Tuesday, October 13, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Woman Faces 5 Years over Photo Likening Army Garb to Suu Kyi’s Dress

Posted: 13 Oct 2015 05:20 AM PDT

  An image posted to Chaw Sandi Tun's Facebook page has caused controversy. (Photo: Chaw Sandi Tun / Facebook)

An image posted to Chaw Sandi Tun's Facebook page has caused controversy. (Photo: Chaw Sandi Tun / Facebook)

PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Division — A young woman was brought to trial in Irrawaddy Division on Tuesday after sharing a satirical post on social media deemed to be insulting to Burma's military.

Twenty-five-year-old Chaw Sandi Tun, also known as Chit Thami, last week took to Facebook to share a digitally photo collage of Aung San Suu Kyi wearing a green traditional htamein, Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and other military service personnel donning newly redesigned uniforms.

The post compared the new military garb to the apparel of the renowned opposition leader, who chairs the National League for Democracy (NLD) and once served nearly two decades of house arrest under the former military junta.

A text transposed on the image read: "[They] like the color of the longyi of Aunti Suu [Aung San Suu Kyi], so they had it tailored and are now wearing it."

The image hit a nerve in Burma's conservative society, where it is considered an insult to imply that a man would wear htamein, the woman's version of the traditional Burmese sarong known as longyi.

A Burma Army general staff officer, Lt-Col Kyaw Htin of the Southwest Command in Pathein, filed the suit against Chaw Sandi Tun on Oct. 12 under article 34 (d) of Burma's Electronic Transactions Law. The vague provision, which carries penalties of up to five years in prison, outlaws altering digital information in such a way that would defame "any organization or any person."

After her arrest on Monday evening at a meditation center in Rangoon, Chaw Sandi Tun was taken to the Maubin police station where she has since been in custody. She was brought to trial at noon on Tuesday and will return on Oct. 27, according to a member of the local students' union that is assisting her case.

Chaw Sandi Tun, who earned a Bachelor's degree in technology, is a former member of the Maubinn District Students' Union and took part in student demonstrations against a new National Education Law earlier this year in Irrawaddy Division. She has since resigned from the students' union and joined the local chapter of the NLD, and now works on the party's election campaign.

The head of the Maubin Police Force, Pol-Lt Thein AUng, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that he could not provide any comment or further clarification about the case because he didn't get permission."

Chaw Sandi Tun is at least the second person to be arrested this year after sharing a satirical online post viewed as critical of the military. In February, police arrested Aung Nay Myo, a freelance photographer in Monywa, after he posted a satirical photo on his Facebook page that reportedly mocked Burmese officials. He was released after three days of interrogation.

The post Woman Faces 5 Years over Photo Likening Army Garb to Suu Kyi's Dress appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma Army Troops Clash with TNLA in Northern Shan

Posted: 13 Oct 2015 05:11 AM PDT

A Burma Army soldier above the road between Lashio and Muse. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

A Burma Army soldier above the road between Lashio and Muse. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Fighting broke out between the Burma Army and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) in five separate locations on Monday, according to sources from the ethnic insurgent force.

Tar Bone Kyaw, the TNLA's general secretary, told The Irrawaddy the clashes occurred at Nansang, Mongmit and Kutkai townships in areas under the armed group's control. He claimed TNLA troops had killed 10 Burma Army troops, with a further two civilians portering for the military wounded in the attacks.

"We have had more fighting in our control area, despite ordering our troops to avoid fighting because the election is coming," he said. "But their troops were chasing our troops, and a fight broke out."

Eight ethnic armed groups will sign a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese government in Naypyidaw on Thursday. The TNLA, an armed group drawn from the ethnic Palaung population of Shan State, was blocked by the government from participating in the ceasefire accord, along with Kokang rebels from the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Arakan Army.

Tar Bone Kyaw told The Irrawaddy that yesterday's engagements brought the total number of clashes between the TNLA and the Burma Army to 10 so far in October. There were 18 clashes between the two forces in September.

Attempts by the Myanmar Peace Centre to broker bilateral ceasefire talks between the TNLA and the Burmese government, the first since October 2013, have foundered in recent months.

The post Burma Army Troops Clash with TNLA in Northern Shan appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burmese Student Wins Research Award at AIDS Conference

Posted: 13 Oct 2015 04:14 AM PDT

Khine Soe Lin, second from left, (Photo: Supplied)

Khine Soe Lin, second from left, (Photo: Supplied)

RANGOON — A Burmese student completing his second graduate degree at Melbourne University has been presented with an award at the 2015 Australasian AIDS Conference, held last month in the Australian city of Brisbane.

Khine Soe Lin, a public health practitioner and epidemiology student, received the Runner Up Poster Presentation Award for his research, 'Identities in Motion: Cyberspace and Myanmar Men Having Sex with Men.'

"The other three papers all related to biomedical research. My paper, however, focused on using social networks to disseminate health knowledge among the general public. That's why I think that I won one of the awards, because my research is close to the daily lives of the many people connected in this digital age that we live in," Khine Soe Lin told The Irrawaddy.

Khine Soe Lin's paper explores how men having sex with men (MSM) create identities through lived and mediated realities via online social networks. His research concluded that social networks could be appropriate channels for social and health programs targeting members of Burma's LGBT community.

"Starting around Myanmar society had an increase in social media usage," he said. "The reason why I focused my research on MSM is they are always living in hiding in this society because of discrimination."

"My research found that we can indeed use social networks to share health knowledge and to create psychosocial support without revealing the identities of people who might want to protect confidentiality, including drug users, sex workers, and LGBTQ citizens," he added.

Khine Soe Lin worked as a public health practitioner with the United Nations and international NGOs before moving to Melbourne to continue his studies.

The post Burmese Student Wins Research Award at AIDS Conference appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

No Longer Unlawful, Ethnic Armed Groups Meet President to Demand Assurances

Posted: 13 Oct 2015 03:26 AM PDT

Burma's President Thein Sein meets with representatives of ethnic armed groups in Naypyidaw on Oct. 13, 2015. (Photo: Hla Maung Shwe / Facebook)

Burma's President Thein Sein meets with representatives of ethnic armed groups in Naypyidaw on Oct. 13, 2015. (Photo: Hla Maung Shwe / Facebook)

NAYPYIDAW — Two days before inking a long-awaited ceasefire agreement, representatives of two major ethnic armed groups met with President Thein Sein on Tuesday to discuss the implications of their recent removal from Burma's roster of unlawful organizations.

Delegates from the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) met to discuss the executive order and emphasize that it must apply to both their political organizations and their armed wings, should culminate in the release of all members imprisoned under the Unlawful Associations Act and an immediate cessation of hostilities.

On Monday, the Ministry of Home Affairs announced that the KNU, RCSS and the All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF) had been removed from the government's list of unlawful associations. The latter two were also removed from a list of terrorist groups.

