Tuesday, June 16, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


LGBT Activist in Spotlight at Human Rights Film Fest

Posted: 16 Jun 2015 05:59 AM PDT

Aung Myo Min with director Jeanne Marie Hallacy and women's rights activist May Sabe Phyu at the world premiere of

Aung Myo Min with director Jeanne Marie Hallacy and women's rights activist May Sabe Phyu at the world premiere of "This Kind of Love" on June 15, 2015. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The third iteration of the Human Rights and Human Dignity International Film Festival (HRHDIFF) kicked off in Rangoon on Monday, featuring a long-awaited documentary about Burmese LGBT activist Aung Myo Min.

"This Kind of Love," a 45-minute doc directed by Jeanne Marie Hallacy, made its world premiere on Monday at the Naypyidaw Cinema to a very receptive audience, many of whom already knew the subject well.

The film tells the story of Aung Myo Min's struggles after the 1988 popular uprising, as a student activist and an openly gay man living in exile. Like many other dissidents of his generation, Aung Myo Min fled to the borderlands near Thailand to join an armed resistance to the military regime.

The events of Burma's post-88 democracy movement are retold through moments in Aung Myo Min's life, offering a different perspective on life among the country's young dissidents. Unlike many of his peers, Aung Myo Min and his male partner were often ostracized, despite the movement's professed commitment to human rights and freedom.

Many of those around him, mostly fellow members of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF), had trouble accepting his homosexuality. Eventually, Aung Myo Min left the group for Thailand, where he gave up armed struggle in favor of human rights awareness and advocacy.

Aung Myo Min cautiously returned to Burma after political reforms began to kick in, and exiles were allowed back into the country for the first time in decades. He brought with him years of experience in human rights education and LGBT community activism.

"'This Kind of Love' is not about one individual's love affair; a man's pride in his performance and struggle for his country is also a type of love," Aung Myo Min told the audience after the screening. "Please don't view this as one man's story."

HRHDIFF will carry on through June 19, with screenings of short and feature films by artists from Burma and beyond. "This Kind of Love" will be shown again on Wednesday, June 17 at 12:45pm at the Waziya Cinema on Bogyoke Road, along with British filmmaker Tom Fawthrop's 2014 documentary "The Great Gamble on the Mekong."

Trailers, descriptions and a schedule of the films can be found at the festival's website.

The post LGBT Activist in Spotlight at Human Rights Film Fest appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Private Health Insurance Gets Government Green Light

Posted: 16 Jun 2015 05:05 AM PDT

Nuns walk past IKBZ Insurance company's building in downtown Rangoon on June 6, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

Nuns walk past IKBZ Insurance company's building in downtown Rangoon on June 6, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — Burma's premier insurance providers will begin offering health coverage on July 1, beginning a one-year pilot project approved by the Ministry of Finance.

Eleven licensed private insurers will soon offer coverage at a standard rate of 50,000 kyat (US$45) per unit per year with a maximum of five units. All healthy citizens between the ages of 6 and 65 years will be eligible during the first year trial.

"We will adjust the health insurance regulations during this first year," Deputy Finance Minister Maung Maung Thein told reporters on Monday.

Initial policies contain some restrictions on eligibility and applicable services, the deputy minister said. Coverage will not extend to abortion, child delivery, dental, eye or cosmetic surgery, and treatment for mental illness and drug addiction will be exempt.

Maximum yearly compensation will be standardized at 5 million kyat for individual subscribers. Customers will not be reimbursed for treatment in foreign hospitals, providers said.

Insurers will be free to offer benefits to employers, such that they can purchase monthly plans with a maximum payout of 15,000 kyat per day for up to 30 days of treatment for employees.

"Our customers have asked us about health insurance many times, especially companies, because they want insurance for their employees," Myo Min Thu, managing director of Ayeyar Myanmar Insurance, told The Irrawaddy, adding that insurers have been preparing to implement health plans for some time and do not anticipate any major setbacks.

Since 2013, the Burmese government has licensed 11 private insurance companies, several of which are offshoots of the country's largest banking enterprises due to the large amount of capital required for registration.

With the addition of new health services, private insurers will be authorized to sell a dozen types of assurance including fire, motor, life, cash in transit, cash in safe and fidelity bonds.

The post Private Health Insurance Gets Government Green Light appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon Parliament Endorses Resurrected City Expansion Plan

Posted: 16 Jun 2015 05:01 AM PDT

A view of an industrial zone in Rangoon's north. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

A view of an industrial zone in Rangoon's north. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The Rangoon Division Parliament has voted to resurrect a shelved development project that will see the official city limits expand westward by some 20,000 acres.

The new southwestern urban development, encompassing parts of Kyimyindaing, Twantay and Seikgyikanaungto Townships on the western side of the Hlaing River, was first mooted in August 2014 by Chief Minister Myint Swe and Mayor Hla Myint. It was shelved the following month, in anticipation of a new public tender, after allegations that the chiefs of developer Myanmar Saytanar Myothit were awarded the project based on their close ties to Myint Swe.

The proposal was revived last week by Myint Lwin, a lawmaker representing Kyimyindaing Township, who tabled the plan according to what he said were the wishes of his constituents. Approved in a landslide, 100 MPs supported the proposal, with 10 voting against and four abstentions.

Lawmaker Nyo Nyo Thin was the only person to speak out against the proposal, saying that Rangoon authorities should instead be channeling their efforts into developing the city's existing, sparsely populated satellite towns.

"The project only talks about the number of households it can shelter and does not mention any detailed urban development plans for those households," she said on the parliament floor.

Hla Myint said that the project would include allocations for villages, industrial zones, utilities such as sanitation, and a mix of commercial and low- and high-density residential areas. Speaking to the press on Monday, the mayor said that an open tender for the development was still on the agenda.

"We still can't say when we will be able to start," he said. "It is not that we will award the license back to the previous developer. Anyone who is qualified can make a bid. We have yet to discuss whether to invite tenders from local companies or joint ventures."

The southwestern urban development project has been given second priority in the Greater Yangon Strategic Development Plan. Tabled by Hla Myint on June 10, the plan eventually envisages the expansion of Rangoon's city limits by 119,000 acres to accommodate the city's burgeoning population, which is projected to hit 10 million by 2040.

The post Yangon Parliament Endorses Resurrected City Expansion Plan appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Generals Don’t Go to War Without a Plan’

Posted: 16 Jun 2015 04:40 AM PDT

Thu Wai, chairman of the Democratic Party (Myanmar), discusses Burma's 2015 general election. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Thu Wai, chairman of the Democratic Party (Myanmar), discusses Burma's 2015 general election. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

With more than 80 political parties expected to compete in a general election due in November, The Irrawaddy is reaching out to the leadership of the major parties to find out how they plan to contest, what issues they will emphasize and which direction they predict the country's politics will take.

This interview with Thu Wai, chairman of the Democratic Party (Myanmar), is the first installment of what will be a multi-part series.

How many constituencies will your party contest and what preparations has the party made?

We have not yet made specific preparations for the election and are just engaging in normal activities like recruiting new members, mobilizing support and holding discussions. So far, we have funds to field over 50 candidates for the election and are seeking funds to field more.

Will you personally contest the election?

Yes, I will. Our party secretary Daw Than Than Nu [daughter of former Prime Minister U Nu] said she would also contest. I will contest in constituencies in Yangon.

How does the Democratic Party [Myanmar] get funds? How transparent is it?

At present, I run the party with my own money and donations from friends. We put advertisements in our [party] newspapers for donations. And we also put online advertisements for donations. We have kept detailed accounts since the establishment of our party. This is the principle of our party. You can audit anytime. Again, we don't accept being bought off.

If the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party [USDP] or National League for Democracy [NLD] proposes making an alliance with your party, would you consider it? Is that something you would want?

I do want to work in unison. As of now, we don't have political relations with the big parties. We are a member of the Federal Democracy Alliance, which is an alliance of 11 political parties and we work in cooperation with fellow members. If big parties propose entering into alliance with us, we'll take the country's interests into consideration. I am willing to cooperate with any party across Myanmar as long as we have equality with them.

Does your party have an election campaign slogan?

Our main slogan is, 'To lead a decent human life is our cause.' We were born as humans and we should be able to lead a decent human life. By decent human life I mean a life in which individuals need not worry about food, shelter, clothing and health for them and their families. The key to this is the country must be peaceful, developed and there must be job opportunities.

What is your assessment of the state of Burma's peace process?

I don't think peace can be achieved before the election. Only the foundation [for peace] can be laid, at most [before the election].

Do you think the election, organized by the Union Election Commission [UEC] chairman and former Lt-Gen Tin Aye, will be free and fair?

I don't think it will be free and fair. But I am sure the election will be held because it is foremost about the dignity of the government. It has to retain it.

Again, chairman U Tin Aye is a former general and former USDP member. No matter how much he says the election will be free and fair, how can we trust him? But then, when we met, he said he would organize a free and fair election. I hope he will do so.

Do you think the military will voluntarily reduce its role in the country's politics?

That the military takes 25 percent of seats [in Parliament] works against democracy. They are not elected by the people. The military holds 25 percent of seats in the Parliament as a deterrent because it has held power for a long time and it feels unsafe releasing its grip on power.

What are your thoughts on the role of Snr-Gen Than Shwe? Do you think he is still giving instructions from behind the scenes, like his predecessor U Ne Win reportedly did?

The current democratic reforms were in fact put in place by Snr-Gen Than Shwe. Nothing can be done without his agreement. He gave assignments to initiate reforms. For example, he arranged for U Thein Sein to become president. … The current leaders still pay respect to him and seek his advice. So, he still has big influence.

Since he is free now, he would have to be thinking about how to make his next move. U Than Shwe therefore will continue to have influence over the new government that is elected. He will try to win. I don't know what he will do or if he will play fairly or unfairly to win. But then again, things may not happen as he expects. It is, however, fair to say that he may continue to give instructions from behind the scenes like his mentor U Ne Win did.

How do you view the NLD? Do you think the opposition party will win a landslide victory?

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi still maintains considerable influence. She still has significant support from people. But the situation has changed. In the 1990 election, the NLD had to compete with the government-backed National Unity Party [NUP] alone. Now, it has a number of challengers, mostly ethnic parties. I think ethnic parties will win majorities in their regions. [Editor's Note: A total of 93 political parties participated in the 1990 election, compared with more than 80 parties expected to contest this year].

The ruling USDP has power and money. And they have prepared systematically; generals do not go to war without a plan. So, I don't think the NLD will win a landslide victory like it did before.

What does the new post-2015 government look like in your mind?

At present, the role of the military has grown significantly. It has greater influence, as far as I am concerned. Political parties do not have unity and are blaming and attacking each other. It is because of the political decoys of the government and the military. No party will win a landslide in the coming election. Therefore, there will be mergers, I think, and the military would be happy if it turns out like that. I don't think the military would seize power. It already has power. The new government will have to coordinate with it.

