The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Indigenous Rights Coalition in Burma Plans UPR Submission
- The Spirits Smile Down on Nyein Chan Su
- Rumblings of Electoral Support Take Shape in Thein Sein’s Native Township
- Journal Fined 2m Kyats for Defaming President
- Karen Refugee Eyeing Premier League With Sheffield United
- A Monk with a Vision Puts School Within Reach
- Love of the Union or Love of the Party? The USDP Must Decide
- NLD Hopeful: ‘You Can Use Me as a Shield’
- Protests Over Nepal Constitution Injure Dozens, Police Say
- Uniqlo Sex Video: Beijing Police Detain 4 People
- Japan Ratchets up Criticism of China in Revised Defense Paper
| Indigenous Rights Coalition in Burma Plans UPR Submission Posted: 21 Jul 2015 06:19 AM PDT
 Performers hold Mon flags as they march in Kamarwet village, Mudon Township, on Mon National Day in February 2014. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A coalition of 24 indigenous rights organizations is planning to make a submission on the situation of indigenous communities in Burma when the country is reviewed at the 23rd session of the Universal Periodic Review Working Group in Geneva, Switzerland, in November. The group, called the Coalition of Indigenous Peoples in Myanmar/Burma, has catalogued a raft of issues that indigenous peoples are facing in Burma, including lack of access to land and resources and the impact of destructive development projects on local livelihoods. "Burma's 2008 Constitution makes no mention of indigenous peoples, their collective rights, or customary land use practices in indigenous peoples' territories," the coalition said in a factsheet released at a press conference on Tuesday. "The lack of recognition [in the Constitution] of the people's right to own land directly contradicts with the basic principle that the State's power is derived from its citizens." The coalition said the current draft national land use policy gives special privileges to business investors that could lead to more land grabs in the country and is vague regarding the land use rights of ethnic nationalities. The group called for amendments to the national land use policy and other legislation to ensure they accommodate "the collective rights of indigenous peoples to their lands, territories, and natural resources, including customary land use practices with regard to forests, rivers, and other land, as well as agricultural land." Min Than Oo, director of the Mon Multimedia Institute, said land seizures had particularly impacted ethnic nationalities in Burma, a trend that has continued to the present day. "Since 1995, more than 18,000 acres of land have been grabbed by the Burma Army in Mon State until as recently as December 2014," he said. The lands of ethnic minorities have often been confiscated in connection with large infrastructure, plantation and extractive industry projects. The right to free, prior and informed consent is seldom upheld and impact assessments are often opaque or not carried out at all. "Foreign investors are promoting harmful development projects—such as mega hydro-powered and coal-fired electricity generation projects—in conflict areas without conducting [impact assessments]," the group said. Naw Ei Ei Min, executive director of POINT, an organization promoting indigenous peoples rights and environmental awareness, expressed concern that, with protracted negotiations over a nationwide ceasefire ongoing, indigenous rights will remain up in the air. "We still can't see sustained peace [and] we have no idea how ethnic rights will be granted and to what extent," she said. The coalition on Tuesday also addressed the issue of preserving ethnic languages long suppressed under decades of enforced monolingual education under military rule. Mann Win Maung, joint-secretary of the Pantanaw literature and cultural committee in Irrawaddy Division, said Karen language and literature in the division had been slowly disappearing since 1962. He said the concession to allow ethnic languages to be taught outside of normal school hours, with no budgetary support, was "not effective," and worried that the decline in Karen-language literacy could erode their sense of Karen identity. The group recommended that the Burmese government "provide the teaching of indigenous peoples' languages in the national curriculum… and to allocate sufficient national budget for effective implementation." The Burmese government officially recognizes 135 "national races" in Burma that are considered taing yin tha—translated as "indigenous" peoples. But the coalition contends that these ethnic categories are too broad and do not reflect the rich diversity of Burma's indigenous peoples. The group called on the UN special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples "to provide expertise and to assist in facilitating a national-level dialogue with the aim of identifying and recognizing indigenous peoples in Myanmar, based on the international concept of indigenous peoples." The UPR process reviews all UN member states' compliance with their human rights obligations. Burma's last review took place in 2011. The post Indigenous Rights Coalition in Burma Plans UPR Submission appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| The Spirits Smile Down on Nyein Chan Su Posted: 21 Jul 2015 05:53 AM PDT Click to view slideshow. RANGOON — After regular visits to Bagan and Taung Pyone over nearly a decade, Rangoon artist Nyein Chan Su is showcasing a series of works inspired by nats, the