KNU secretary Kwe Htoo Win told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the group wanted to "make sure" the order would apply to the groups' militants as well as political leaders, and that representatives conveyed the necessity of easing the current conflict "in every region after signing [a ceasefire agreement], so that the pact will be meaningful."

The date has been set to Oct. 15, when eight ethnic armed groups will convene in the capital Naypyidaw to sign what has been referred to as a nationwide ceasefire agreement, though about half of the ethnic stakeholders in Burma's protracted peace process will abstain.

Conflict continues in parts of Kachin and Shan states, and the dominant ethnic organizations in both areas—the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP)—will not be party to the pact.

Prominent politicians will also be absent from Thursday's signing ceremony, most notable opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, whose National League for Democracy (NLD) will be represented at the event by spokesperson Win Htein. Shan leader Khun Tu Oo and Arakan State's Aye Thar Aung have also declined an invitation to sign as witnesses.

The ceremony will carry on nonetheless, with more than 20 domestic witnesses and six international observers from the United Nations, European Union, China, India, Japan and Thailand. The government had initially invited some 1,100 signatories, witnesses and observers from political parties and diplomatic missions to attend the ceremony, according to Hla Maung Shwe, an official at the government-affiliated Myanmar Peace Center (MPC).

Key issues discussed on Tuesday were whether representatives of ethnic armed groups could attend the ceremony in their respective military uniforms, the release of political prisoners and the retention of rebel bases in non-government controlled areas.

Regarding ethnic armed group uniforms, which the government had previously said it would prohibit at the signing, Kwe Htoo Win said "the President has agreed to let them" don their respective attire.

The release of political prisoners could prove tough to resolve, as a number of the affected armed groups still do not have an accurate list of how many people had been arrested for unlawful association with their groups. Col. Sai La, a spokesperson for the RCSS, said his group would collaborate with organizations representing prisoners of conscience to establish ha complete list and petition for their amnesty.

At present, some 96 political prisoners are currently in detention, three of whom were sentenced to life in prison in 2010 for associating with the ABSDF. The group's vice chairman, Myo Win, said the ceasefire accord to be signed on Thursday stipulates that all political detainees—those arrested for unlawful association as well as those currently facing trial for demonstrations against a new National Education Law—must be swiftly released.

The RCSS spokesperson said the group also discussed maintaining its military bases in 16 townships and the opportunity to establish additional liaison offices in Shan State to better facilitate conflict resolution. Sai La said the president "said he had ordered ground forces to cooperate."

Both the RCSS and the ABSDF said they were previously unaware that they were even included on a list of terrorist groups, but welcomed their removal from both designations. The revocation of unlawful status would likely make a major impact on their partnerships with other stakeholders in the peace process, the ABSDF's Myo Win said, as they would "not need to worry about dealing with us as an unlawful association anymore."

Both groups—KNU and RCSS—were represented at Tuesday's meeting with Thein Sein. In addition to spokesmen Kwe Htoo Win and Sai La, RCSS Brig-Gen Pao Khay and KNU chairman Mutu Sae Poe were also in attendance.

The post No Longer Unlawful, Ethnic Armed Groups Meet President to Demand Assurances appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

KNU Gets Front Page Treatment Ahead of Ceasefire Signing

Posted: 13 Oct 2015 03:19 AM PDT

Karen National Union representatives meet with President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw on Monday. (Photo: Hmuu Zaw / Facebook)

Karen National Union representatives meet with President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw on Monday. (Photo: Hmuu Zaw / Facebook)

"Karen in Capital," read the front page headline in Tuesday's edition of the state-run Global New Light of Myanmar, accompanied by a photograph of Karen National Union (KNU) representatives, including chairman Mutu Sae Poe, in Naypyidaw on Monday.

The story's prominent placement is perhaps indicative of the government's determination to stress the significance of a pending nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) which the KNU, alongside seven other armed groups, have pledged to sign at a ceremony scheduled to take place in Naypyidaw on Thursday.

Representatives from all eight groups are now in the capital ahead of the signing.

On Monday, the government removed three armed groups, the KNU, the All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF) and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), from its list of unlawful organizations.

Officials said the five other groups set to sign the ceasefire accord on Thursday are not listed by the government as unlawful organizations.

The decision of Burma's oldest ethnic armed group, the KNU, to sign the accord has been a controversial one, with the group's senior leadership divided on the issue.

Broader opposition to the signing also emerged earlier this month with the release of a joint-statement, signed by more than 40 ethnic Karen civil society organizations, accusing the KNU of making an "undemocratic" decision.

Although senior leaders of the KNU will attend Thursday's signing ceremony, the group's vice-chairperson Naw Zipporah Sein, who was also head of the ethnics' negotiating bloc known as the Senior Delegation, turned down an invitation to attend from the government's chief peace negotiation Aung Min.

Speaking with The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, Naw Zipporah Sein said she was not prepared to attend while fierce fighting continued in Kachin and Shan states.

"My opinion is: I will sign [the NCA] only when the guns are silent. I'm not courageous enough to attend the ceremony and celebrate the signing while fighting is still going on and even escalating. If I attended the ceremony, I would feel like I was going to celebrate the ongoing offensives," she said.

Major ethnic armed groups, including the Kachin Independence Organization, the Shan State Army-North and the New Mon State Party, have withheld support for the ceasefire until it is inclusive of all armed groups.

Asked about the prominent coverage afforded the KNU in Tuesday's Global New Light of Myanmar, Zipporah Sein said that winning the signature of the Karen rebel group was a political coup for Naypyidaw.

"For them [the government], it is historic," she said. "Politically, they will get a very good image. So of course they highlighted it."

During the colonial period, ethnic Karen were favored by the British to serve in the armed forces, a fact that ramped up ethnic tensions with the Burman majority.

The KNU took up arms against the central government shortly after Burma gained independence in 1948, beginning one of the longest running insurgencies in the region.

The post KNU Gets Front Page Treatment Ahead of Ceasefire Signing appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Nepal’s New Premier Names Protest Group Leaders as Deputies

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 10:27 PM PDT

 Nepal's President Ram Baran Yadav (third from left) administers the oath of office to the country's newly elected deputy prime ministers Kamal Bahadur Thapa (sixth from left) and Bijay Kumar Gachchedar (right). (Photo: Navesh Chitrakar / Reuters)

Nepal's President Ram Baran Yadav (third from left) administers the oath of office to the country's newly elected deputy prime ministers Kamal Bahadur Thapa (sixth from left) and Bijay Kumar Gachchedar (right). (Photo: Navesh Chitrakar / Reuters)

KATHMANDU, Nepal — Nepal's new prime minister appointed two deputy premiers on Monday, including an ethnic community leader who has rallied hundreds of protesters in blocking fuel and goods shipments from India for weeks and plunged the Himalayan nation into a fuel crisis.

Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Oli appeared to be reaching out to the protesters by choosing Madhesi group leader Bijaya Gachchedar as one of his deputies, though his Madhesi People's Rights Forum is not the main Madhesi group involved in the protests. That group, called the United Democratic Madhesi Front, has vowed to continue the protests at the main border crossing through which India sends most of its trade to Nepal.

Oli also appointed Hindu nationalist Kamal Thapa as a deputy premier. Thapa's party has protested the constitution adopted two weeks ago because it wants the secular country to be restored as a Hindu state.

Soon after taking the oath of office, Gachchedar told reporters that he joined the government to help resolve the protests in southern Nepal.

"The issues, differences and demands of the Madhesi and other groups will be resolved by adjusting the states through amendments in the constitution," Gachchedar said adding the government would get the support of all political parties to make the changes.

Oli was sworn in by President Ram Baran Yadav a day after he was elected in Parliament with support from smaller parties.

In Washington, State Department spokesman Mark Toner said Monday the US "encourages all political stakeholders to fully engage in a democratic process that accommodates the aspirations of all Nepalis."

The protests by the Madhesis and other ethnic groups in the south for weeks have disrupted cross-border traffic, causing a severe fuel shortage. India, which has close ties to the Madhesis, denies there is a blockade and says drivers are afraid to enter Nepal, though Nepal says there is no trouble at many crossings.

Scores of trucks, including fuel tankers, entered Nepal on Sunday and Monday from two borders points in southwestern Nepal, but the borders at south and southeast Nepal remained blocked.

Home Ministry spokesman Laxmi Dhakal said there were no problems in most of the border points but was unable to explain why border officials on the Indian side were stopping trucks and then letting some pass.

The constitution divides Nepal into seven new states, with some borders slicing through the Madhesis' ancestral homeland in the southern plains. The Madhesis, along with several other small ethnic groups, want the states to be larger and to be given more autonomy over local matters.

Talks last week between the government and protesters made little progress.

The post Nepal's New Premier Names Protest Group Leaders as Deputies appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Indonesia Tries 7 Suspected Militants over IS Links

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 10:18 PM PDT

Indonesian policemen in Jakarta on Aug 20. (Photo: Beawiharta / Reuters)

Indonesian policemen in Jakarta on Aug 20. (Photo: Beawiharta / Reuters)

JAKARTA — Indonesia began trials Monday of seven men on charges of conspiring with terrorists and recruiting for militant groups in the Mideast, including the Islamic State, which has an estimated hundreds of Indonesians as members.

The government has outlawed the Islamic State group and spoken forcefully against it, as have mainstream religious groups in the world’s largest Muslim nation. One fear is that militants who travel abroad will return home and conduct terrorist acts in Indonesia.

The West Jakarta District Court began separate trials for Ahmad Junaedi, Ridwan Sungkar, Helmi Muhammad Alamudi and Abdul Hakim, as well as two others who helped them go to Syria to join Islamic State jihadists.

The seventh, Tuah Febriwansyah—also known as Fachry—is accused of actively spreading IS propaganda through his own radical website and posting violent videos of terrorism activities on the Internet, including a video showing militants in Syria giving military-style training to Indonesian children.

The seven men being tried, aged 32 to 51, were arrested in police raids in late March and early April in the capital, Jakarta, and East Java’s Malang town.

State prosecutor Anita Dewayani told the court that Junaedi, Sungkar, Alamudi and Hakim attended jihadist training organized by IS in Syria, pledged allegiance to the group’s leader Abu Bakar Al Baghdadi, and fought with the group for up to seven months.

“Islamic State in Syria and Iraq has been declared as a terrorist group by the United States and Indonesia,” Dewayani said, “The defendants deliberately conspired with the group in Syria, spread hatred and even join in wars with them to revenge the deaths of Islamic fighters.”

If found guilty, the seven defendants would face up to 20 years in prison under Indonesia’s anti-terror law.

Indonesian authorities estimate over 600 Indonesians have joined the Islamic State in Syria or Iraq.

For the first time since the 1990s and the Afghan jihad, Indonesians, Malaysians and other extremists in Southeast Asia are traveling abroad in an organized fashion to join a global militant movement, picking up battlefield skills and militant contacts.

Security officials fear they could take part in terrorism on their return to Southeast Asia, as those trained in Afghanistan did in attacks such as the 2002 Bali bombings, which killed 202 people. Radicals at home also could heed the Islamic State group’s exhortations to carry out revenge attacks on Western targets.

In response to the threat posed by foreign fighters, the UN Security Council last year adopted a resolution demanding member states prevent the recruitment and travel of people to join militant organizations like the Islamic State group.

After the charges against the seven defendants were read, the panel of three judges adjourned the trial until next Tuesday.

The trial of another suspect, Muhammad Amin Mude, started last week, and five more are due to begin in coming weeks.

The post Indonesia Tries 7 Suspected Militants over IS Links appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Battling for India’s Soul, State by State

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 10:03 PM PDT

Mohan Bhagwat, chief of Indian Hindu nationalist organization Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), attends the World Hindu Congress 2014 conference in New Delhi November 21, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Mohan Bhagwat, chief of Indian Hindu nationalist organization Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), attends the World Hindu Congress 2014 conference in New Delhi November 21, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

KOLKATA — An ascendant Hindu nationalist group wants minority Muslims and Christians to accept that India is a nation of Hindus, and is pushing some of them to convert.

An election in the volatile state of West Bengal has become a prime target in its game plan.

The group's strategy: To spread its Hindu-first ideology to all corners of India by propelling the ruling party of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to power in as many states as possible. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) provided the foot soldiers in last year's landslide general election victory by Modi, who joined the movement in his youth.

Winning states like West Bengal, outside the ruling party's traditional strongholds, would give Modi greater control over the upper house of parliament, which would put him in a better position to push through key policies. The game plan of Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is in the minority in the upper house, is to govern 20 of India's 31 regional legislative assemblies over the next four years, top party sources said. It currently controls or shares power in 11.

Interviews with more than two dozen RSS and BJP officials and rare access to closed RSS meetings reveal a two-stage strategy—electoral victory at the national level, which has been achieved in the lower house of parliament, followed by similar success at the state level.

"We would want the BJP to win all the state elections because only then can significant social, political and cultural changes take place in this country," RSS Joint General Secretary Dattatreya Hosabale told Reuters. "The 2014 election victory should be seen as the starting point of a long term mission."

Policy Influence

What also emerges is the impact the RSS is having on government rhetoric and decisions.

Once scorned as a right-wing fringe group, the RSS is the ideological parent of the BJP. The Modi government has appointed RSS sympathizers to prominent positions in recent months. This includes the chairman of the Film and Television Institute of India, the chairman of the Indian Council of Historical Research and a board member of the Securities and Exchange Board of India.