The post 'Generals Don't Go to War Without a Plan' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

India PM Modi’s Yoga Offensive Gets Muslims Stressed

Posted: 16 Jun 2015 02:44 AM PDT

A young man performs Shalabhasana, a form of yoga which builds strength and flexibility in the back, in the northern Indian city of Chandigarh August 23, 2009. (Photo: Reuters)

A young man performs Shalabhasana, a form of yoga which builds strength and flexibility in the back, in the northern Indian city of Chandigarh August 23, 2009. (Photo: Reuters)

NEW DELHI — Prime Minister Narendra Modi's efforts to seize on yoga as India's signature cultural export have his Hindu nationalist allies swelling with pride, but are leaving minority religious groups feeling marginalized.

An enthusiastic practitioner of the regimen himself, Modi set up a new ministry for yoga last year. He also persuaded the United Nations to declare June 21 International Day of Yoga—the first of which will be celebrated in New Delhi on Sunday with a mega yoga event, with schools encouraged to take part.

"After the number zero this is India's biggest contribution to society," said Anil Ganeriwala, a joint secretary in the ministry. "It is a symbol of our cultural richness."

The ministry says yoga is "widely considered as an 'immortal cultural outcome' of the Indus Saraswati valley civilizations," which date back to 2700 BC.

Hindu nationalist groups, including Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its ideological parent, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), have said they want to resurrect India's past glory, a concept based on a mix of history and Hindu myth.

"Yoga is part of ancient India's cultural heritage," said Manmohan Vaidya, an RSS spokesman. "By celebrating yoga on a mass scale we are validating our glorious past."

The glory days, however, precede Islam and Christianity, and the yoga push comes at a time of heightened fears among religious minorities that the BJP and its right-wing allies are trying to change India from a secular nation to a Hindu country.

Members of India's minority groups say the move to promote yoga is a ploy to whip up Hindu pride and marginalize the country's 175 million Muslims. India's main opposition Congress party has also attacked the yoga event as a political gimmick.

"It is a campaign to enforce Hindu rituals on all non-Hindus," said Abdul Rahim Qureshi, the assistant general secretary of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board.

Omitting 'Om'

Every morning when at his official bungalow, Modi sits cross-legged on a cotton mat for yoga and meditation. He spends 20 minutes in a room overlooking manicured lawns and palm trees.

"For several years it has been his way to streamline his thoughts ahead of a grueling schedule," an aide said.

Some proponents of yoga argue that it is an exercise regimen that transcends religion, and so Muslims are wrong to oppose the government for encouraging it.

Yogi Adityanath, a Hindu priest who is now a prominent BJP legislator, said last week minority groups that oppose yoga should either leave the country or drown themselves in the sea.

The RSS last year passed a resolution calling for yoga to be made compulsory in schools and universities.

Rafiq Ali, an administrator at the Fatehpuri Muslim senior secondary school in Delhi, said the school recently introduced yoga in its curriculum and at least 350 Muslim students take lessons every week.

"We teach yoga but have excluded the prayers and Hindu chants," Ali said, referring to "Om," a Hindu chant evoked during yoga.

"Why end the event with a Hindu prayer?" Ali said. "The government can end it with the national anthem if they believe yoga belongs to India."

The post India PM Modi's Yoga Offensive Gets Muslims Stressed appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

New Citizens Kept Grounded in Arakan State

Posted: 16 Jun 2015 02:29 AM PDT

Moe Rue Husom, who also goes by Min Aung, shows a green ID card he received in 2014, indicating that he is a naturalized citizen under Burma's 1982 Citizenship Law. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Moe Rue Husom, who also goes by Min Aung, shows a green ID card he received in 2014, indicating that he is a naturalized citizen under Burma's 1982 Citizenship Law. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

The movement of about 500 people recently awarded citizenship remains restricted by authorities in restive Arakan State, according to the deputy minister of immigration, who was responding to questions on Monday from lawmakers taking a rare stand on behalf of persecuted Muslims in western Burma.

Speaking before Parliament, the immigration official cited concerns over the affected population's safety as reason for the continued enforcement of a travel ban. Most if not all of those recently granted citizenship are believed to have identified as "Bengali," the term used by the government to refer to Rohingya Muslims. The government does not recognize the word "Rohingya," and refuses to allow anyone self-identifying by the term to apply for citizenship.

Lower House lawmakers representing the Arakan National Party (ANP) raised two separate questions related to the newly minted Burmese nationals and the citizenship scrutinizing process of former holders of the temporary identity documents known as white cards.

Pe Than, an Arakanese lawmaker from Myebon constituency, said he was not satisfied with Deputy Immigration Minister Win Myint's response to his question on freedom of movement for the new citizens.

He told The Irrawaddy that about 500 Muslims residing in Myebon Township were recently granted citizenship, but they have not yet been afforded the right to freely travel in the country.

The largest contingent of white card holders is Rohingya in Arakan State, where communal violence broke out between Buddhists and Muslims in June 2012 and again in October of that year. The rioting displaced about 140,000 people, most of them Rohingya who have been confined to squalid displacement camps ever since. Their movement is heavily restricted by local authorities.

Issued beginning in the mid-1990s and invalidated on March 31 of this year, nearly 400,000 white cards have since been turned over to local officials, according to immigration figures, in line with a government order that the documents be returned by May 31.

"He [the deputy minister] said those who obtain citizenship after returning their temporary identity documents are still not allowed to travel freely due to security reasons," Pe Than said. "His answer also shows that there is instability and no rule of law yet in the [Arakan] State."

"The government should listen to its citizens, and respect their right to movement," he added. "We would help them travel safely if they need to travel outside of Arakan State [for better job opportunities]."

Khin Soe, director of the Arakan State Immigration Department, told The Irrawaddy last week that those individuals returning white cards would be issued green-colored documents valid for two years, during which time they would have the opportunity to apply for citizenship. An official with the Union-level Immigration and National Registration Department had previously told The Irrawaddy that the cards would be "blue-green" in color.

Myebon Township was selected for a pilot of the so-called citizenship scrutinizing process, which is based on Burma's 1982 Citizenship Law and requires applicants to prove ancestry in Burma. A successful screening sees the applicant granted one of three citizenship statuses: full, naturalized or associate.

There are an estimated one million Muslims who either had white cards or another form of identity document, according to Shwe Maung, a Rohingya lawmaker from the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

"There are reports that those who lost their white cards were not able to return the documents and thus they are not being counted in the figure," he told The Irrawaddy.

He said questions remain on the new policy, including whether it is in line with the 1982 Citizenship Law and related legislation.

The Rohingya community had hoped that they would be issued citizenship identity cards when they returned their temporary documents, according to Shwe Maung, but those hopes were not realized. Those handing over their white cards were instead given a receipt.

On Monday another Arakanese lawmaker, Ba Shein, also raised the issue of freedom of movement for Rohingya Muslims who are being held in the camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Arakan State.

Ba Shein told The Irrawaddy that the deputy minister also did not answer his inquiry about which laws gave the government the authority to confine IDPs to the camps. The lawmaker also asked whether the deputy minister considered the IDPs to be suffering from human rights abuses.

"The deputy minister excused it [limitation of movement] by saying it is due to the impacts of communal conflicts following the Kyauk Ni Maw [rape case] in 2012," he said, referring to an incident that sparked the unrest three years ago. "My question was to find out in what ways the government is working to improve their rights. But there was no answer."

He urged the government to take seriously the "longstanding" issue of citizenship verification, which he said was rife with corrupt practices.

"It requires courage from the government to deal with it," he said.

The ANP lawmakers' questions in defense of human rights for the Rohingya are not typical. The party, which counts ethnic Arakanese Buddhists as its major base of support, has rarely taken such a public stand and its chairman Aye Maung has consistently spoken out against granting the Muslim minority political rights before their claims to citizenship had been assessed.

Mutual distrust between the communities makes perceived support for the Rohingya a politically risky position, with the state's majority Arakanese largely considering the minority Muslims to be illegal interlopers from neighboring Bangladesh.

Shwe Maung told The Irrawaddy that he welcomed the substance of the lawmakers questions, but had doubts about their intent.

"I welcome those questions as they are the right issue to ask about, but the motives behind the questions is unknown; whether they want the freedom of travel for Rohingya Muslims or they want them [Rohingya] to move from the region forever," he said.

Khin Oo Tha contributed to this report.

The post New Citizens Kept Grounded in Arakan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s State-Owned Airline to Service Singapore

Posted: 16 Jun 2015 01:21 AM PDT

Airplanes taxi at Changi Airport in Singapore on Dec. 29, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Airplanes taxi at Changi Airport in Singapore on Dec. 29, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — Burma's state-owned flag carrier announced on Monday that it will offer direct flights from Rangoon to Singapore beginning in August.

Four other cities in the Asia Pacific region will join Myanmar National Airlines (MNA) international network in early 2016, the company said in a press statement.

Coinciding with this week's induction of one of 10 new aircraft into its fleet, MNA said the new planes will link the company's 26 domestic destinations with an expanding international network.

"With these beautiful, leading-edge aircraft we will create a premier airline that is the undisputed leader in the country, the rival of others in the region and that shares the spirit of Myanmar with the world," MNA CEO Than Tun said in the statement.

Last year the company secured six Boeing 737-800s and four 737 Max aircraft in a US$960 million deal with GE Civil Aviation Services, the largest commercial deal between the United States and Burma in decades.

MNA, formerly called Myanma Airways, was incorporated in 2014 as Burma's sole flag carrier and was authorized to operate both domestic and international routes. The airline currently has the largest domestic network in Burma.

The new international route will bring MNA into competition with two other local carriers serving Singapore. Myanmar Airways International (MAI), owned by KBZ Chairman Aung Ko Win, offers seven international destinations including Singapore. Golden Myanmar Airlines, owned by CB Bank Chairman Khin Maung Aye, serves Singapore and Thailand.

Aye Mra Tha, a senior executive at MAI, told The Irrawaddy that the airline will focus on safety and service to keep up in the market as it becomes more saturated.

"We're now competing with other regional airlines, so the challenges are already there," she said, adding that as passengers become increasingly concerned with air travel safety, an airline's track record "will decide the market from now on."

Myanmar National Airlines was founded under the name of Union of Burma Airways in 1948. Initially offering only domestic routes, it later expanded to service Bangladesh, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Nepal, Thailand and Singapore, but those routes were suspended in the early 1990s.

The post Burma's State-Owned Airline to Service Singapore appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

“Next Year, I’ll be Riding a Unicorn!”

Posted: 16 Jun 2015 12:51 AM PDT

"Next Year, I'll be Riding a Unicorn!"

“Next Year, I’ll be Riding a Unicorn!”

The post “Next Year, I’ll be Riding a Unicorn!” appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

India Tries to Assuage Burma After Cross-Border Raid Boasts

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 10:29 PM PDT

India's National Security Advisor Ajit Kumar Doval, left, talks to Vietnam's Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung at the Government Office in Hanoi on April 3, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

India's National Security Advisor Ajit Kumar Doval, left, talks to Vietnam's Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung at the Government Office in Hanoi on April 3, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

NEW DELHI — India is sending its national security adviser to Burma to calm tempers over a rare cross-raid against insurgents that it trumpeted as a warning to countries harboring anti-India militants.