spirits worshipped in central Burma alongside Buddhism. Named 'Spirituality in High Spirits', 14 of Nyein Chan Su's artworks are now on display in Burma's commercial capital, a series of acrylic and canvas renditions each turn on its head the traditional depiction of nats as foreboding and reproachful figures. "Whenever you talk about them or see their statues, all you see is their stern faces and the stories of their tragic deaths, but I put smiles on their faces," said the acclaimed 42-year old artist, commonly known as NCS, who has been a participant in more than a dozen international art exhibitions since 2010. "I wonder whether, after the tragedy of their own lives, the nats may be happy to see some of the changes in our country." The exhibition is also running alongside 'Near Mandalay', a documentary filmed by Nyein Chan Su about Taung Pyone, a stronghold of nat worship. "I want to highlight how the Nat worshipping plays an important role in people's ways of life alongside Buddhism. How their belief in nats controls their daily life—in social interactions, in their health, and so on—in places where there's no medical clinics and no schools," he said. 'Spirituality in High Spirits' is on display at Studio Square, in Bahan Township's Pearl Condo, until July 25. The post The Spirits Smile Down on Nyein Chan Su appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Rumblings of Electoral Support Take Shape in Thein Sein’s Native Township Posted: 21 Jul 2015 05:09 AM PDT
 President Thein Sein during a ceremony in his native town of Kyone Ku in Irrawaddy Division's Ngapudaw Township in November 2014. (Photo: Salai Thant Zin / The Irrawaddy) PATHEIN — Residents of Thein Sein's home township of Ngapudaw in the Irrawaddy delta reportedly called on the president to contest the country's upcoming general election during the visit of a union minister, according to local supporters. A number of locals voiced their support for Thein Sein to vie for the Ngapudaw constituency in the November poll during a visit by the Minister of Livestock, Fisheries and Rural Development Ohn Myint earlier this month, according to Than Htwe, a local township elder. "We want to show him our gratitude for what he has done. So we invited him [to contest the November poll] during Minister Ohn Myint's trip," Than Htwe said. The minister replied that the president was still undecided on whether to run in the general election but that if people pushed him to compete, Irrawaddy Division's Ngapudaw Township would be a priority, locals said. In the 2010 general election that was widely considered fraudulent, Thein Sein ran for a Lower House seat in Naypyidaw's Zabuthiri Township with the Union Solidarity and Development Party. The incumbent president is reportedly undecided on whether he will run for a second term as head of state. Earlier this month, he told Japanese news agency NHK that he would consider running if it was in line with the will of the people. Myo Nyunt, chairperson of the National League for Democracy's Irrawaddy Division chapter, said his party would strenuously compete against anyone running for election in the division. "If the president stands in Ngapudaw, we will not evade it," he said. Ngapudaw resident Hla Htay said the president's honesty was the key to his success. "If he contests for Ngapudaw, success is taken for granted. With his honesty, he doesn't need any campaign." During his four-year presidency, Thein Sein has overseen the construction of three bridges in the area where waterways used to be the main route of transport. "We have 90 village tracts and more than 400 villages," said Than Htwe. "People from here are ready to campaign for the president from their own pockets." The post Rumblings of Electoral Support Take Shape in Thein Sein's Native Township appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Journal Fined 2m Kyats for Defaming President Posted: 21 Jul 2015 05:00 AM PDT  The Myanmar Herald weekly journal is fined two million kyats for defamation charges brought by Burma's Ministry of Information. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Two journalists employed by the Myanmar Herald were fined one million kyats (US$800) each after being found guilty of defaming the president, the journal's chief editor said on Tuesday. Eleven people were initially tried in the case when the Ministry of Information leveled the charges late last year at the Pokeba Thiri Township Court in Naypyidaw. Nine of the accused were acquitted on Tuesday, while former chief editor Kyaw Swa Win and deputy chief editor Win Ko Ko Oo—also known as Ant Khaung Min—received the maximum fine for violating Chapter 4 (9) (g) of a newly enacted Media Law. The journal's legal woes began after publishing an interview with a researcher for Burma's main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), which criticized President Thein Sein for waffling in statements about whether he would seek reelection. "The judge said the interview about President Thein Sein should not have been published, that President Thein Sein is like our parent and it was defamation," said the journal's current chief editor, Aung Kyaw Min. Complaints about media offenses are meant to be mediated by Burma's Interim Press Council, a semi-governmental body established in 2012 to liaise between the press and the government. The council received two defamation complaints from the Ministry of Information last September—one against the Myanmar Herald—though the journal's editor said