Most of the ministers in the federal cabinet had their political consciousness shaped by the RSS and its affiliates. Modi spent his formative years as a full-time volunteer in the group, which he credits for his work ethic, discipline and success. BJP President Amit Shah and seven members of Modi's cabinet also joined the RSS in their youth. Home Minister Rajnath Singh, who was once an RSS official and went on to lead the BJP, is now pushing for a nationwide ban on cow slaughter.

The government has also taken up other issues dear to the RSS, like the search for the lost Saraswati River. Government archaeologists have been ordered to search for the river, mentioned in ancient Hindu texts. RSS members believe proof of its existence would bolster the group's narrative of a Hindu-dominated golden age in India prior to invasions by Muslims and Christians.

A close aide to the prime minister affirmed Modi's commitment to the group and its vision. The prime minister, he said, is "viewed as the RSS worker who will take bullets in the chest to protect the RSS. He believes that it is the finest institution, a think tank and an organization that has the power to change India."

India's Glory Days

What is unfolding is a battle for the soul of India. Since independence in 1947, Indian politics has been dominated by the Congress party and its leftist offshoots. They have espoused a secular, multi-faith vision of the nation. Hindus are the majority, but roughly 14 percent of India's 1.2 billion people are Muslim.

The RSS was founded in 1925 as an anti-colonial organization. It promotes a fundamentally different vision that draws on a mix of Hindu legends and ancient Indian history, when the subcontinent was home to some of the world's most advanced civilizations.

According to this narrative, India's glory days ended after it was invaded—beginning in the 8th century—by Muslims and then Christians, who converted the Hindu inhabitants. The RSS believes that if all Indians were to acknowledge and accept that ancient Hindu identity as theirs, it would unify the country, offer the best defense against any future aggressors and head off separatist movements.

"Hindustan means land of Hindus," RSS General Secretary Suresh "Bhaiyyaji" Joshi told Reuters, using the old Mughal Persian name for India. "So anyone living here is automatically a Hindu first."

The RSS has been banned four times since its inception, once after a former member of the group assassinated Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. That attack came after the RSS accused Gandhi of appeasing Muslims at a time when Pakistan, an all-Muslim nation, was being carved out of India. The ban was later lifted in the absence of any evidence the group planned the attack.

New Strategy

Until a few years ago, the RSS had focused on achieving its vision of a Hindu nation from outside the electoral realm. RSS volunteers would meet weekly at thousands of shakhas, or branches, around the country to talk about Hinduism and civic duty, and practice martial exercises and discipline. Those interested in electoral politics traditionally migrated to the BJP and its predecessor, Jan Sangh, which shared much of the RSS' ideology.

That changed in July 2013. At a meeting in Amravati in the western state of Maharashtra, RSS leaders decided it was time for the group to start using its network to more systematically help the BJP come to power, according to Ramapada Pal, the RSS chief preacher for West Bengal and Odisha states. His account was confirmed by several other RSS and BJP leaders who attended the meeting.

One speaker helped convince those resisting the change by acknowledging that politics was dirty, like a "toilet," but that it was for the RSS to clean up the mess, Pal said.

After the Amravati meeting, BJP president Shah enlisted an army of RSS volunteers in Uttar Pradesh, India's most populous state, to campaign for the BJP in the federal elections of 2014. The state is electorally important, accounting for 80 of 543 elected seats in the lower house of parliament.

Each RSS volunteer was given a page from the electoral rolls containing about 100 names. The volunteers, called "panna prabharis," or in-charge of a page, had to persuade voters who were vacillating to back the BJP, and then escort them to the polls.

The BJP won 71 parliamentary seats in Uttar Pradesh—a record for the party.

Now, the RSS and BJP are hoping to replicate the Uttar Pradesh playbook in state elections. Bihar, an impoverished eastern state that is currently governed by a coalition of BJP rivals, started voting in a state election on Monday. RSS volunteers have run a grassroots campaign in the state.

Acid Test

But the acid test for the RSS-BJP alliance will be next year's elections in West Bengal, a state where the BJP is traditionally weak and which for decades was ruled by an alliance headed by Communist parties.

RSS officials have met at least five times this year with BJP President Shah, who many credit as the architect of Modi's election triumph, to coordinate political strategy in West Bengal, said a party official present at the meetings in New Delhi and Kolkata. The BJP did not win a single seat in the last election for the 290-seat state assembly in 2011.

Shah described West Bengal as a gateway to forging political control in India's northeastern states that border China, senior party official Sidharth Nath Singh quoted the BJP president as saying in a meeting. Shah also agreed to grant RSS leaders a say in the selection of senior members of the BJP's state organization, Singh said.

Shah did not respond to requests for an interview and did not answer questions sent to his office. Modi's office also did not respond to questions for this article.

In April, the RSS was deeply engaged in the municipal election campaign in West Bengal. For the first time, the BJP fielded candidates for every seat in the local elections. It more than quadrupled its seats in the vote, albeit from a low base—from 16 to 74 out of a total of 1,943.

When the leader of the party in West Bengal is chosen for the state elections, that person could be from the BJP or the RSS, said Kailash Vijayvargia, who was appointed in July to manage the BJP's political expansion in West Bengal. It needs to be someone who can fight against "appeasing Muslims" and against "allowing Islamic terror groups to flourish in our country," he said.

Religious Rioting

Communal violence is never far from the surface in places like West Bengal. Some of the worst religious rioting in Indian history followed the partitioning of British India into predominantly Hindu West Bengal and Muslim East Bengal, which in 1971 became the new country of Bangladesh. More recently, Hindu-Muslim riots erupted in West Bengal in 2007, 2010 and 2013.

In the months after Modi's victory, leaders of hardline Hindu groups launched a drive to have India officially declared a nation of Hindus. They also stepped up a campaign against what they called "Love Jihad"—a term used to describe what they claimed was an Islamist strategy to convert Hindu women through seduction, marriage and money. And they began a push to convert Muslims and Christians to Hinduism, through a purification ritual called "ghar vapsi," or "homecoming," a concept central to the RSS since its founding.

Cow slaughter, another touchstone issue for the RSS and the source of many lethal riots, has again shaken India this month after a Muslim man was lynched near Delhi on suspicion he had killed a cow, an animal holy to many Hindus. His death at the hands of a Hindu mob was deemed "an accident" by Modi's culture minister.

Modi has been criticized for giving hardliners a free rein, but their zeal has also caused him headaches.

After meeting the prime minister in January in New Delhi, US President Barack Obama urged India not to stray from its constitutional commitment to allow people to freely "profess, practice and propagate" religion.

Economic Reforms

In the upper house of parliament, opposition lawmakers have tied up Modi's economic proposals, including a tax overhaul and a land reform bill, in some cases with debates over the religious controversies.