Days after Indian Special Forces crossed into Burma from two northeastern states to hunt down militants who had killed 18 soldiers in an ambush, it turns out that the operation was minor and only low-level rebels were targeted.

But Indian ministers portrayed the military action—which was meant to be covert—as a major success and a declaration that Prime Minister Narendra Modi was ready to carry out surgical strikes against militants beyond India's borders.

Burma broke its silence over the operation after the chest-thumping, saying no fighting had taken place on its soil and military experts in New Delhi said it would be harder to get Burma's support for further counter-insurgency actions.

National Security Adviser Ajit Kumar Doval, who was a key player in the June 9 operation against two rebel camps in Burma, will meet government leaders in Burma during a two-day trip starting on Tuesday, officials said.

"Damage limitation will be an overwhelming component of this visit after the embarrassment that has been caused to Myanmar by the intemperate statements from our ministers," said Ajai Sahni, executive director of the Institute of Conflict Management that tracks militant activity across South Asia.

India's mountainous northeast, bounded by China, Burma, Bangladesh and Bhutan, is home to dozens of insurgent groups, some fighting for greater autonomy and others for secession.

India's army said it inflicted significant casualties during the pre-dawn raid last week. But intelligence assessments have since revealed that one of the camps was empty when the commandos struck.

Only seven bodies had been recovered, the Indian Express said, quoting assessments conducted by the army with the intelligence services. Wireless intercepts suggested fewer than a dozen rebels were wounded.

"This was a relatively minor operation and will have only transient tactical and psychological significance. Operationally and logistically, the Myanmar attack was unexceptional," Sahni said.

But junior information and broadcasting minister Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore said the attack was a message to arch foe Pakistan that New Delhi would go after militants beyond its borders, a thinly veiled reference to Kashmir where India blames Pakistan for fomenting a militant rebellion.

Former Indian Ambassador to Burma Preet Malik told The Wire website that advertising the covert strike was uncalled for and had put a strain on relations with Burma, which had cooperated with India on security issues.

The post India Tries to Assuage Burma After Cross-Border Raid Boasts appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Police: Missing Malaysian Tanker Likely Hijacked by Pirates

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 09:51 PM PDT

Tankers travel through the Singapore Strait July 6, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Tankers travel through the Singapore Strait July 6, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

KUALA LUMPUR — A Malaysian oil tanker that went missing last week carrying fuel worth 21 million ringgit (US$5.6 million) and 22 crew members is believed to have been hijacked by pirates, marine police said on Monday.

MT Orkim Harmony, loaded with 7.5 million liters (2 million gallons) of gasoline belonging to national oil company Petronas, was headed to northern Kuantan when communications with it were lost late on Thursday near Singapore. It was the second tanker believed to have been hijacked this month in the same area.

Ahmad Puzi Abdul Kahar, deputy director-general of the Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency, said there was a "high probability" that the tanker was taken by pirates, although no ransom demands have been received. The crew consists of 16 Malaysians, five Indonesians and a Burmese national.

He said the vessel didn't issue any distress call and all communications and tracking systems could have been turned off.

Another Malaysian tanker carrying diesel fuel was hijacked June 4 in the same area. The vessel was released after the fuel was siphoned off.

Ahmad Puzi said it will be more difficult to steal the gasoline because it is highly flammable and requires special safety equipment. He said the nearest such facilities are in Thailand, Brunei and Vietnam.

The agency is in touch with its regional counterparts to track the vessel, he added.

The International Maritime Bureau said attacks against small tankers off Southeast Asia's coasts have been rising since last year. Gangs of armed thieves usually target small tankers in the region for their cargo, looking specifically for marine diesel and oil to steal and then sell, it says.

Pirates have been particularly active near Indonesia's Bintan island and in the South China Sea, where 11 vessels were hijacked last year, the bureau said.

The post Police: Missing Malaysian Tanker Likely Hijacked by Pirates appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

In Burma’s Election Year, Radical Buddhism Heightens Tension

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 09:45 PM PDT

A house that was burnt in 2013 during anti-Muslim violence and unrest is seen in Meiktila, May 14, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

A house that was burnt in 2013 during anti-Muslim violence and unrest is seen in Meiktila, May 14, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

MEIKTILA, Mandalay Division — When religious violence erupted in Meiktila in central Burma two years ago, local politician Win Htein spoke up for the minority Muslims who bore its deadly brunt. Many of his fellow Buddhists have never forgiven him.

At least 44 people were killed in March 2013 after a rampage by Buddhist mobs that Win Htein, a lawmaker for the National League for Democracy (NLD), tried to stop.

Led by Aung San Suu Kyi, the NLD will soon contest a general election, and Win Htein admits that memories of his actions then could lose the party votes among Burma's Buddhist majority.

"I was accused of bias against Buddhists," he told Reuters. "I have never regretted my decision to protect a minority."

For parties contesting the election, likely to be held in November, race and religion are both central and incendiary.

They pose a special challenge for Nobel peace laureate Suu Kyi, who has been criticized overseas for not speaking up for Muslims and other minorities.

Religious tensions simmered in Burma for almost half a century of military rule, before boiling over in 2012, just a year after a semi-civilian government took power.

Hundreds died in clashes between Rohingya Muslims and ethnic Arakanese Buddhists that year, which led to the organized expulsion of Rohingya by Arakanese mobs.

Some 140,000 Rohingya now live in squalid internment camps, while thousands more have fled by boat for nearby countries, sparking a regional migration crisis.

Anti-Muslim unrest later spread to central Burma. It was fuelled by monks who claimed Islam was eclipsing Buddhism and urged a boycott of Muslim businesses and interfaith marriages.

The violent combustion of Buddhist nationalism and anti-Muslim sentiment "could happen again in the politically charged context of an election," the Brussels-based International Crisis Group said in April.

Suu Kyi's Silence

Win Htein, 74, a Suu Kyi confidant and former political prisoner, defends his party leader's apparent reluctance to speak up for Muslims.

"If she speaks in favor of Rohingya, she'll be accused of being a Muslim lover," he said. "If she speaks for the [Arakanese] people, she'll be accused of being a nationalist and a racist. That's why she has stayed quiet."

Meanwhile, Buddhist nationalist groups such as the Committee for the Protection of Nationality and Religion, led by monks and known by its acronym Ma Ba Tha, grow increasingly vocal.

In May, President Thein Sein signed into law a population control bill that Human Rights Watch warned could be used "to repress religious and ethnic minorities."

The law, which would require some women to wait at least three years between pregnancies, was one of four "Race and Religion Protection Laws" introduced to parliament with Ma Ba Tha backing. The NLD opposes them.

Burma's reforms have brought new freedom of expression, but criticizing Buddhism remains perilous.

On June 2, a court jailed Htin Lin Oo, a writer and NLD member, for two years for "insulting religion" in a speech promoting religious tolerance.

'Ashamed' of Meiktila

The 2013 bloodshed in Meiktila started with an argument involving a Buddhist at a Muslim-run gold shop. Buddhist mobs, monks among them, were soon attacking Muslims and their properties. Further incensed by a deadly assault by Muslims on a monk during the ensuing violence, they massacred at least 20 students of an Islamic school.

When Win Htein later declared he was "ashamed" to come from Meiktila, a group of constituents petitioned for his removal as their member of Parliament.

The NLD is expected to do well nationally in the election, but local party member Khin May Si said some Meiktila Buddhists were now "totally against" the party and supported Ma Ba Tha.

Baddanta Ottara, a monk and Ma Ba Tha's deputy chairman in Meiktila, said the violence had united Buddhists.

He said Win Htein's stance was an "insult" to Buddhism, and characterized Muslims as aloof, furtive and menacing. "Not every Muslim is an extremist, but most extremists are Muslims," he said.

Muslims told Reuters they felt besieged and fearful.

Thae Thae Mar, 53, lives in a shack in a community destroyed by mobs in 2013. Many Muslims had since returned to build simple homes amid the ruins, but she still feels vulnerable.

The authorities have shut down the local mosque. Thae Thae Mar said dogs got inside and barked from the minarets. "It makes me want to cry," she said. "We're not even allowed to go in and chase them away."

The post In Burma's Election Year, Radical Buddhism Heightens Tension appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Calls Grow for Inquiry into Alleged Australian People Smuggler Payments

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 09:39 PM PDT

A woman reads a newspaper containing an advertisement publicising the Australian government's policy on asylum seekers arriving by boat. (Photo: David Gray / Reuters)

A woman reads a newspaper containing an advertisement publicising the Australian government’s policy on asylum seekers arriving by boat. (Photo: David Gray / Reuters)

SYDNEY — Calls grew on Monday for an inquiry into reports that Australian officials paid people-smugglers bound for Australia thousands of dollars to turn their boat back to Indonesia, with Jakarta and the United Nations also expressing serious concern.

Australia has vowed to stop asylum-seekers reaching its shores, turning boats back to Indonesia when it can and sending asylum-seekers for long-term detention in camps in impoverished South Pacific nations Papua New Guinea and Nauru.

A boat captain and two crew members arrested on suspicion of human trafficking told Indonesian police Australian authorities had paid each of them AU$5,000 (US$3,860) to turn back their vessel with 65 migrants on board.

The passengers, including children and a pregnant woman, were from Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Myanmar.

Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop and Immigration Minister Peter Dutton last week denied reports of payment to the smugglers but both declined to repeat the denials during a heated parliamentary debate on Monday.

Prime Minister Tony Abbott has declined to comment, citing operational security.

A growing chorus of opposition politicians wants the government to explain.

Opposition Labor Party leader Bill Shorten said the refusal to dispel the reports would entice people smugglers.

“By failing to deny reports that criminal people smugglers could be paid $30,000 if they make it to an Australian vessel, isn’t the government providing a cash incentive for these dangerous voyages to take place?” Shorten asked Abbott.

Greens Party Senator Sarah Hanson-Young said she had asked the Australian Federal Police to investigate. Labor has sought an inquiry from the country’s auditor-general.

There are signs the allegations are already straining ties between uneasy neighbours Australia and Indonesia, which are only just beginning to improve after Indonesia’s execution of two Australians on drugs charges this year.

On Saturday, Indonesian foreign ministry spokesman Armanatha Nasir said Australia would have stooped to a “new low” if the reports were true.

Indonesia has yet to receive a clarification from Australia on the circumstances surrounding the push-back, deputy foreign minister A.M. Fachir told reporters on Monday.

Bishop lashed out at Jakarta in an interview with The Australian newspaper published on Monday, blaming Indonesia for what she called lax border controls.

“The best way for Indonesia to resolve any concerns it has…is for Indonesia to enforce sovereignty over its borders,” she said.

In a brewing spat, Indonesian officials responded that the country is firm in protecting its sovereignty and territory.

The United Nations and human rights groups have criticised Australia over its tough asylum-seeker policy.