the council played little role in their dispute. Defense lawyer Zaw Lin denounced the outcome as unjust. "The other nine people were released, which is reasonable. But for these two journalists, they shouldn't have been fined, and we will appeal to the district court," Zaw Lin said. Aung Kyaw Min stood by his team, who he believes did nothing wrong, and criticized the government's treatment of the fourth estate. "If they want [Burma] to become a democratic country, they shouldn't restrict the press," he said. Media reforms initiated since 2012 were met with initial praise, as prepublication censorship was abolished and licenses granted for private publishing outfits, though rights groups have since warned that new freedoms could be backsliding. Last year, a journalist was killed in the custody of the Burma Army. At least a dozen others are serving prison terms for charges related to their work, some for up to seven years with hard labor. Additional reporting contributed by Zue Zue. The post Journal Fined 2m Kyats for Defaming President appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Karen Refugee Eyeing Premier League With Sheffield United Posted: 21 Jul 2015 03:41 AM PDT  Kler Heh, 18, was awarded his first professional contract with English football club Sheffield United this year. (Photo: Facebook / Kler Heh) RANGOON — In the prison-like surroundings of a Thai refugee camp on the Burma border, 10-year-old Kler Heh would play football in bare feet with family and friends dreaming of a new life elsewhere. Anywhere. The long list of possible locations never included the northern English city of Sheffield, but the once-mighty industrial town that has struggled since the decline of its steel mills in the 1980s has become a welcome home, largely because of football. After four years living in England, Kler Heh's perseverance and hard work showed English third tier side Sheffield United the skills learned on the enclosed Thai streets were worthy of a chance with their academy. Now 18 and possessing a first professional contract with the four-times FA Cup winners and 1898 English champions, Kler Heh allows himself to dream again. "I would love to play in the Premier League one day but at present my goal is to impress [manager] Nigel Adkins and [under 21 coach] Chris Morgan, and repay Sheffield United for the faith that they have shown to me," he told Reuters. "I want to grow as a player and I believe that I will be able to do that under Chris Morgan's guidance. "But I am an ambitious player and I would love to and one day be the captain of either Myanmar or Thailand at an international level and as I grow play at the highest level possible, the Premier League and Champions League." Kler Heh is a skillful winger who will play in United's under-21 side this year and push for first team opportunities with the Blades, who made the semifinals of the League Cup last season but narrowly missed out on promotion back to the second tier. He watched Thailand beat Burma in the final of the Southeast Asian Games tournament in June, but said his international chances with either are complicated by his ethnicity and lack of passport for each country. Born in the refugee camp, he and his family of ethnic Karens, a minority group who have faced oppression in Burma, had already failed with their attempts to move to Australia and seemed destined never to escape the depressing camp environment. "You can't really get out, nobody has a passport to go into Thailand and go out like a normal human would," Kler Heh explained. But in 2006, a small group from the camp, including Kler Heh and five family members, were resettled in Sheffield as part of the United Nations Gateway Protection Program. Unable to speak the language, Kler Heh took to the sanctuary of football once again, playing for school teams and in Sunday leagues. Friends told him of the Football Unites Racism Divides group, which helped Kyle Walker on his way to becoming an England international, and he went along and impressed. Two nerve-filled trials at Sheffield United, where Walker also started, came and went before Kler Heh was finally taken on by the club's academy at the third attempt and has impressed coaches. "Trying to progress through the academy ranks is a tough challenge on its own," United academy manager Nick Cox told Reuters. "Kler has done this at the same time as having to learn a new language and adapt to an unfamiliar culture. It has been an incredible achievement to be awarded with a professional contract at the club." Kler Heh, now holding a British passport, went back to Thailand in 2012 to visit family and friends at the Umpiem Mai refugee camp, which is home to almost 13,000 people. He said he was happy to carry the weight of expectation for all back home in a region obsessed with the Premier League and desperate to see one of their own play in the lucrative league for the first time. "I know that I am representing myself, my family, friends and everyone in Myanmar and Thailand," Kler Heh said. "I want to be a positive role model and a symbol of hope that there is life outside the refugee camps." The post Karen Refugee Eyeing Premier League With Sheffield United appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| A Monk with a Vision Puts School Within Reach Posted: 21 Jul 2015 03:00 AM PDT Click to view slideshow. MANDALAY — About 25 young schoolchildren in white and green uniforms stand face to face in the classroom. They point at each other enthusiastically as they practice