Modi and the RSS share a long-term vision of making India the world's leading power but they don't always see eye-to-eye on how to get there.

Modi has at times asked lawmakers from his party and RSS members to stop promoting controversial issues such as religious conversions. He wants to keep the focus on economic reforms.

There are some signs that Modi would like to be less dependent on the RSS at the ballot box. The BJP has launched its own online membership drive, aiming to enroll 5 million new members, which would lessen its dependence on the RSS at election time. Every evening, Shah checks the membership numbers. Even when he is traveling, one party official is expected to text him the number by 6:30 pm, a close aide told Reuters.

At an early September meeting in New Delhi organized by the RSS and attended by Modi, however, relations appeared harmonious. Senior government ministers presented their plans and were quizzed about the steps they were taking in their respective ministries, according to two federal ministers who were both present.

Two long-awaited government plans were discussed that had strong RSS backing—the launch of a sovereign gold bond and improved pension rights for retired army personnel.

Shortly afterwards, the government publicly unveiled them.

The post Battling for India's Soul, State by State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Vote to go ahead after day of confusion

Posted: 13 Oct 2015 11:42 AM PDT

Just hours after casting doubt over the date of the election, the Union Election Commission announced it will not be postponing the looming polls.

Election date in doubt as UEC proposes postponement

Posted: 13 Oct 2015 04:41 AM PDT

The Union Election Commission has proposed postponing the election from November 8, citing concerns that flooding could stop some people from voting.

At least 17 dead, 30 missing in Kayah landslide

Posted: 13 Oct 2015 03:40 AM PDT

Downpours in Kayah State have triggered a deadly landslide, killing at least 17 people and forcing Hpa-Saung township to evacuate.

Shan party members killed in Kachin State

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 11:45 PM PDT

Two members of the Tai-Leng Nationalities Development Party have been shot dead in separate incidents in Kachin State's lucrative jade mining town Hpakant.

Red Shan party eyes minister seat

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 11:32 PM PDT

U Sai Win Phay, a former jade merchant, is set on being the next minister for Shan ethnic affairs in Mandalay Region so he can better lobby for his small ethnic minority group, the "Red Shan" or Tai-Leng.

Little hope for change as IDPs mull elections

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 11:28 PM PDT

International commentators are fond of saying that Myanmar's November 8 election could bring sweeping changes to the country.

Commission could probe Coco Islands block on NLD

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 11:24 PM PDT

The Yangon election commission said it is looking in to allegations that free and fair elections have been obstructed in the remote Coco Islands.

Three armed ethnic groups removed from government blacklist

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 11:23 PM PDT

The organisations are among the eight scheduled to sign a ceasefire agreement in Nay Pyi Taw on October 15.

Tatmadaw fires on SSPP base in Shan State

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 11:17 PM PDT

The headquarters in Mong Hsu of the Shan State Progressive Party/Shan State Army came under Tatmadaw attack for a third day yesterday, according to a spokesperson for the ethnic armed group.

Homes destroyed as heavy rain brings more flooding

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 10:53 PM PDT

Flooding caused by torrential rains in Magwe Region swept away several houses and a timber causeway on the night of October 11.

Monday, October 12, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Abuse, Obstruction, Neglect: Letpadan, 7 Months Later

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 07:16 AM PDT

Students carry an injured protester to safety during the Mar. 10 police crackdown on demonstrators in Letpadan. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Students carry an injured protester to safety during the Mar. 10 police crackdown on demonstrators in Letpadan. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Students jailed after the Letpadan crackdown remain in dire need of medical treatment and court proceedings against protesters have been delayed for frivolous reasons, lawyers and family members say.

At an emotional press conference in downtown Rangoon on Saturday, family members and fellow students sat in silence as presenters recounted the Mar. 10 police assault on student demonstrators and the condition of the 50 detainees who remain in remand at Thayawaddy Prison in Pegu Division.

Several parents wiped away tears while listening to a forensic account of the minutes leading up to the attack. A group of students stood dolefully in the rear, some donning the white armbands printed in the aftermath of the Letpadan attack to urge government respect for student rights—a short-lived campaign that foundered when Special Branch officers began interrogating participants.

Yee Yee Htwe, a teacher and mother of one of the detained students, spoke at length about the deficiencies of Burma's education system, telling the audience that the nation's students were "courageous heroes" for their efforts to overturn the National Education Law.

"They are giving up their life and making sacrifices for the good of others," she said. "No parent wants to see their son or daughter in prison. We can't sleep at night. We don't know when they will be released, when they can go back to study. No one knows, no one can answer. Their lives are being wasted."

Saturday's press conference coincided with the release of a joint investigation into the Letpadan crackdown by Fortify Rights and the Harvard Law School International Human Rights Clinic. Based on interviews with 25 eyewitnesses and an analysis of video and photographic documentation, the report concluded that incidents of violence among demonstrators in the moments before the police attack were isolated, and were quickly addressed by protest marshals.

The report found that police officers, by contrast, used excessive force during the attack on protesters, along with physically and verbally abusing individuals who had already submitted to custody, in what The Irrawaddy labeled at the time a "complete breakdown of police discipline".

"It's clear that in this case, justice has been flipped on its head," said Matthew Bugher, the report's lead author and researcher. "The police, rather than the students, are the ones who are primarily responsible for the violence that occurred on Mar. 10, and it's the police and the Myanmar parties that should be facing accountability for their actions."

The report noted that "no known disciplinary or criminal action" had been taken against police officers present at Letpadan, although the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC), appointed by President Thein Sein, last month called for officers to be disciplined and said protesters should not be facing charges.

Amy Smith, the executive director of Fortify Rights, said attempts to meet with Letpadan police officers in the course of the investigation were denied. She added that the organization did not receive a response to the report from the office of President Thein Sein or the MNHRC.

The audience heard that some detainees were still showing signs of concussion after suffering head wounds from baton blows. Others had recurrent sleeping troubles, spinal cord injuries, migraines and permanent hearing loss. Instead of being granted access to trained medical professionals, the injured have been treated with over the counter medications.

Roger Normand, the executive director of Justice Trust, said that the case against the Letpadan protesters had been delayed numerous times, with the presiding judge walking out of proceedings on a number of occasions after disapproving of defense motions. At the most recent hearing, proceedings were adjourned for two to three months to consider the matter of police damage to a car used by students, pushing the trial out until after Burma's Nov. 8 election.

A lawyer from the defense team, after a failed attempt to countersue police officers, has been summoned to court on charges of obstructing justice, which the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners suggested was "another attempt to draw out the Letpadan trial." Khin Khin Kyaw told Saturday's press conference that she was facing two years' imprisonment and the revocation of her legal license.

"I have been pursued by the court for obstruction of justice, despite being given power of attorney by the students and acting in the interest of my clients," she said. "I will not give up on my commitment. I will not be discouraged… I will be fighting for my clients. I have that duty and responsibility as a lawyer."