Payments to criminals were unacceptable, said United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres.

“We need to crack down on smuggling and trafficking, not paying them, but putting them in jail whenever possible, or prosecuting them,” he told the BBC.

The post Calls Grow for Inquiry into Alleged Australian People Smuggler Payments appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Australian Firm Says Community Opposition Impeding Consultations on Controversial Dam

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 09:19 PM PDT

The site of a tunnel which the Shan Human Rights Foundation says is part of construction efforts on the Mongton dam. (Courtesy Shan Human Rights Foundation)

The site of a tunnel which the Shan Human Rights Foundation says is part of construction efforts on the Mongton dam. (Courtesy Shan Human Rights Foundation)

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — An Australian company contracted to assess the potential environmental and social impact of the planned Mongton dam has responded to recent criticism of the consultation process, saying that interference with its data collection efforts could lead to "suboptimal outcomes for the affected communities."

The Snowy Mountains Engineering Corporation (SMEC) has faced significant local opposition since holding its first public consultations on the project on March 10 in Taunggyi, Shan State. It cancelled a planned public meeting on April 30 in Shan State's Kunhing—a township in the path of the proposed dam's massive reservoir—where hundreds of locals had gathered to protest the project.

SMEC was appointed to conduct the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) and Social Impact Assessment (SIA) for the hydropower project which is backed by three Chinese companies, China Three Gorges Corporation, China Southern Power Grid and Sinohydro; the state-owned Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand (EGAT); and local conglomerate the International Group of Entrepreneurs, owned by the sons of Union Solidarity and Development Party lawmaker Aung Thaung, who was placed on a US Treasury blacklist last October.

In a statement sent to The Irrawaddy, SMEC acknowledged opposition to the Mongton project and the notion of hydropower on the Salween River in general, but stressed that EIA/SIA meetings were "forums for the exchange of technical information" and not "platforms for political lobbying and demonstration."

The firm warned that "important future decisions may be based on poor or incomplete data" if the EIA/SIA process was disrupted.

"Disruption of technical meetings by organised groups and demonstrations, often by people from outside the area, does have the potential to impede the information gathering process and ultimately is a disservice to the communities and stakeholders that may be directly impacted by the project," SMEC said.

At 241 meters in height, the 7,000 megawatt-capacity hydropower dam is the largest of six controversial dams planned along Burma's stretch of the Salween River. Most of the electricity generated by the hydropower project, which Burma's government has admitted would flood an estimated 676 square km area of farmland and forest, is expected to be sold to Thailand and China.

On June 9, a coalition of 16 Shan civil society organizations derided SMEC's community consultations as merely a "rubber stamp" and alleged that SMEC field surveyors in Mongton angered local villagers "by only explaining the positive impacts of the dam, giving them 'gifts' which they saw as bribes, and persuading them to sign documents they didn't understand."

SMEC told The Irrawaddy that it was working to implement a "participative, inclusive and transparent" consultative process and that it had "tried to engage with civil society organizations on numerous occasions with limited success."

The firm also emphasized that it would not be making a recommendation as to whether the project should or should not proceed but that this decision rested solely with Burma's government.

Over the three months of consultations thus far, activist and community groups have consistently expressed concern that the opinions of affected persons were being sidelined.

"The EIA process has not been inclusive nor transparent enough to ensure that voices and concerns of those whose lives are at risk are included in decision-making," said Pianporn Deetes of the environmental NGO International Rivers in an email to The Irrawaddy.

The Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF) has been monitoring the Mongton project and was one of the groups that signed on to the June 9 statement. When the Australian company's response was put to SHRF on Monday, the organization refuted suggestions that protesters were often from "outside the area."

"About 150 Mongton local people protested against SMEC on April 6, 2015 and over 300 Kunhing local people, including local Kunhing MP Nang Wah Nu, from the Shan Nationalities Development Party, planned the protest against the SMEC public consultation on April 30, 2015," said SHRF spokesperson Sai Hor Hseng.

"They are native local people. They love their natural resources and they want to protect their natural resources. They are not people from outside the area."

While SMEC's ongoing EIA/SIA is promoted as a means to help the government decide whether the project should proceed, locals living near the proposed dam site have reported that a level of activity is already underway.

Shan community organizations have said that over 60 Chinese engineers have been based at the dam site since the start of the year and the SHRF provided photos to The Irrawaddy which it said showed a large tunnel, blasted and drilled using heavy equipment.

"We believe this is preparation for actual construction of the dam, as they plan to build several diversion tunnels as part of the dam," Sai Hor Hseng said.

In its previous incarnation, the Mongton dam was known as the Tasang dam, which was slated for development at a site 10 km further downstream from the current project's location. The project was linked to human rights violations including forced relocation from the mid-1990s, according to Salween Watch and International Rivers.

SMEC has operated in Burma's energy sector since 1969, according to the company's website, and was involved in the original Tasang hydropower project, including various feasibility and operative studies as well as on the design of the proposed site's power station.

The project's current developers inked the contract to develop the Mongton dam, set to be the tallest dam in Southeast Asia if developed, with the former military junta in 2010 and initial work began at the new site in 2012.

The post Australian Firm Says Community Opposition Impeding Consultations on Controversial Dam appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Private Propertie Merges New Port of Call, Bar and Italian Eatery

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 05:30 PM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

Even though he's opened two eateries in the past eight months, sit chef Kevin Ching down, ask him what he'd like to do next, and marvel at the way he spouts restaurant ideas with the same sizzle as the decadent porchetta bits bursting through his tacos. He'd love to open a hipster Korean barbecue joint, or maybe a Vietnamese Pho garden; but then again, there's the potential for well-done Burmese food to really take off.

It's refreshing to have someone look at Rangoon's culinary scene and, rather than moan in disdain, jump up and down with excitement. "This is a great place to write your story if you're a young chef," Ching adds to that effect.

Though their original intention was never to be evicted from TS1, late 2014 saw pop-up culinary experiment Port Autonomy move from Lanthit Jetty downtown to the sprawling, geese-inhabited gardens that once housed Le Planteur. The new venue is a little more tiki bar than the industrial-retro feel of their jetty digs, but the softshell crab melt is still on the menu and it's as tender as ever in its creamy mixture of salsa verde and generous crab chunks, which come encased in crunchy ciabatta bread. What's more, tacos have been added to the menu, spurred on by the fact that Ye Htut Win of Sharky's fame recently decoded the secrets of the corn tortilla.

The original kitsch of the TS1 location has been turned up a notch, though the chef admits that Port Autonomy has always been "the original hipster restaurant." Well, now it hosts beer pong tournaments and, in an ode to the Ching's stint in Thailand, serves up perilous "dragon bowls"—the upscale Rangoon equivalent of the bucket of booze too many of us have consumed one lost night or another.

Port Autonomy, however, is only one-third of the trifecta making up Private Propertie, the newly named residence that also hosts The New Boris and La Carovana.

The New Boris is a small bar located on the ground floor of Private Propertie, but there's nothing tiki about it. The striking array of brightly colored walls and rattan furniture lend it the feel of a Barneys catalogue—it's too easy to picture an array of models lounging casually under the artsy chandelier. The room is so beautiful it's a little intimidating; "Am I dressed up enough to be here?" It's not a reaction many places in Rangoon elicit.

La Carovana, in a similar vein, is looking to serve up contemporary Italian fare that's of the highest standards. It's also proof that Kevin Ching is, if not the best, then at least the most innovative chef working in Rangoon right now. Dishes are exquisitely balanced, but they're also inventive enough to surprise. The Manila clams were fresh and delightfully seasoned, and my mouth still waters at the memory of the risotto: Served with perfectly crisped cauliflower florets and touches of roe, the rice dish is topped with a delicate portion of Hamachi belly that's served raw and cooks slowly as the dish steams.

My only reservation, aside from limitations imposed by my food reviewer's wages, has to do with the marketing. The enterprise is unashamedly elitist—it's named and spelled Private Propertie, after all—but the ambience at La Carovana does feel a little stuffy. This is surprising, given that Port Autonomy prides itself on being so fun, and begs the question: What would turn La Carovana into a fine dining experience that's both delicious and inviting?

It's hard to fight the impression that owner Ivan Pun has handed over the keys for Private Propertie to Ching and allowed him to make the place his own personal culinary playground. Luckily, Ching is tireless and gifted, offering up everything from a take on the oxtail soup that was his favorite as a child, to a variation on the porchetta that he perfected during his stint at Appia in Bangkok.

One thing is certain about this choose-your-own-adventure culinary experience: It will only get more interesting as Ching continues his near-manic exploration of food. I, for one, can't wait to see what he comes up with next.

Private Propertie is located at 22 Kabar Aye Pagoda Road.

The post Private Propertie Merges New Port of Call, Bar and Italian Eatery appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Villagers Urge Environmental Protections for Inle Lake

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 05:00 PM PDT

Boats in a canal to Inle Lake in April. In recent years, the lake has been affected by a dramatic drop in water levels and unprecedented levels of pollution as a result of nearby developments. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

Boats in a canal to Inle Lake in April. In recent years, the lake has been affected by a dramatic drop in water levels and unprecedented levels of pollution as a result of nearby developments. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Over 100 local communities in Shan State banded together on Monday to demand a stop to the deterioration of Inle Lake, which has suffered a dramatic drop in water levels and quality as a result of nearby development.

An event in Nyaung Shwe Township organized by Senior Women of Shan State, which included public talks and discussions with local villagers, kicked off a signature campaign to petition the government for environmental safeguards to protect the lake from further degradation.

"Changes in the past decades are threatening the health of the lake," read a statement released by the group on Monday. "If it continues like this, the lake could dry up in the near future and local livelihoods would be ruined. We are concerned enough that locals from Inle, local monks and village elders have joined together to start a movement to conserve the lake, in order to prevent damage and ensure sustainable development."

Inle Lake is the second largest body of fresh water in Burma. For years, it has suffered from a range of environmental problems such as drought, deforestation and pollution, and concerns over its health have accelerated with the construction of new hotel developments to accommodate the burgeoning tourist trade.

Khin Nyunt, a 51-year-old villager from Mine Thout, told The Irrawaddy that water levels had recently shrunk dramatically across the lake.

"The lake is our second city," she said. "In the past, there was no chopping down trees, not many hotels and no destruction of floating gardens. But now, since conditions are worsening, we have become very worried."

A photo exhibition documenting the lake's current condition, pollution emanating from hotel developments on the eastern side of the lake and damage to the area's famed floating gardens was also unveiled at Monday's event.

"We cannot have another hotel zone and more new buildings," Sao Haymer Thaike, a member of SWSS, told The Irrawaddy. "We need to raise community awareness to conserve the lake and stop polluting the surroundings."

The UN cultural agency, Unesco, last week added Inle Lake to its list of 651 biosphere reserves, becoming the first location in Burma to join the list. Locals hope the designation will bring international help to arrest the lake's decline. The SWSS will collect signatures until World Rivers Day on Sept. 27, and will present its petition to Union, state and local authorities.