the personal pronouns "You" and "I" while their teacher patiently provides corrections and encouragement. In another classroom for third-graders, some 20 students practice math, brainstorming in English with their teacher. In another, children in small groups are playing a game with cards bearing pictures of animals, fruits, vegetables and colors. These are everyday classroom scenes at the Phaung Daw Oo Monastic School, located east of Myanmar's second-biggest city of Mandalay, where in some classes, young Buddhist novices, nuns and other children all learn together. The school began with a simple idea—"a free education for everyone"— and each year, students from near and far enroll, from kindergarten to high school level, learning the same curriculum as other local government and private schools. One of the defining features of the Phaung Daw Oo school is its "child centered approach" to education, led by school principal and the Abbot of Phaung Daw Oo Monastery, Sayadaw U Nayaka, who has also sought to deemphasize traditional practices of rote learning. "It was around 1967, when I was about 20, that my younger brother Zawtika and I saw a huge Christian missionary school in Hinthada, Ayeyarwady Region, which was then a government school," U Nayaka said. "We later found out about missionary schools and their idea of free education inspired me to run a monastic school." For centuries, monastic schools were the only source of education for Myanmar's youth until missionary and private schools were established during the British colonial period. Following the military coup in 1962, the popularity of monastic education dropped significantly in cities and towns across the country. In order to achieve his dream of educating others, U Nayaka first had to educate himself. At the age of 24, he left the monastery in Mandalay to pursue a secondary education in a government school in Pyaw Bwe, Mandalay Region. "To teach others, I had to learn the modern education [system]. I was the oldest person in the class. However, I was never disappointed to learn," he said. He remained in the monkhood throughout his secondary schooling and went on to study chemistry at Mandalay University, graduating in 1981. 'The Idea is to Learn' In the early 1990s monastic schools regained popularity, particularly among children whose families could not afford regular school fees. After being appointed as an abbot at Phaung Daw Oo monastery, U Nayaka and his brother U Zawtika established the free monastic school for primary school children in 1993, registered under the Ministry of Religious Affairs. In the beginning, teaching methods at the new school mirrored those of other government-run schools. "As the years went by, I felt like something was still missing," U Nayaka said. "Around the year 2000, when I learned about the child centered approach, I decided to change the teaching methods in my school." With the help of donors, U Nayaka sought foreign educators to help train local teachers. His emphasis on a child centered approach was quickly embraced by students, while parents initially remained skeptical. "We received several complaints from parents that their children were getting very inquisitive, did no homework, [and that there were] fewer lessons in their notebooks than [students] in government schools," U Nayaka said. "We had to explain the child centered approach to them, which is not a 'parrot learning' method, and that the idea is to learn, not just writing notes." The school later expanded to incorporate a high school and in recent years has had around 6,000 to 7,000 students enrolled each year, including orphans, ethnic children and children affected by Cyclone Nargis. Around 300 local volunteer teachers are on hand each year, including foreign teachers from countries including Germany, the United States, Australia and the United Kingdom. But it has not always been smooth sailing for Phaung Daw Oo's students, some of whom have found their exam results don't always stack up against students in government schools. Jasmine, who attended the Phaung Daw Oo school since kindergarten, recently received the results of her matriculation exams. "I received no distinctions and was quite disappointed. From a young age, what we learn here is based on creative thinking and critical thinking. We never learn the lessons by heart; we rewrite it or present it in our own words," she told The Irrawaddy. "But for matriculation exams, we can't do that. We have to learn everything from A to Z, by heart, and have to write it down [exactly] as it is," she added. U Nayaka said a government-led focus on rigid examinations discourages many students like Jasmine who are not familiar with the rote learning system—or, memorization based on repetition. Only 30 percent of students from the monastic school passed the matriculation exams in the 2014-15 academic year, and only 185 students obtained distinctions. Looking Ahead After passing their final exams, students still face an uphill battle to gain entry into university, with places usually awarded according to examination marks. "Since the total scores of our students are not comparable to the students who passed under the [rote learning] approach, most of them can't usually study [subjects] like medicine, engineering or IT which require very high total scores," a teacher at the school explained. U Nayaka has his own possible solution: He dreams of opening a private, international-standard university offering free education. "I think: What