Of the 127 protesters arrested on Mar. 10, 50 remain incarcerated at Thayawaddy Prison. All are facing charges under the Penal Code relating to unlawful assembly, rioting, incitement and assault of public servants, with a maximum combined jail term of nine and a half years. Student leaders are fearful of the outcome of the trial.

"I have no trust in the justice system as a Burmese citizen and a student," Aung Nay Paing, one of the few executive members of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions not currently in prison, told Saturday's audience. "The judicial system is facing a lot of interference by the authorities… the students have been arrested without justice and without fairness."

The National Education Law was passed by the Union Parliament in September 2014. In the face of escalating nationwide protests demanding legislative guarantees for independent student unions, an end to centralized curriculum decisions and a massive increase in public education funding, the government agreed to reform the law after meeting with students and education advocates.

Following the Letpadan crackdown, most student demands were rejected by the Union Parliament by the time the new bill was passed in June.

The post Abuse, Obstruction, Neglect: Letpadan, 7 Months Later appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burmese Artifacts Added to the Memory of the World Register

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 06:39 AM PDT

One of the 729 stone tablets that comprise the Kuthodaw inscriptions is pictured in Mandalay. The artifact was included in the Memory of the World Register in 2013. (Photo: Asean Community / Facebook)

One of the 729 stone tablets that comprise the Kuthodaw inscriptions is pictured in Mandalay. The artifact was included in the Memory of the World Register in 2013. (Photo: Asean Community / Facebook)

RANGOON — Burma is proud to have had two more artifacts included in the UN-established Memory of the World Register for 2015, Kyaw Oo Lwin, director general of the Ministry of Culture's archeology department, told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

The Myazedi Inscription and the Golden Parchment of King Alaungpaya were added to the register at the 12th meeting of the International Advisory Committee of the Memory of the World Register Program, which took place Oct. 4-6 in Abu Dhabi.

The program was established by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (Unesco) in 1992.

The committee approved a total of 47 out of 88 nominations in 2015, including the Bagan-period Myazedi Inscription, believed to date back to 1113, and the Golden Parchment of King Alaungpaya, the founder of the Konbaung Dynasty, which was jointly nominated by Burma's Ministry of Culture, the Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Library in Germany, and the British Library.

"While some may not see this recognition as carrying the same prestige as being included on the World Heritage list, we still see it as worldwide recognition of Burma's value," Kyaw Oo Lwin said.

The UN body previously accepted Mandalay's Maha Lawkamarazein, also known as the Kuthodaw Inscriptions, to the register in June 2013. Considered the world's largest book, the 729 stone slabs were placed at the foot of Mandalay Hill by King Mindon in the 19th Century.

The Myazedi Inscription, also called the Yazakumar Inscription or the Gubyaukgyi Inscription, is named after the Myazedi Pagoda in Myinkaba, a village south of Bagan in Mandalay Division.  Myazedi means "jade stupa" in Burmese.

Engraved on stone and supposedly made by Prince Yazakumar in honor of his father, King Kyansittha (1030-1112), the inscription reflects the prince's fondness for his father, despite the fact he was overlooked for the throne in favor of the king's grandson.

The inscription is written in four languages—Pali, Mon, Burmese and Pyu—and is important historical evidence of the diverse histories, cultures, and languages of Burma. There are two main stone inscriptions in Burma today, one at the Myazedi Pagoda and the other at the Bagan Archaeological Museum.

Professor Pe Maung Tin of Rangoon University translated the inscription from Mon to Burmese, and a doctor from London University translated it from Mon to English.

Though the Myazedi Inscription is often referred to as the oldest intact stone inscription in Burma, anther stone inscription believed to have been made by King Sawlu (1050–1084) and found in Mandalay's Myittha Township in November 2013, may prove to be of similar antiquity.

The second nomination, the Golden Parchment, is a letter sent by King Alaungpaya to Britain's King George in 1756. Made from pure gold, the parchment, which historians said conveys the Burmese king's wish to build trade ties with Britain, arrived in London four years after it was sent.

The Golden Parchment is currently housed at Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Library in Hanover, Germany, where it has been kept for over 250 years. President Thein Sein viewed a 3D scan of the parchment during his visit to Germany last year. Another 3D copy of the parchment is located at the National Museum in Rangoon.

Burma's Ministry of Culture plans to make further submissions to the Unesco program in the coming years.

"We're preparing to submit another item for consideration in the register for 2017, King Bayinnaung's 16th Century Bell located at Shwezigon Pagoda in Bagan," Kyaw Oo Lwin said.

King Bayinnaung donated the bell to the famous pagoda in the 1500s. The bell's inscription is written in three languages: Mon, Burmese, and Pali.

The Ministry of Culture's archeology department is withholding submission of the bell to Unesco until it receives additional expert opinions.

The post Burmese Artifacts Added to the Memory of the World Register appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma Army Attacks HQ of Shan Armed Group SSA-N

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 05:50 AM PDT

 A cache of Burma Army weapons purportedly seized recently by the Shan State Army-North in Shan State. (Photo: Tai Tan Yang / SSPP/SSA)

A cache of Burma Army weapons purportedly seized recently by the Shan State Army-North in Shan State. (Photo: Tai Tan Yang / SSPP/SSA)

RANGOON — The Burma Army has continued attacks on two positions held by the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N), firing artillery rounds on the rebel group's headquarters and a nearby base, according to local sources.

The attacks in Kyethi Township, on a village called Mai Noung that hosts an SSA-N base, and a river port at Tar San Pu village, began with low-intensity fighting last week after the Burma Army ordered the Shan armed group to withdraw from its headquarters.

Col. Sai Hla, spokesman for the SSA-N, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that fighting had been a near daily occurrence since clashes first broke out on Oct. 6, including an artillery bombardment of the Shan rebels' Wan Hai headquarters on Sunday.

"They used 120 mm artillery and shot eight times to our headquarters yesterday. They have been fighting us for a week. They keep moving closer to our headquarters," he said, adding that SSA-N troops could see Burma Army deployments in the distance.

Sai Hla said hostilities were triggered by a Burma Army request that the SSA-N withdraw from a strategic river port at Tar San Pu village. Fighting erupted after the SSA-N refused to comply.

"They have surrounded about five or six places near our headquarters. For us, we cannot withdraw from Tar San Pu," he said, explaining that the village's port serves an important function as an escape route for SSA-N troops.

"This is the only remain point where we could get out. This is why we need to defend this point."

According to Hla Shwe Thein, a committee member for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Kyethi Township, 67 people, including elderly civilians and children, have fled the fighting and have taken shelter at a Buddhist monastery in Mai Noung.

The Burma Army and SSA-N have occasionally clashed despite the two sides having signed a bilateral ceasefire agreement in January 2012. SSA-N leaders have claimed that the fighting has been due to Burma Army encroachment in the rebel armed group's area of control.