The post Villagers Urge Environmental Protections for Inle Lake appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Myanmar rejects Mahathir’s push for ASEAN expulsion

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 08:40 PM PDT

Former Malaysian PM said Myanmar should leave ASEAN unless it improves its treatment of the Rohingya.


Ministry to subsidise hepatitis treatment

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 08:38 PM PDT

A new health scheme aims to reduce the cost of treatment for sufferers of hepatitis.

Ma Ba Tha meet to resolve questions over Sitagu Sayadaw role

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 08:35 PM PDT

Prominent monk is officially deputy chair of the Committee for the Protection of Nationality and Religion but is believed to have avoided its activities this year.

As peace talks stall, ceasefire draft text leaked to Facebook

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 08:33 PM PDT

Myanmar Peace Center says ethnic leaders had earlier resisted suggestions to make the draft public.

Health staff conduct raids

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 08:32 PM PDT

Nearly every chemist's shop in Mandalay inspected by Food and Drug Administration officials was found to be selling illegal medicines, the FDA said last week.

MPs breathe life into suspended Yangon ‘new city’ development

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 08:27 PM PDT

Halted in September 2014 following a public outcry, controversial project gets backing of Yangon Region Hluttaw.

How to fix the city’s traffic jams? Consumer group puts forth a colourful solution

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 08:25 PM PDT

Drivers who paint the town red are a known safety risk. But what about painting the town yellow?

Election fever prompts large rise in electoral roll complaints

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 08:21 PM PDT

More than 87,000 corrections submitted after voter lists go on display in 14 Yangon Region townships.


Mandalay voters correct mistakes

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 08:19 PM PDT

Attentive voters have been sending in their complaints to local electoral officials following the display of voter lists in Mandalay.

Mandalay hospital boss seeks expansion

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 08:14 PM PDT

The city's general hospital is bursting at the seams and administrators are seeking funding to boost the number of beds by 50 percent.

Monday, June 15, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Thailand Dashes Burma’s SEA Games Gold Hopes With 3-0 Win

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 07:56 AM PDT

Thailand fans are pictured before the Southeast Asian Games football gold medal match against Burma at Singapore's National Stadium on Monday. (Photo: Reuters)

Thailand fans are pictured before the Southeast Asian Games football gold medal match against Burma at Singapore's National Stadium on Monday. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — A spirited performance was not enough for Burma at the Southeast Asian Games football gold medal match on Monday night, with the under-23 underdogs falling to Thailand 3-0.

The favored Thais appeared to have the edge in the early going, controlling possession and moving the ball with relative ease through the midfield and into their attacking third at Singapore's National Stadium.

A one-handed save from keeper Kyaw Zin Phyo in the 7th minute prevented the Burmese from going down a goal early, but a scrappy Burma side made a game of it as play progressed, forcing several nervous moments for the Thai defense.

Burma got its first real chance of the match in the 27th minute, when Nay Lin Tun snagged a through ball to put a shot on goal that the Thai goalkeeper Chanin Sae-ear parried wide and over the end line.

His Burmese counterpart was called into action early and often, including a stop in the 42nd minute from close-range and a save in the dying seconds of first-half stoppage time that prevented what could have been a devastating blow to the Burmese side's gold medal prospects.

That blow would instead come eight minutes into the second half, when a corner kick took a fortuitous bounce for Tanaboon Kesarat, who deftly fired the ball past the Burmese keeper to put the Thais up 1-0.

Chananan Pombubpha doubled the deficit in the 63rd minute, running onto a smart through ball that left him alone with the keeper and well-positioned to direct the ball far post and into the back of the net.

Pinyo Inpinit all but sealed the deal in the 78th minute for the favorites Thailand.

Monday's defeat to defending champion Thailand capped an unexpected SEA Games campaign for Burma that saw the team go undefeated in the group stage before beating Vietnam 2-1 on Saturday to earn a shot at the gold medal.

Burma last played for the gold in 2007, when it also came up short to then host Thailand. It's been more than four decades since Burma won its last gold, in the 1973 iteration of the biennial competition.

The post Thailand Dashes Burma's SEA Games Gold Hopes With 3-0 Win appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Facing Assembly Charges, Activist Accuses USDP of Misusing Public Property

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 06:31 AM PDT

Ko Ko Gyi and other 88 Generation members wait for a judge outside a courthouse in Rangoon on June 15, 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Ko Ko Gyi and other 88 Generation members wait for a judge outside a courthouse in Rangoon on June 15, 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Prominent activist and parliamentary hopeful Ko Ko Gyi on Monday returned to court to face charges related to a protest against a ruling party-backed development project, which he and several other activists say violates election guidelines.

After the hearing was cancelled due to the judge's absence, Ko Ko Gyi told reporters that the charges against him could have been timed to remove him from the political arena as elections near.

The 88 Generation member reiterated calls to halt construction of the multi-million dollar real estate development and restore a public park that once occupied the space in South Okkalar Township. The property, which belongs to the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), was transferred from the state to the party's predecessor, the USDA, in the early 2000s.

The USDA closed the public park, which had been in use since the 1960s, and used the property for offices and some small housing units. Following the dissolution of the USDA and the establishment of the USDP, the property was transferred and plans were made with Yan Naing Construction Company to begin building the multi-storey condominium project.

The Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC) confirmed to independent Upper House lawmaker Phone Myint Aung in March that the property was originally city property until it was transferred to the USDA as per a 60 year agreement.

In December, Ko Ko Gyi and several colleagues led a protest in South Okkalar to demand an immediate halt to the project and restoration of the park. He and four other activists were later charged with Article 19 of Burma's Peaceful Assembly Act.

Article 19, a lesser-known sister clause to the controversial and oft-employed Article 18, carries a possible three-month sentence for protesting in an area outside designated by police.

Ko Ko Gyi said on Monday that he and his colleagues would fight the charges, maintaining that he had done nothing wrong and that the USDP should instead face punishment for misuse of public property.

"It is very apparent that this is a huge case of a political party using state-owned land, and it is misuse of public things," he said, accusing the party of further misconduct if funds from the project are used to support the party or its campaign efforts.

Chapter 3 of Burma's Political Parties Registration Law prohibits use of country-owned finance, land, housing, buildings, vehicles or other property by political parties. Violators can be subject to cancellation of the party's license.

If the law was breached and the party is not punished, Ko Ko Gyi warned, "the election [process] will lose the trust of the people and the international community."

The post Facing Assembly Charges, Activist Accuses USDP of Misusing Public Property appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma vs. Thailand: It’s On

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 05:10 AM PDT

fair play &respect

The post Burma vs. Thailand: It’s On appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Census Raises New Questions over Legitimacy of Birthrate Law

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 04:59 AM PDT

A woman and her newborn baby are pictured in Muslims Charity Hospital in Yangon November 1, 2013. Myanmar's reformist government is seeking foreign investment to revive one of Asia's sickest healthcare systems. Several leading regional healthcare companies are already operating in Myanmar and others plan to enter soon, seeing huge potential in the country's underserved population of about 60 million people. Attracting foreign investment is part of an overhaul of the healthcare system by the quasi-civilian government that took over from the army in 2011. The administration of President Thein Sein has cut military spending and raised healthcare funding to 3 percent of government spending this fiscal year to March 31, from 1 percent the previous year. As with many sectors, however, private firms say they are being held back by uncertainty over rules for foreign investors. Picture taken November 1, 2013. REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun (MYANMAR - Tags: HEALTH SOCIETY POLITICS) - RTX161GS

A woman and her newborn baby are pictured in at the Muslim Charity Hospital in Rangoon on Nov. 1, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON—Newly released census data revealing steady birthrates has renewed speculation over the motivations behind a recently enacted population control law, as some critics have implored lawmakers to offer a fact-based explanation for how the new provisions might be put to use.

The Population Control Law, which was signed by President Thein Sein in late May, has drawn criticism from the outset for what rights groups view as curbs on reproductive rights and the law's potential to target minorities.

First proposed by the nationalist Buddhist organization Ma Ba Tha, the law was part of a highly contested group of four bills called the Protection of Race and Religion package. The population Control Law was the first to pass, granting local authorities the right to petition for permission to impose three-year birth spacing in select communities. The remaining three bills call for restrictions on interfaith marriage, religious conversion and monogamy.

The Population Control Law, which carries no punitive measures, was proposed and rushed through Parliament on the grounds that it would reduce maternal and infant mortality rates. The law was passed with such expediency, in fact, that it was approved before Burma even had concrete data about fertility and child mortality; results of the country's first census in more than three decades were published several days after it was signed into law.

While predicated on improving women's health, the law was widely viewed as a means of controlling minority populations. A leading proponent of the legislation, the firebrand monk U Wirathu, has even admitted that the law could serve the added purpose of preventing growth among the Rohingya population, a Muslim minority in western Burma that are predominantly stateless.

Census data firmly supports that explanation: the results show average fertility rates in Burma, with no major discrepancies in comparison with other countries in the region, yet the Rohingya account for the only substantial group of persons in Burma for whom policymakers still have no concrete information.

Backtracking on its promises to international donors, the Burmese government did not allow Rohingya to identify as such in census surveys, demanding that they instead called themselves "Bengali." According to the census report, the government "made this decision in the interest of security and to avoid the possibility of violence occurring due to communal tensions." As a result, the Rohingya population was not enumerated, and was estimated by the Ministry of Immigration and Population to number about 1.1 million. All other census data—detailed information about health, education and housing—does not exist for the marginalized group, just as their preferred name cannot be found anywhere within the 277-page document, where future researchers would be able to reference it.

In short, no one actually knows if birth rates are higher among the Rohingya population than they are elsewhere, precisely because the government did not allow that information to be quantified. What is known is that birthrates in most states and regions are actually quite normal: 2.29 children per woman, rising to 4.03 among married women. The report indicates that women are generally now marrying later, hence they are having slightly fewer children, as has happened in much of the world.

The drop in fertility is neither extreme nor abnormal for the region, nor is the rate so high as to warrant birthing restrictions. Moreover, critics argue that such restrictions would likely be ineffective without access to quality healthcare and safe birth control methods. On the contrary, it has been argued that limiting births could lead to unsafe abortions or misuse of contraceptives.

In keeping with global trends, women in rural areas have more children (an average of 2.5 compared to 1.8 in urban areas). State and divisional variations also adhere to this trend; fertility is lowest in Rangoon and Mandalay divisions, while they are comparable in all other parts of the country except for Chin State, which has the highest birthrate at 4.4.

When confronted with the information, one of the law's principal architects said only that it should be there in case it is ever needed, explaining that in areas where child mortality is high, women "lack knowledge" or are far from a hospital, "the local authorities can report it to the state, and the state can enforce this law."

In contrast, an activist named Salai Isaac Khen, the ethnic Chin director of the Gender and Development Initiative, argued that communities with little access to health and education would be better served by more schools and hospitals, instead of using resources to prevent them from procreating. Assessing actual needs of communities, he suggested, is a more appropriate task for local government.