will these students do after they graduate from our high school? Most of them came here because they can't afford tuition fees. Some of them can't go to those universities because of their marks, but they are smart enough to become professionals," he said. U Nayaka's plans stalled however, after the female donor of 400 acres of land for the site of the planned university in Mandalay Region's Patheingyi Township was jailed in relation to the donation. The Abbot's vision has shifted slightly to other forms of higher education. "Currently, we are planning to open a pre-college class for the students and teachers who will go abroad for further study. Now we are testing the class, first with the students who graduate from our high school, and then we will allow outsiders later," he said. In Myanmar, monastic schools are the most popular option for poor or disadvantaged students. According to official figures for 2014, there are an estimated 7,000 teachers and more than 260,000 students enrolled in some 1,579 monastic schools nationwide. The Phaung Daw Oo Monastic school motto is clear and simple: "Free and better education for everyone." It takes pride in an inclusive approach, without prejudice based on gender, race or religion. "Education is just education. We can't mix it up with religion. In our school, we teach no students to be racists," U Nayaka said. "Our education system has been spoiled for many years so that our children can't catch up to international levels. My belief is that with better education, with smart and well-educated people, we can create a better community, a better country." This article originally appeared in the July 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post A Monk with a Vision Puts School Within Reach appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Love of the Union or Love of the Party? The USDP Must Decide Posted: 21 Jul 2015 02:54 AM PDT  President Thein Sein shakes hands with Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann at a high-level roundtable meeting in Naypyidaw, October, 2014. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — There is a Burmese phrase that has long been used by the country's leadership, yielded with particular power by the military even today, roughly meaning "national politics." The concept is more complicated than it sounds, evoking a sense of essential nonpartisan rule by uniformed men. Amyotha nai ngan yay conjures a sense of national unity that is held together by the military, which—in theory—has no personal interest. The term dates back to the days of General Aung San, and has since become a fixture of Burma's political rhetoric. In today's political environment, as the country inches toward more democratic rule, the term has made a comeback in state newspapers, parliamentary discourse and pre-election public speech. The idea of amyotha nai ngan yay stands in stark contrast to increasing partisanship in the country's politics, as parties new and old attempt to forge distinct identities in the minds of the electorate. This nascent era of party politicking is perhaps best illustrated by the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which seems to be struggling more than others to project a unified vision. The USDP, a mildly rebranded version of the Union Solidarity and Development Association comprising military strongmen under the former regime, seems to be divided. While it is intrinsically linked to the objectives of the Tatmadaw, or Burmese Armed Forces, a faction within the party is trying to form a distinct agenda more focused on representative democratic ideas.  Lawi Weng is a senior reporter for The Irrawaddy English edition. Some members of the USDP have projected an image—sincere or not—that they want to move away from militarism and carry out works that reflect the needs of the people while promoting unity among disparate ethnic groups. The Tatmadaw, and many of its USDP sympathizers, have performed no such pageantry, making no secret of their goal of protecting the Constitution over all else. The Tatmadaw argues that it created a perfect set of rules, an airtight Constitution that allows some freedoms, but ultimately lets the military take full control when it needs to. This power, it claims, is meant to safeguard the Union. The military rulers, who ostensibly enabled the "democratic transition" to occur, point out that democracy is still fragile, that too much freedom could destabilize the Union. The army's critics respond that the country was hardly stable before the transition; it has been at war with itself for decades and the junta had long driven the economy into the ground. But while the branding of the military—which enjoys a 25 percent unelected share of the legislature—has been about strengthening the Union, parts of the USDP have focused instead on strengthening the party. As the military recedes from politics, next year or a decade down the line, the party will need to survive as a strong and distinct institution. "The tension about the ideology of these two words [national and party politics] first appeared in Parliament," explained Pe Than, a ruling party lawmaker. The rift became most apparent during recent discussions about changing key parts of the military-drafted 2008 Constitution, a movement that was easily crushed by the Tatmadaw's unelected voting bloc. Some members of the USDP solidly support the traditional thinking that the military needs to be involved in government, while others support a more civilianized