyers. The shelter will be free of charge and serve as a safe haven for them. There will be persons who will comfort them and be sympathetic toward them.

Q: Since the shelter aims to ease the mental suffering of women, what type of volunteers will you bring in?

A: I will bring in psychologists. The Department of Social Welfare also has experts. And we have studied international experiences. Other organizations are providing training. We know how to heal the mental wounds of these women. What they need is someone who will listen to their feelings with sympathy.

First, we'll comfort them, and secondly, we'll need to talk to their families to make sure they do not suffer again. We'll also work together with the media to educate about women's rights and eliminating domestic violence.

The post 'We Have to Do Lots of Things to Fill the Gaps' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.