"I think that township authorities are not in a position to determine whether a law like this should be used or not," Salai Isaac Khen told The Irrawaddy, explaining his belief that, if anything, minority populations should receive support for population growth. Chin State, he pointed out, currently has the highest birth rate in the country, though its total population remains low at less than half a million.

"The population should not be lower, it should be growing," he said, remarking that pre-reform policies are believed to have already diminished minority populations. "Looking at [the data from] all states and divisions, the population must grow."

The post Census Raises New Questions over Legitimacy of Birthrate Law appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt Concerned by New ‘Hardline’ Ceasefire Negotiating Bloc

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 04:50 AM PDT

Dr. Laja of the Kachin Independence Organization, who will be the deputy leader of the new ethnic negotiating bloc. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

Dr. Laja of the Kachin Independence Organization, who will be the deputy leader of the new ethnic negotiating bloc. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The Burmese government's hopes of finalizing a nationwide ceasefire agreement before this year's election appear to have shrunk considerably, after this month's ethnic summit in Law Khee Lar voted to cede negotiating power to a new "hardline" committee.

From the perspective of government peace negotiators, two problems have arisen from the Law Khee Lar summit, which concluded at the beginning of last week. First, ethnic leaders have refused to endorse the draft ceasefire text, demanding fresh negotiations over 15 amendments. Second, the new negotiating committee, which will assume the responsibilities of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), is comprised of people likely to be much less receptive to government overtures.

“We prefer to deal with the NCCT instead of a new committee," said Hla Maung Shwe, a director of the Myanmar Peace Center. "The NCCT members have become friendly with us already. But now they have formed a new committee and replaced the leaders. This could be a problem with our government as it will take time to build rapport, and the people leading the new committee are hardliners."

The government has positioned the successful conclusion of a nationwide ceasefire agreement one of the most important ambitions of President Thein Sein's tenure, but ethnic armed groups remain aloof, cautious of committing themselves to an accord that would impede their push for a federal reform of the Constitution.

"Of course, the president wants to pass his exam," said NCCT chief Nai Hong Sar. "He would be credited for being able to bring a ceasefire agreement during his term. But for us, we are worried that we will be trapped by the government after the agreement is signed."

The formation of a new negotiating coalition is indicative of majority opinion at the Law Khee Lar summit: ethnic leaders believe that the government has not made enough concessions to warrant signing the ceasefire accord as it stands. For that reason, the new committee will be headed by Naw Zipporah Sein, the vice-chair of the Karen National Union (KNU), with Dr. Laja of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) as her deputy. Both spent time on the central executive committee of the United Nationalities Federal Council ethnic coalition, and both are representatives of factions less amenable to compromises with the government within their respective organizations.

Ballots Before Pens, Rights Before Ballots

On the sidelines of the Law Khee Lar summit, ethnic leaders appeared to be rankled by what they saw as pressure from the international community to sign an accord sooner. KNU member Naw May Oo Mutraw reportedly lashed out at UN envoy Vijay Nambiar, claiming that the international community did not understand the reality of the situation faced by ethnic armed groups in Burma.

Sources close to the organizations said that both the KIO and KNU, the political wings of the two most powerful ethnic armed groups, had decided withhold any agreement to sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement until the general election expected later this year is demonstrated to be free and fair, and would not yield to any international pressure to expedite the process.

At the same time, the international community may prove to be a sticking point in future negotiations for very different reasons. Ethnic leaders want international observers present to witness the signing of the nationwide ceasefire agreement, while the government has rejected calls for their oversight, saying that a ceasefire accord is a purely domestic affair. The issue came up during previous negotiations between the government and the NCCT, before it was struck from the draft text of the ceasefire agreement unveiled on March 31.

Other exceptions to the draft text also emerged at the summit. Ethnic leaders resolved to have provisions relating to a federal army included in any ceasefire agreement. As with other issues, this was excluded from the draft text after negotiations in the expectation that a settlement would be reached after the accord was signed. Some leaders at Law Khee Lar criticized the draft text for lacking strong guarantees of political rights for ethnic groups, and said an agreement could not be signed without more explicit commitments on this front from the government's Union Peacemaking Working Committee (UPWC).

Khun Okkar, a member of the NCCT, said he was skeptical of the new committee's ability to secure more concessions from the government, but said the previous negotiators would abide by the summit's decision.

“Some leaders thought that they could push for more rights, and this is why they told us to step down and let others talk to the UPWC," he said. "We worked the best we could and it took a year and a half. Let them try, they may understand afterwards that it is not easy to talk with the military."

He noted, however, that some of the ethnic leaders at the summit wanted to sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement as it stood, without waiting for three armed groups that had been excluded from negotiations by the government.

Hla Maung Shwe warned that the government might not be willing to accept either a new negotiating bloc or a new discussion on amending the ceasefire text, noting that a date and time for further negotiations had not yet been set.

"They should have proposed [the amendments] before, why are they just proposing them now?" he asked. "This could be a problem. I feel the government might not accept this."

Though his own position will eventually become redundant if the new committee proceeds, Nai Hong Sar said that the decision was in the hands of ethnic leaders and not negotiators.

"[The NCCT] cannot do anything," he said. "Even if the government cannot accept the new committee or sign our draft text, this was the majority decision made by ethnic leaders."

The post Govt Concerned by New 'Hardline' Ceasefire Negotiating Bloc appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

A Golden Chance for the Golden Land

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 04:41 AM PDT

Burma's supporters unfurl their national flag before their semifinal football match against Vietnam in the Southeast Asian Games at the National Stadium in Singapore on June 13, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

Burma's supporters unfurl their national flag before their semifinal football match against Vietnam in the Southeast Asian Games at the National Stadium in Singapore on June 13, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

For the Burmese underdogs, the under-23 Southeast Asian Games football final against Thailand on Monday night is about more than just 90 minutes of match play; it's also about earning international recognition. The team's surprise run to the gold medal game has been a lift to the collective conscience of Burma's people, who are said to have an "unconsciously inferior" complex for which the disastrous governance of successive military regimes is to thank.

Eight years after losing to host Thailand in the gold medal clash at the 2007 Southeast Asian Games, Burma again faces its neighbor to the east, this time in Singapore.

An undefeated run through the group stage of the competition, followed by a semifinal win over Vietnam on Saturday, has brought a frenzied atmosphere to the streets of Rangoon. In Singapore, huge crowds of the Burmese diaspora have turned out to cheer on the team every step of the way. Even the firebrand monk U Wirathu is apparently stoked, with images circulating on social media reportedly showing the radical cleric on a flight to Singapore to attend the game.

But unlike U Wirathu, who specializes in divisive rhetoric, the Burmese footballers' unexpected SEA Games campaign has been a unifying affair. On Monday night, monks and imams will come together to share in the sporting spectacle. Majority Bamar will sit side by side with their ethnic minority countrymen.

Rangoon's perennially congested streets will get a reprieve as millions of people sit down in front of their televisions, cram into beer stations or gather at the large screens erected by the city for the occasion.

In the run up to the final, Rangoon residents didn't even need to watch the games to know how they were trending, such was the cacophony that each goal from Burma induced.

Offices are sending out memos telling employees that they need not worry: There will be no overtime work tonight.

There is a real 2008 Obama feel this week; a "yes we can" vibe. Burma's football program and supporters have waited 42 years for this moment, a chance to shake off the unconscious inferiority, at least for a night.

It won't be easy, with Thailand the heavy favorites. If nothing else, the U-23 squad can do no worse than silver.

And Rangoon residents are sure to know it if they manage to pull off the upset, as exhortations of pride in country will no doubt echo through the night.

The post A Golden Chance for the Golden Land appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s Rice Exporters Eye European Market

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 02:19 AM PDT

People rest by bags of rice that are waiting to be transported from a local mill in Kyaiklat town, Irrawaddy Division, on May 24, 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

People rest by bags of rice that are waiting to be transported from a local mill in Kyaiklat town, Irrawaddy Division, on May 24, 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — Burma's rice exporters will attend an exhibition in Milan late next month for the first time, hoping to promote Burmese rice in Italy and other European markets, according to the chairman of the Myanmar Rice Federation.

Though China is Burmese rice exporters' biggest customer and looks likely remain on top for some time, MRF chairman Chit Khine told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the European Union beckoned as Burma looks to ramp up exports of the staple grain.

"The EU market has potential and we need to extend our network by taking part in these kinds of exhibitions," said Chit Khine, adding that he hoped to make a major push into the market next year.

In 2013, the European Union designated Burma eligible to benefit from its Generalized System of Preferences (GSP), eliminating duties on imports from the Southeast Asian nation. One factor preventing a more robust growth in exports to Europe has been the low quality of Burma's rice exports, with much of the product failing to meet EU standards.

Ongoing upgrades to domestic rice mills would help to make up for that shortcoming, according to Chit Khine.

EU sanctions under the previous military regime made the European market effectively off-limits for Burma's rice traders, but the normalization of relations in recent years has them looking West once more.

"That's why we're trying to touch base with EU traders directly," Chit Khine said.

Soe Tun, chairman of the Myanmar Farmers Association, said the Ministry of Commerce is backing rice exporters' more aggressive effort to court European buyers.

And while a weakening kyat in recent months has brought concern from some quarters, rice exporters are benefiting from the currency's slump, a trader in Rangoon told The Irrawaddy.

According to the Myanmar Rice Exporters Association, Burma's rice exports in 2013-14 stood at about 1.2 million tons, down from nearly 1.5 million tons the year before. At more than 1.7 million tons, the 2014-15 fiscal year's rice export volume exceeded the expectations of the Myanmar Rice Federation, which had predicted the figure at 1.5 million tons.

President Thein Sein has set a target to export 4 million tons of rice by 2020.

The post Burma's Rice Exporters Eye European Market appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s Voter Roster Rollout Falls Flat

Posted: 15 Jun 2015 12:44 AM PDT

Prospective voters check to see if their names are correctly enumerated on voter lists on display in Rangoon on March 30. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Prospective voters check to see if their names are correctly enumerated on voter lists on display in Rangoon on March 30. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

The talk of election circles in Rangoon is whether the proposed polls in November will be "free and fair." A great deal of investment has already been made by many, be it in time or money, to ensure that the Union Election Commission (UEC) is able to provide a reasonably acceptable outcome that will see Burma take another step toward more democratic governance.

But hold on! Is this just an illusion, or wishful thinking? Given the way things are shaping up, there is cause for skepticism. In recent weeks, the controversy du jour has involved the voter lists, a critical component to credible elections that has been in the news of late for all the wrong reasons. A pity, really, but it appears that all the talk of enlisting international expertise, using the latest technology to modernize the registration system and make it easy for voters to enumerate themselves is turning out to be little more than hype and specious claims.

To support the electoral process, an estimated US$30 million or more has been earmarked by donors, primarily US, British, Australian and EU aid, with additional support from Norway and other countries. The money has been channeled through international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) that are supporting the election commission and civil society groups to strengthen the transparency and effectiveness of the electoral process in Myanmar.