ruling apparatus. "It has caused a crack within the USDP," Pe Than said. The military has recently responded strongly to this rift, which is becoming embarrassingly visible to the public eye. Lashing out at USDP members who have strayed from amyotha nai ngan yay, the military has often cast them as "dirty" politicians, opportunists and gerrymanderers with no loyalty to the Union. "[The Tatmadaw] wants to show the people that they protect the country, that they work for the country. They want to show that they do not belong to any political party agenda, which they have cast as dirty politics," according to Pe Than, who is himself in favor of increased partisanship. "But this isn't true: People from the party [USDP] are pure." The ideological fissure between the ruling party and the military that essentially created it could widen in the coming months as party leaders' electoral ambitions become more clear. Many within the USDP view President Thein Sein as being in the Tatmadaw's camp, while Shwe Mann is viewed as more of a party devotee. While some mystery still surrounds whether or not the incumbent will seek reelection, the latter, Speaker Shwe Mann, has been more forthright about his interest in the nation's top job. According to USDP lawmaker Thura Aung Ko, their roles in the new government could are hardly cut and dry. While most speculative discussions center on a Shwe Mann versus Thein Sein for the USDP nod scenario, he said there might be an alternative way things could play out. "I think [Thein Sein] will not take part in party politics, and will focus on amyotha nai ngan yay," Thura Aung Ko said, predicting that Thein Sein "will not come back" to the party. If that's the case, he said, he could potentially be chosen as vice president by the military, which would secure him a spot as one of the nation's three top executives and pit him against Shwe Mann for the presidency. In a further demonstration of the USDP's bend away from the military, Thura Aung Ko and several of his colleagues recently proposed an amendment to the Constitution that would take away the Tatmadaw's right to nominate a presidential contender. The military voting bloc unsurprisingly stopped the plan dead in its tracks. In defense of the ill-fated proposal, Thura Aung Ko argued that a nominee selected by an unelected portion of the legislature does not reflect the will of the people and is unaccountable to the electorate. "A vice president or a president who is chosen only by [elected] lawmakers might have sympathy or could help civilians. They may not forget to thank the civilians whose votes helped them win," he explained. The fissure of loyalties—to the Union or to a party—is perhaps most evident within the ruling party, which is largely viewed as an appendage of the military. But as a multi-party system begins to take form, a more general shift toward partisanship is obvious. Parliamentarian Khin Mwe Lwin, a member of Burma's leading opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), addressed the issue head on during a recent debate about charter reform. "In our modern time," she said, "there should be no competition between party politics and nationalist politics." Speaking in favor of partisanship, she suggested that the concept of amyotha nai ngan yay was no longer "appropriate" for Burma, particularly as it has primarily been used to attack and thus weaken political parties that have not all yet reached maturity. The post Love of the Union or Love of the Party? The USDP Must Decide appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| NLD Hopeful: ‘You Can Use Me as a Shield’ Posted: 21 Jul 2015 12:46 AM PDT  Nyo Nyo Thin, a member of the Rangoon Divisional Parliament, hopes to contest a seat for the NLD in the Lower House during the upcoming election. (Photo: Irrawaddy) After five year stint in the Rangoon Divisional Parliament, Nyo Nyo Thin, who was elected as an independent, isn't quite satisfied. Known as something of an outspoken lawmaker who has never failed to question the divisional government on controversial issues—notably a divisive Rangoon City Expansion Plan and now-defunct developments near the Shwedagon Pagoda—she has now decided to vie for a national seat on a major party ticket. Last week, Nyo Nyo This submitted an application for candidacy as a Lower House representative forBurma's main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD) in a general election to be held in November. The Irrawaddy speaks with Nyo Nyo Thin about why she joined the party and what she hopes to accomplish on a national level. Why did you decide to join the NLD? As a lawmaker, I have five years of experience in the Rangoon Divisional Parliament. I wanted it to be a place where democratic forces were really active. The Rangoon divisional government is important too, as it is the government of the country's business hub. So the government has to be clean even if it can't [yet] offer good governance. I want to help form the cleanest government, if not the best government. When I looked for fellows to work with, I saw no other option except the NLD. It's not the best party, but I haven't found anyone better yet as an opposition force. So I joined them to create a government on which people can rely. The NLD hasn't got any lawmakers at the Rangoon Divisional Parliament. I will share my five years of experience with them. That's the reason why I joined. After five years in the divisional Parliament, what were your observations? As for my experience