Meanwhile, the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) issued a statement on Oct. 8 urging the Burma Army to cease its attacks on SSA-N positions.

"It is an important time in Burma as elections are coming soon, as is the NCA [nationwide ceasefire agreement] signing," said the statement from one of the country's two major ethnic Shan political parties.

The SSA-N is siding with the majority of Burma's ethnic armed groups in opting not to sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement on Oct. 15, when eight groups are expected to ink the pact.

The United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), a grouping of 12 ethnic armed groups, also condemned the Burma Army offensive against the SSA-N headquarters and in other ethnic areas, including Kachin State, in recent weeks.

"Though the president [Thein Sein] and members of his government have been broadcasting the refrain of, 'From NCA to resolution of political problems through negotiation peacefully' … the Myanmar Tatmadaw has been escalating its offensives," read a statement from the group over the weekend.

"We assume that the use of a deceitful 'good cop-bad cop' strategy to confuse the people attests to the fact that this is a government that does not want genuine peace."

The post Burma Army Attacks HQ of Shan Armed Group SSA-N appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Koh Tao Accused Describes Police Torture as Trial Concludes

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 04:56 AM PDT

Burmese migrant Wai Phyo arrives at the Koh Samui Provincial Court, in Koh Samui, Thailand, July 22, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

Burmese migrant Wai Phyo arrives at the Koh Samui Provincial Court, in Koh Samui, Thailand, July 22, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — One of two Burmese migrants on trial for the murder of two British backpackers on a Thai resort island last year has described to the court how he was tortured and sexually abused under interrogation by Thai police.

Wai Phyo, a Burmese migrant worker who along with his compatriot Zaw Lin stands accused of killing David Miller and Hannah Witheridge on Koh Tao in September 2014, gave testimony of alleged mistreated by Thai police to the Koh Samui Provincial court over the weekend.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Monday, British migrant rights activist Andy Hall, who is assisting the accused, described Wai Phyo's testimony.

"Police arrested [Wai Phyo] and took him to the police station [on Koh Tao]. They took off all his clothes and put him in a very cold air-conditioned room. Then they took a picture of him. They flicked his [genitalia] and they beat him," Andy Hall said.

"They told him: if you confess, you will stay in prison for two or three years. If you don’t confess, we are going to kill you. You have no passport, you have no right to be in Thailand."

During the trial, which began in July and ended on Sunday, the defense team has pointed to several flaws in the Thai police investigation, including allegations of misconduct, procedural faults and questionable evidence.

Defence lawyers called upon Thailand's Central Institute of Forensic Science, headed by Dr Pornthip Rojanasunand, to reexamine crucial DNA evidence last month. The institute found that DNA collected from a garden hoe believed to be used in the murders did not match the suspects' DNA.

The case has shone a light on Thailand's treatment of its vast migrant workforce, many of whom labor in dangerous industries for little pay and without access to legal recourse. Labor rights activists contend that the two accused have been made scapegoats for the murders.

The verdict in the case will be announced on December 24, Hall wrote in a Facebook post on Monday.

The post Koh Tao Accused Describes Police Torture as Trial Concludes appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

At Least 8 Dead After Mine Collapse in Karenni State

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 04:31 AM PDT

A photo reputedly showing the aftermath of a mine collapse in Karenni State's Bawlakhe Township on Sunday which killed at least eight people. (Photo: Ar Yone Oo / Facebook)

A photo reputedly showing the aftermath of a mine collapse in Karenni State's Bawlakhe Township on Sunday which killed at least eight people. (Photo: Ar Yone Oo / Facebook)

RANGOON — At least eight people were killed Sunday after heavy rains caused a section of the well-known Mawchi mine in Karenni State's Bawlakhe Township to collapse, according to local authorities.

Soe Moe Kyaw, assistant director of Bawlakhe District Office, told The Irrawaddy on Monday evening that eight people were killed and six others were admitted to Hpasaung hospital after the collapse that damaged or destroyed at least 30 homes.

Kyaw Htin Aung of the Union of Karenni State Youth (UKSY) claimed the death toll was even higher.

As of Monday morning UKSY members had recovered 10 bodies and located three more, Kyaw Htin Aung said, adding that around 500 people had sought safe ground at a local church and high school.

The affected houses were perched directly above or nearby the tunnel in Yadana Aung Myay and Lay Eain Su quarters, Kyaw Htin Aung said.

"Nobody wants to live in their houses now as they feel unsafe. Our group is distributing food for [those affected]," said Kyaw Htin Aung, adding that no rescue team or aid had arrived at the time of reporting.

Soe Moe Kyaw claimed authorities had been planning to move the dwellings affected by Sunday's collapse since last year.

"Unfortunately [the collapse] happened before we moved them," he said.

A resident of Loikaw, Thit Lwin Aung, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that heavy rain in the region had continued for three days leading up to the collapse.

A local rescue team had been deployed to the mine site but a damaged bridge had made the area impossible to reach by car, he said.

During the colonial period, the Mawchi mine was one of the largest tin and tungsten mines in the world.

Overseen by Kayah State Mining Company, the military-owned Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited and the Ministry of Mining-2 in more recent years, the site has attracted criticism from local activists who have highlighted dangerous working conditions in the mine and contaminated runoff damaging surrounding lands.

Soe Moe Kyaw on Monday declined to say whether Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited was still involved in the Mawchi mine.

 

 

The post At Least 8 Dead After Mine Collapse in Karenni State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Coal Power Study Trip Gets Poor Marks From Mon Villagers

Posted: 12 Oct 2015 04:22 AM PDT

A participant of a December study tour to Thailand and Japan speaks about his experience at the Ramonya Hotel in Moulmein, Mon State, on Wednesday. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

A participant of a December study tour to Thailand and Japan speaks about his experience at the Ramonya Hotel in Moulmein, Mon State, on Wednesday. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

MOULMEIN, Mon State — Residents of Andin village in Mon State have accused the Toyo-Thai Corporation of using an overseas study trip it sponsored to manipulate locals and coax them into consenting to the company's plan to build a coal-fired power plant in the area.

Despite opposition to the project from local residents in Ye Township's Andin, Thailand-based Toya-Thai went ahead with securing a memorandum of agreement with Burma's Ministry of Electrical Power in April 2015, bringing the plan one step closer to implementation.

Toyo-Thai arranged the study tour of coal-fired power plants in Thailand and Japan in December, with help from the Mon State government amid growing opposition to the Andin project.

But in a report and documentary released last week by Mon Multimedia Institute (M3I), residents criticized the manner in which Toya-Thai recruited participants for the trip, saying the process was not transparent and that only four Andin villagers were ultimately chosen. They were joined by members of the media, staffers from the company and a local real estate agency, and parliamentarians from both the regional legislature and Union Parliament.