Let us not forget that much more funding support has also been provided in other forms through various aid granting mechanisms, with the election commission a direct or indirect beneficiary. UEC chairman Tin Aye has said taxpayers will foot the bill for about 40 billion kyats ($36.4 million) in election-related funding from the Union budget.

But now the obvious question to ask is, why has a two-year effort to "clean" the voter lists resulted in the roster being, as the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) contends, up to 80 percent inaccurate? With just six months until the election, this administrative failure is deeply troubling.

The election commission and its technical advisors have been dismissive about the concerns raised by Burma's leading opposition party and civil society groups. The UEC argues that the lists on display are only preliminary and that errors and inconsistencies can happen during the process of data entry, which is a rather flimsy and irresponsible excuse, to say the least.

When possibly 80 percent of voter lists are inaccurate in townships within urban constituencies such as Rangoon and Naypyidaw after two long years of experimenting, it is perhaps anyone's guess as to how the process will unfold outside country's cities. In Burma's rural, remote and far-flung locales, voter awareness is extremely low, and the process of compiling the lists—and correcting errors on the rosters—remains an enigma for many voters and even some election officials.

Recent travels around the countryside brought to the fore a very gloomy picture of people with little knowledge or interest in the election. And it was not just townships in Kachin, Chin and Karen states; even in constituencies on the outskirts of Rangoon, voter education has been sorely lacking.

The question to ask, perhaps, is where has all the millions of dollars earmarked for voter education gone? The UEC-donor-INGO triumvirate must be made to answer.

Or is it that the money has been spent, but the efforts have not borne fruit? Which calls to mind something Kyaw Lwin, a teashop owner on Pansodan Road, recently told me after the voter registration fiasco was reported: "How will we ever get to see the fruits when all the water is being sprayed on the branches and not at the roots?" he asked.

The UEC and its advisors will surely have to hang their heads in shame if they are not able to provide clean voter lists by the time Election Day rolls around, and preferably at least a month before that date. After all, registering voters and cleaning up the list is not rocket science; it requires the correct and effective application of resources.

A pilot project in three diverse townships last year should perhaps have served as the proverbial canary in the coal mine, with a report of the outcome citing many of the issues that have cropped up in recent weeks, albeit seemingly to a less severe degree.

Despite two years of preparations, and claims of extensive voter education and registration monitoring trainings provided to civil society organizations (CSOs), we are faced with a situation where, with six months to go until the election, the climb is getting steeper by the day.

One of the CSOs tasked with observing the voter registration process, the Peoples' Alliance for Credible Elections (PACE), had recommended to the UEC "to guide its election officials on what to do if data on date of birth, parent's name and NRC [National Registration Card] number do not match." From what has been heard during the recent voter list displays in Rangoon townships, many election officials "were clueless" when voters pointed out these discrepancies.

If the voter registration process, which has snowballed into a major concern, is anything to go by, it would be fair to say that the election commission needs to come up with a better explanation, or accept that something is fundamentally wrong with its trainings and voter education initiatives.

According to the UEC, a "nationwide voter list display" after the election date is announced will serve as a "double verification process," ensuring the rosters are ready for prime time. But this plan will fall flat, and the UEC will have egg on its face, if voters go to the polling stations on Election Day only to find their names missing or incorrectly enumerated, rendering them incapable of voting. Would the UEC and its team of advisors then offer a perfunctory apology and promise that "this won't happen again," as was said by one Arakan State election official after the 2010 elections?

Let's hope not, because if so, it'll be five long years before they have a chance to honor their word.

Saw Nyi Nyi is a researcher and commentator on political and election-related affairs in Southeast Asia.

The post Burma's Voter Roster Rollout Falls Flat appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Schools Reopen as South Korea Seeks Normality in MERS Outbreak

Posted: 14 Jun 2015 11:45 PM PDT

A passenger puts a mask on her son to prevent contracting Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS) at the Incheon International Airport in Incheon, South Korea, June 14, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

A passenger puts a mask on her son to prevent contracting Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS) at the Incheon International Airport in Incheon, South Korea, June 14, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

SUWON, South Korea — Thousands of South Korean schools that were shut by worries over Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS) reopened on Monday as the country sought to return to normal, nearly four weeks into an outbreak that showed signs of slowing.

Five new cases were reported by the Health Ministry on Monday, taking the total to 150, the largest outbreak outside of Saudi Arabia. The ministry also said another patient infected with the MERS virus had become the 16th fatality.

All the cases have been traced to healthcare facilities. Four hospitals have been shut down completely or partially closed in an effort to stop the spread of what the World Health Organization (WHO) has said was a "large and complex" outbreak.

At least 440 schools remained closed on Monday, compared with the 2,900 that were shut on Friday.

South Korean President Park Geun-hye, whose approval rating has been battered over the government's response to MERS, urged the country on Monday to return to normal.

"I ask the business community, too, to continue to go on with investment, production and management activities as normal and particularly help with ensuring that consumers don't hold back from spending money," she told a meeting of senior aides.

Park, who last week postponed a scheduled visit to the United States, saw her public support rating dip below 35 percent last week, according to a Realmeter poll.

Her government has been criticized for refusing in the early days of the outbreak to release the name of the hospital where infected and suspected patients had stayed, fuelling public fear and confusion.

On Saturday, the WHO cited shortcomings in South Korea's early response to MERS and urged better communication by the government to improve confidence and trust in its effort to fight the outbreak, domestically and internationally.

Schools Reopen

The Health Ministry said it was moving to quarantine more than 5,500 people who may have been exposed to the MERS virus at a prominent Seoul hospital, which has suspended most services after becoming a new epicenter of the outbreak. The number will take the total in quarantine to about 10,000.

Samsung Medical Center said on Sunday it was suspending all non-emergency surgery and would take no new patients after more than 70 cases were traced to it, including an infected worker who was found to have been in contact with more than 200 people.

At Myoungin Elementary School in the city of Suwon, south of Seoul, teachers greeted students at the gate for the first time in 10 days, taking their temperatures to send home anyone who had a fever.

The WHO last week recommended schools be reopened, saying schools have not been linked to transmission of the MERS virus in South Korea or elsewhere.

"The child's mother and I both work, so I think it's better for kids to be in school where there can be proper measures, rather than keeping them home," said Bin Ko-ok, who brought her first-grader grandchild to school.

The school was one of the first to shut as the fear of MERS spread two weeks ago. Its principal, Kim Hak-yu, said he had received no calls from parents opposed to it reopening.

South Korea said more than 108,000 tourists had called off visiting the country by Saturday since the start of the outbreak, 75 percent of them from China, Hong Kong and Taiwan.

The trend is expected to continue through the summer, the culture ministry said.

The post Schools Reopen as South Korea Seeks Normality in MERS Outbreak appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Hong Kong Braces for Democracy Showdown as Electoral Reform Vote Looms

Posted: 14 Jun 2015 11:40 PM PDT

Pro-democracy protesters march to demand that lawmakers reject a Beijing-vetted electoral reform package for the city's first direct chief executive election in Hong Kong, China June 14, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

Pro-democracy protesters march to demand that lawmakers reject a Beijing-vetted electoral reform package for the city’s first direct chief executive election in Hong Kong, China June 14, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

HONG KONG — Hong Kong is gearing up for a vote this week on a contentious electoral reform package backed by Beijing, with a weekend poll showing public support has shifted against the proposal amid renewed street marches by pro-democracy protesters.

However, senior Chinese officials are expressing confidence behind the scenes that Hong Kong will still pass the package, paving the way for more potentially crippling protests in the Asian financial center.

Police are taking no chances following sometimes violent clashes last year during demonstrations against the package, in which Beijing has proposed a direct vote for Hong Kong's next leader in 2017 among pre-screened, pro-Beijing candidates.

Dozens of police are on patrol near government headquarters, where metal fences have been erected, before debate on the package begins on Wednesday.

Polls taken before and after a televised weekend debate between three democratic lawmakers and three Beijing loyalists showed many viewers turned against the government's proposal after hearing both sides' arguments, Hong Kong media reported.

Before the debate, 49 percent of 188 people at the forum believed lawmakers should veto the proposal, while 42 percent supported it, the South China Morning Post reported on Monday.

After the debate, 54 percent said the package should be voted down, with 38 percent voicing support.

Pro-democracy activists plan to hold evening rallies outside government headquarters before the package goes up for debate on Wednesday, with a vote expected by the end of the week.

More than 100,000 people took to the streets at the height of the protests last year, bringing key areas of the city to a standstill. Only a few thousand turned out for the latest rally on Sunday.

"Even if the proposal is vetoed, if some people decide to stay until Hong Kong has genuine democracy, I will stay with them," said film editor Jimmy Leung, 31, who is camped with a small group of protesters near government headquarters.

Beijing has pressured the city's pro-democracy lawmakers to back the electoral blueprint. The deal requires two-thirds of the 70-seat house, or 47 votes, to pass.

Democracy legislators have repeatedly said they will veto it and that any optimism from senior Chinese officials is a last-ditch effort to unnerve them.

About 70 colorful tents erected by democracy activists are dotted along the street close to government headquarters. At least 5,000 officers will be on duty when the vote takes place, senior police sources have told Reuters, adding that the demonstrations could be much bigger and angrier if the package is passed.

Britain handed Hong Kong back to China in 1997 under a promise that core personal and commercial freedoms, backed by a British-style legal system, would be protected for 50 years.

Anti-Chinese sentiment is rising in Hong Kong, where football fans jeered the playing of the Chinese national anthem during a World Cup qualifying match against Bhutan last week.

The post Hong Kong Braces for Democracy Showdown as Electoral Reform Vote Looms appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China’s Senior Officials Find Comfort in Mythical Masters

Posted: 14 Jun 2015 11:36 PM PDT

A Chinese man reads a book titled 'Qigong and Prevention of Cancer' at a park in Huangyan district of Taizhou, Zhejiang province, on Sept. 18, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

A Chinese man reads a book titled 'Qigong and Prevention of Cancer' at a park in Huangyan district of Taizhou, Zhejiang province, on Sept. 18, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — The former Chinese security czar recently convicted of leaking state secrets did not pass classified documents to a foreign spy or a political rival.

Rather, Zhou Yongkang, a former member of the all-powerful Standing Committee of the ruling Communist Party's Politburo, shared the documents with his qigong master, who claims supernatural abilities, according to a verdict made public last week and which also convicted Zhou of massive corruption.

It's the latest example of a twisted relationship between the leadership of the party, which nominally espouses atheism, and spirituality.

Before Zhou, many senior party cadres and government officials were reported to have sought help and blessings from qigong masters, feng-shui experts, and Buddhist and Taoist monks. Golden Buddha statues are coveted gifts for those in power. Former Chinese President Jiang Zemin is an avid temple-goer.

"The reason is clear—communism is dead," said Willy Lam, an expert on China's elite politics at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. "It's natural for cadres to turn to superstitious beliefs to ward off evil and to help them avoid the pitfalls in the cunning corridors of [politics]."