there, the USDP [ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party] members mostly represented the divisional government, not the people. In contrast, there are some USDP members in the Union Parliament who dare to defy their party for the interests of people. So for those in the Rangoon Parliament, I don't believe they are people who citizens could rely on for another five year term. I know their strengths and weaknesses. I know what they have done after five years in the Parliament. If I were to contest as an independent, I would win. But I can't effectively make the Rangoon divisional government clean [without the support of a major party]. It would be the same as what I faced over the last five years. Initially I had no plan to join the NLD, but as the election nears I see that the NLD is very weak, especially in Rangoon. I want the Rangoon government to be corruption free. I realized that I need to have a big alliance behind me to achieve that. I received their offer from the township and divisional levels in January, and I thought about it very seriously. Finally, I submitted the form to join them last week. You say the NLD is weak. What are their weaknesses? In Rangoon Division, they have no parliamentarians there, so they have no idea about the USDP's weak points and strong points. They are not very attentive to local governance, as they seemingly put all their efforts into amending the Constitution in Naypyidaw, as you all know. They have very little interest in the Rangoon divisional government. It is very important that if you can control Rangoon, the governance for other states and divisions are much easier. So I'm trying to fill in this gap—a big gap. Do you think you will win? Yes, I do. If the election is free and fair. Why are you so sure? Rangoon people know me. They know when I questioned what at the Parliament. They know my stance there. What are your achievements so far after five years as a lawmaker? When people asked me, during previous campaigns, what I could do for them, I answered: "I can't do anything big, but when your rights are threatened by authorities, I will stand with you. You can use me as a shield." I kept that promise, given what I have done so far as an outspoken member of Parliament. Some people are worried that I might become silent after joining the NLD, but I can sincerely promise you that I will never be silent. Why do you want to run for the Lower House? In the Lower House, I have found that no one from the NLD is familiar with divisional Parliament or local governance issues. I want to make laws that are needed for states and divisions. We need specific laws for tenders and procurement. The next Rangoon divisional government will not have the same chances that the current one did. To make [good local governance] possible—not only for Rangoon but elsewhere, as well—the laws have to be passed at the Union Parliament. That's why I'm running for the Lower House. What is your message to the people this time? If the government is corrupt, use me as a knife. My greatest desire is to fight against corruption in government. Even if the NLD wins and there are any corrupted ministers among them, I will have to fight against them, too. Additional reporting contributed by Kyaw Hsu Mon and May Sitt Paing. The post NLD Hopeful: 'You Can Use Me as a Shield' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Protests Over Nepal Constitution Injure Dozens, Police Say Posted: 20 Jul 2015 10:21 PM PDT  Riot police personnel detain a protester during a nationwide strike, organized by opposition parties to demand that Nepal's new constitution be drafted with the consensus of all political parties, in Kathmandu on April 7, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) KATHMANDU, Nepal — Protesters clashed with police in southern Nepal on Monday as the government tried to collect the public's suggestions on the draft of the country's long-overdue constitution. Police reported dozens of injuries in the clashes in several southern towns, hours after protesters stormed the national stadium and threw chairs at the deputy prime minister. About 200 protesters from Rastriya Prajatantra Party Nepal scuffled with police at the stadium and demanded that Nepal remain a Hindu nation. Supporters of smaller opposition parties also say the draft was prepared by larger political parties and exclude their concerns and suggestions. Police were also investing a possible attack on the Finance Minister Ram Sharan Mahat's vehicle with petrol bombs when he was driving though a mountain road west of Kathmandu. Nepal was declared a secular republic after its centuries-old monarchy was abolished in 2008. The monarchs that ruled Nepal promoted Hinduism and the kings were believed by some to be a reincarnation of the Hindu god Vishnu. "Nepal is a Hindu state and will remain a Hindu state. Almost all Nepalese are Hindus and we will continue to protest until the country is declared a Hindu state once again," said one of the protesters, Madhav Bhattarai. Riot police pushed the protesters out of the arena, and no one was hurt in the morning scuffles. Deputy Prime Minister Prakash Man Singh had been addressing the crowd gathered as part of the campaign to collect public suggestions on the draft constitution. The government sent lawmakers to their constituencies on Monday and Tuesday to collect public comment. The constitution was supposed to be written by a Constituent Assembly elected in 2008. It failed to finish the task, and another