It's no secret that many Communist leaders believe in Buddhism or Christianity, said Cheng Li, director of the John L. Thornton China Center at Washington-based think tank Brookings Institute.

"They go to temples, and some are closet Christians," Li said. "It's not surprising in a country with a spiritual vacuum."

Qigong, a traditional practice of breathing, gentle body movements and meditation, has legitimate health benefits, Li added. "When you have money and power, what else do you want? Longevity and health. That's human nature," he said.

Superstition also is common among Chinese officials, with examples including hanging a sword to keep disciplinary inspectors away, erecting a basin in front of a government building in hope of amassing wealth, and tearing up a road to ward off bad luck.

The practice of Communist Party members taking interest in supernatural powers has drawn stern criticism from China's political conservatives.

"Corruption is only a matter of course when officials abandon Marxism and Leninism for ghosts and spirits," Sima Nan, a political conservative, wrote on his microblog account. "Now the party has distanced itself from atheism for so long as to allow [qigong masters] to have a good life."

Sima has long been trying to expose qigong masters with uncanny abilities as conmen. In another post, he said corrupt officials and the masters have a symbiotic relationship.

"The masters provide psychological massages to corrupt officials, who in turn provide protection for the masters," he wrote.

In the latest revelation, the confidante for Zhou—a once-feared security czar who oversaw China's vast police and security apparatus—has been identified as Cao Yongzheng, a middle-aged man who gained a reputation as a semi-immortal for his supernatural powers in the late 1980s.

Cao even got the endorsement from a reporter at the party-run People's Daily, who wrote that Cao could tell one's past, present and future by merely looking at that person's photo, and that he possessed powers such as the ability to cure infertility.

At the time, China was swept into a national frenzy over qigong, which promised healthier bodies and calmer minds as the country was embarking on the dizzying road of economic reforms that would drastically reshape the lives of hundreds of millions of people.

To win followers, qigong masters boasted uncanny powers such as curing stubborn illnesses without medical treatment, and they soon built large bases of fans who attended massive gatherings, signed up for practice groups, and purchased pamphlets by the masters as they sought answers to life's problems.

The frenzy subsided when Beijing found the fad was sliding into superstitious and cultish cultures, and it came to an end in 1999, when authorities started to crack down on one of the popular qigong schools known as Falun Gong. More than 10,000 of its practitioners showed up in front of the central government to demand fair treatment, making authorities uneasy about the spiritual group's ability to mobilize the masses.

Yet, the demand for spiritual guidance and psychological counseling has risen in China as more people grappled with rapid and profound social and economic changes. The traditional values have been dismantled by the party's earlier campaigns to eradicate the old world, but the party also had seen its own communist beliefs go bankrupt among the public.

"The Cultural Revolution has rooted out China's traditional value system, and the introduction of Western values was disrupted to some extent in 1989," said Beijing-based independent commentator Shi Shusi, referring to the bloody suppression of the 1989 Tiananmen pro-democracy demonstrations.

"But human souls need to have a home, so the Chinese have found the home for their souls in those qigong masters," Shi said.

State-sanctioned religions such as Christianity and Buddhism also have seen a rapid and strong resurgence, while gurus such as qigong masters and feng shui experts—who specialize in harmonizing elements in one's environment—have built small but lucrative circles of clients among China's richest and most powerful and most influential.

Cao, Zhou's confidante, was highly sought after by officials seeking favors from Cao's powerful friends, according to a 2013 article by the Southern Weekly, which used to be famous for its investigative journalism.

Cao was listed in the court statement as part of a small group of relatives and close friends of Zhou who pocketed 2 billion yuan (US$340 million) in illegal income through Zhou's help, and media reports described Cao as one of the richest people in China, with business interests in oil, real estate, film and agriculture.

As Zhou came under investigation in 2013, Cao's office in Beijing was raided by police, and the man himself had fled the country, state media reported. Now, the media have suggested that Cao eventually will be brought to justice now that Zhou has been imprisoned for life over corruption charges following his May 22 trial.

Another qigong master, Wang Lin, who has been recently disgraced as a fraud by state media, once had the trust of a Chinese railways minister and found a fan in Alibaba founder Jack Ma. State media said Wang had lived lavishly.

Wang once gave former Railways Minister Liu Zhijun a rock as a blessing that Liu would always stand solid and never fall. The anecdote now serves as a joke after Liu fell to corruption charges.

Dali Yang, a political scientist at the University of Chicago, said the rich and powerful are turning to divine powers to help, including relationships with qigong masters who not only can provide soothing body massages, but also psychological support to help them avoid trouble.

"It's psychologically comforting," Yang said. "They can play the role of a psychological adviser."

The post China's Senior Officials Find Comfort in Mythical Masters appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Neruda’s Burmese Days

Posted: 14 Jun 2015 05:00 PM PDT

A woman looks at a painting of Pablo Neruda during a ceremony in Isla Negra on Sept. 23, 2003, the 30th anniversary of his death. (Photo: Reuters)

A woman looks at a painting of Pablo Neruda during a ceremony in Isla Negra on Sept. 23, 2003, the 30th anniversary of his death. (Photo: Reuters)

Long before he became world famous for his poetry, Pablo Neruda served as Chile's honorary consul in colonial Yangon from 1927 to 1928. According to an essay he published in the Brazilian newspaper "O Cruzeiro" some three decades later, the circumstances in which Neruda arrived in the Far East were rather unusual.

"My friend gave to the minister [of foreign relations] the names of available cities all over the world, but I only caught the name of a city that I had never read nor heard of before: Rangoon," he wrote. "The minister said to me, 'Where do you want to go, Pablo?' 'To Rangoon' I answered in a flash. 'Put his name in,' said the minister."

So began Pablo Neruda's brief but eventful one year posting, the first stop in a diplomatic career that saw him stationed in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia), Mexico, Spain and France.

According to his writing, Neruda, who spent most of his time in Yangon living on what was then Dalhousie Street (today, Mahabandoola Road), was appalled by the British colonial occupiers who he later described as "monotonous and even ignorant." This view was shared by many Myanmar at the time, large numbers of whom were actively resisting colonialism with strikes and protests, all of which were put down with brutal force.

The combination of his Latin American origins and his radical politics meant that Neruda was far from the typical westerner living in colonial Myanmar. His distaste for the British Empire was on full display in his poem "Rangoon 1927," which describes both the city and the famed Strand Hotel, a popular gathering place for the colonial elite, in stark terms.

Yangon under British rule where the colonized were compelled to address the colonizers as Thakin ("lord" or "master") was, in Neruda's words, a place "Where a white hotel for whites / and a gilded pagoda for golden people / was as much as happened / and did not happen."

Neruda's aversion to the colonial overlords appears to have been mutual as, according to the poet, he was ostracized for associating with the locals, including his Myanmar lover who was the inspiration for several of his well-known poems.

Being shunned by most other westerners in Yangon didn't seem to bother the then-diplomat too much. "Those intolerant Europeans were not very interesting," he recounted decades later. "And, after all, I had not come to the Orient to spend my life with transient colonizers, but rather with the ancient spirit of that world, with that large, hapless human family."

Neruda wrote evocatively of Myanmar's bustling, multiethnic colonial capital:

"The street became my religion. The Burmese street, the Chinese quarter with its open-air theatres and paper dragons and splendid lanterns. The Hindu street, the humblest of them, with its temples operated as a business by one caste, and the poor people prostrate in the mud outside. Markets where the betel leaves rose up in green pyramids like mountains of malachite. The stalls and pens where they sold wild animals and birds. The winding streets where supple Burmese women walked with long cheroots in their mouths. All this engrossed me and drew me gradually under the spell of real life."

However, a letter he wrote to his half-sister Laurita from Yangon gives a slightly different picture. "Life in Rangoon is a terrible exile, I wasn't born to spend my life in such a hell," complained the young Neruda.

Love and Inspiration

His posting in Yangon was of a very low grade that didn't even provide him with a stipend. "I lived in the greatest poverty and in even greater solitude. For weeks I didn't see another human being," Neruda would later recall in a 1971 interview with the Paris Review.

But being in Yangon did provide Neruda the opportunity to fall in love. Nearly all accounts of his Myanmar lover are from his own writing, and no photo or other independent records verifying her existence appear to have survived. "She dressed in the English style, and her street name was Josie Bliss; but in the privacy of her house, which I soon came to occupy, she slipped out of this impersonation and this name and reverted to an eye-filling sarong and her Burmese name."

Neruda frequently described his relationship with Josie Bliss in dramatic terms, portraying her as an intensely jealous woman who would stalk him around the house. His 1928 poem "Tango del Viudo" ("Widower's tango")—inspired by an incident involving Josie Bliss, a mosquito net and a knife—is according to Neruda scholar Jason Wilson, one of his "greatest poems."

While Josie Bliss may have been a great poetic inspiration, her intensity appears to have been too much for the intrepid Neruda. "Sweet Josie Bliss gradually became so brooding and possessive that her jealous tantrums turned into an illness. Except for this, perhaps I would have stayed with her forever," he wrote in "Memoirs." Eventually Neruda headed off to Ceylon where he took up another posting as honorary consul in Colombo.

But his departure was not the last he saw of Josie Bliss.

"Quite unexpectedly, my Burmese love, the torrential Josie Bliss, planted herself at my door again. She had made the long journey to Ceylon from her distant homeland," he wrote. "Thinking that rice grew only in Rangoon, she came with a rice-sack on her shoulders, our favorite records of Paul Robeson, and a long roll of bedding. From the front door, she proceeded to take in everything, then insulted and assaulted all who tried to get by, consumed by devouring jealousy; then she threatened to set fire to the house. One mild-mannered English lady who came to call she attacked with a large knife."

Eventually Ms. Bliss returned home but the young Neruda found his "heart acquired a scar that has not healed." In 1957, he returned to Myanmar for a visit but was unable to locate her. His unsuccessful search inspired another poem "Regreso a una ciudad" ("Return to a city").

Ms. Bliss continued to influence the poet's work for the rest of his life. In a 1964 poem titled "Amores: Josie Bliss," Neruda recounts his deep regret for leaving the woman he had earlier dubbed his "amorous terrorist." "I wanted to tell her that I too / suffered: / it's not enough: / he who wounds is wounded himself until death."

Neruda died in Chile, just 12 days after a coup on September 11, 1973, that drove his friend, the country's socialist president Salvador Allende, from power and installed military supremo Augusto Pinochet. The circumstances of his death, at age 69, led many close to him, including his widow and his driver, to conclude that Neruda—who was battling cancer at the time—had been secretly poisoned by General Pinochet's henchman.

The poet's funeral, held at his home shortly after it had been ransacked by Chilean troops, was the first act of public protest against General Pinochet's regime.

In 2013, a Chilean court ordered that Neruda's remains be exhumed in order to conduct forensic tests to determine if he was in fact poisoned. Although the tests proved inconclusive, the remains have yet to be reburied at the request of his family who are seeking further tests.

This article originally appeared in the June 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

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