assembly elected in 2012 has also struggled because of disagreements between political parties. Nepal has been governed by an interim constitution for seven years. But since a devastating earthquake killed nearly 9,000 people in April, there has been pressure on the parties to speed up the constitution process. One major issue is deciding how to divide the country's federal states. At the meeting in Kathmandu Monday, participants also voiced concerns about the rights of women and minorities. "Women are still not given equal rights in the new draft despite promises from the politicians," said Sita Shrestha, a housewife. The post Protests Over Nepal Constitution Injure Dozens, Police Say appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Uniqlo Sex Video: Beijing Police Detain 4 People Posted: 20 Jul 2015 10:04 PM PDT  The Uniqlo flagship store in Tokyo. (Photo: Thomas Peter / Reuters) BEIJING — Four people have been detained in connection with a sex video purportedly taken inside a Uniqlo fitting room that spread rapidly online, Beijing police said. They were detained on suspicion of spreading obscene content, according to a police statement late Sunday. Police said they were still investigating the couple, who can be seen in the cellphone video apparently having sex in the Japanese retailer’s flagship Beijing store. Uniqlo has denied any involvement in the video, which spread widely online last week and gave rise to jokes about fitting rooms becoming the latest make-out spots. The police statement said the couple admitted sending the video, which was made in April, to a friend on popular mobile chatting app WeChat, and that it later somehow appeared on the Twitter-like Sina Weibo’s microblogging platform. A 19-year-old man is suspected of posting the video online and the other three of spreading obscene information, the statement said. In China, people convicted of disseminating obscene books, films, pictures and videos face up to two years’ imprisonment, while those who make obscene products for profit face a maximum sentence of life imprisonment, according to the official Xinhua News Agency. China’s cyberspace administration has already chastised two of the country’s main Internet companies, Sina Corp., which runs Sina Weibo, and Tencent Holding Ltd., which runs WeChat, for allowing the video to spread. The post Uniqlo Sex Video: Beijing Police Detain 4 People appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Japan Ratchets up Criticism of China in Revised Defense Paper Posted: 20 Jul 2015 09:50 PM PDT  Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force's destroyers Harusame sail side by side with a Philippine warship during their joint naval drill in the South China Sea, in this handout photo taken May 12, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) TOKYO — Japan ramped up its criticism of China's land reclamation and offshore platforms in disputed seas on Tuesday in a hastily revised annual defense report. The 500-page white paper, approved by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's government, for the first time includes satellite images of Chinese man-made islands in the South China Sea. China claims most of the 3.5 million sq km (1.35 million sq mile) South China Sea, with the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan also staking claims. Japan has no claim in the South China Sea but is in dispute with China over small islands in the East China Sea. After hawkish members of Abe's party complained that the report was too soft on China, the Defense Ministry appended a demand for China to halt construction of platforms in the East China Sea that it began two years ago. "We have confirmed that China has started construction of new ocean [exploration] platforms and we repeat our opposition to unilateral development by China and call for a halt," the ministry said. The paper outlining Japan's defense posture and perceived threats comes after its lower house of parliament last week passed legislation that for the first time since World War Two would allow Japanese soldiers to fight overseas. China said the legislation called into question Japan's post-war commitment to "the path of peaceful development". Japan's complaints about platforms that Japan fears could be used as radar outposts in the East China Sea come as Japan is playing a more prominent role in the South China Sea dispute. Japan has angered China with criticism of artificial islands that China is building in the Spratlys Islands. Japan fears Chinese military bases in the South China Sea could bolster its influence over a region through which $5 trillion in trade passes every year, much of it to and from Japan. China has said its constructions in the South China Sea would be used for defense as well as to provide civilian services that will benefit other countries. Japan is seeking to build ties in Southeast Asia that it hopes will improve the capacity of countries there to keep tabs on Chinese activity. Japan and the Philippines have conducted two joint naval exercises in and around the South China Sea and in June, Abe and Philippine President Benigno Aquino said they would begin talks that could led to Japan using Philippine bases. Japan has also said it may begin air patrols in the South China Sea. China said it would see that as interference. The post Japan Ratchets up Criticism of China in Revised Defense Paper appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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