Those who made the trip have since been accused by some villagers of favoring the company's plans, sowing disunity within the community. However, none of the eight trip participants interviewed by M3I expressed explicit support for the project in the report. Opposition to the project has focused on the potential environmental and social impacts of a coal-fired power plant for the region, which is not supplied with electricity from the country's main grid.

In addition to interviewing eight of the study trip's 31 participants, M3I spoke to seven individuals who declined the tour invitation and a handful of academics, soliciting their opinions on the proposed power plant.

The Moulmein-based media house said its intention in releasing the report and accompanying documentary was to expose a flawed consultation process by presenting the views of those who joined the trip and others. Locals widely view the study trip as an attempt to win the support of participants, according to the report, an effort that has resulted in divisions within the community.

Nai Min Htaik, an Andin local also known as Nai Seik Rot who joined the trip abroad, said in the report: "If possible, please let our region grow naturally—until the world's end. Let's us be undeveloped and poor. Let be what will be. No need to give us anything, just don't come destroy our region."

The report also found that trip participants did not have enough time to learn about ultra-supercritical coal combustion (USC) technology, which is being touted as a more environmentally friendly means of burning the fossil fuel.

It claimed, furthermore, that Toyo-Thai lacked any prior experience in constructing and operating coal-fired power plants that use the USC technology.

Upon returning to Burma, trip participants submitted reports to the Mon State government as agreed with the company. A total of four reports by local residents, media and civil society representatives were submitted.

M3I said in its report that the institute had a chance to look at three of the reports, all of which pointed out that participants struggled to understand the technology being presented because they lacked the necessary scientific and technical expertise. All three reports also similarly suggested that although Japan has an admirable environmental record thanks to its strong regulatory framework and accountability mechanisms, no such system is yet in place in Burma, making the country ill-prepared to effectively police the operation of a coal-fired power plant.

Moreover, local residents have been kept in the dark about the reports that participants submitted to the regional legislature and are unaware of what recommendations, if any, they contained.

Aung Naing Oo, a sitting member of the Mon State parliament, said in the M3I report: "All they have explained is what was done is Japan. They don't talk about their plan in Mon State. They just talk about the technical process in Japan.

"So I asked, what kind of social impacts have they considered for Andin village? How have they reviewed [the project's] social impacts? An assessment was done once, as a pre-survey [feasibility study]. When I asked if they have collected people's opinions and people's voices, they couldn't answer back. It's cleared that they haven't studied."

The post Coal Power Study Trip Gets Poor Marks From Mon Villagers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Blind Justice

Posted: 11 Oct 2015 11:15 PM PDT

Blind Justice

Blind Justice

The post Blind Justice appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Hackers Hit The Irrawaddy’s Burmese Website with False News Story

Posted: 11 Oct 2015 10:24 PM PDT

A screen shot of the falsified news story posted on The Irrawaddy's Burmese language website by unknown hackers on Monday morning.

A screen shot of the falsified news story posted on The Irrawaddy's Burmese language website by unknown hackers on Monday morning.

RANGOON — The Irrawaddy's Burmese language website was hacked for a second time in recent days, with a falsified news story posted on the site by unknown hackers on Monday morning.

The fabricated story concerned the health of Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, claiming the National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman had ovarian cancer and quoting her doctor.

The forged article appeared designed to discredit the NLD leader, casting invented dispersions over relationships between Suu Kyi and other male members of her party.

The Irrawaddy's Burmese website was also hacked on Friday, leaving it inaccessible for several hours.

While the hackers' motives are unknown, the cyber attack comes at a time of heightened political tensions in the country, four weeks out from a Nov. 8 general election.

The Irrawaddy's Burmese and English websites have been hacked multiple times in the past. Last October, hackers referring to themselves as the "Blink Hacker Group" replaced the English site's homepage with a message accusing the independent publication of supporting radical Muslims.

The post Hackers Hit The Irrawaddy's Burmese Website with False News Story appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Staff Deaths at Leading Hospital Put India’s TB Battle in Spotlight

Posted: 11 Oct 2015 10:16 PM PDT

A security woman stands guard outside the Group of TB Hospitals in Mumbai, India, on Sept. 28, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

A security woman stands guard outside the Group of TB Hospitals in Mumbai, India, on Sept. 28, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

MUMBAI — Campaigners and a former official overseeing Asia's largest tuberculosis hospital in Mumbai say staff deaths there are being underreported, highlighting India's growing struggle to contain multi-drug resistant forms of the contagious, airborne disease.

Many of India's toughest TB cases end up in the metal cots of the state-run Sewri Hospital, where on a recent Reuters visit open wards were lined with emaciated patients, many left alone by families scared by the disease and its stigma.

Medical Superintendent Rajendra Nanavare, Sewri's top doctor, says an average of six patients a day die at the 1,200-bed hospital.

Nanavare says a dozen hospital workers had also died from TB in the last five years. But others say the real number of staff deaths is higher—although they could not give a precise figure—pointing to a public health crisis at the heart of one of the world's most densely populated cities.

"A lot of class 4 workers like the sweepers and the cleaners at the hospital leave work after they get the infection," said Prakash Devdas, president of the local workers' union.

"We don't know if they're alive with the infection or dead. Nobody tracks them. That's why I said the actual number would be much higher."

Campaigners blame weak infection controls, poor oversight, and infrequent checks on workers in a country where the shame of TB alone drives people to suicide.

"There is so much interaction between the patients and staff. They become more vulnerable … especially if they have weak immunity," said former TB officer Mini Khetarpal, who supervised the hospital for Mumbai authorities until earlier this year.

Nanavare said 69 employees have been diagnosed with TB since 2011, of whom 12 have died while 28 have been cured.

A lot of staff continue to work at the hospital long after being infected.

Global Health Threat

India has the world's largest number of TB patients—an estimated 2.6 million Indians live with the bacterial lung disease, which is spread through coughs and sneezes.

The country is second only to China in the number of patients with drug-resistant TB, a major threat to TB control with repercussions well beyond India.

In July this year, a Mumbai woman who flew to Chicago was found to have the extremely drug resistant TB (XDR TB). She has since been quarantined and is under treatment there.

"Globally, XDR TB presents the greatest threat to TB control," said Brian Katzowitz, a spokesman at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the leading national public health institute in the United States.

Nerges Mistry, director of the Mumbai-based Foundation for Medical Research, investigated conditions at the Sewri hospital at the behest of city authorities in 2011. That report—seen by Reuters but not released publicly—found about 65 hospital staff died between 2007 and 2011, many of them cooks.

It also highlighted serious problems including inadequate record-keeping, sanitation and hygiene problems. Doctors failed to wear N-95 disposable masks, it said, a basic form of infection control recommended by the World Health Organization.

Mistry said it was unclear if any of the proposals made were implemented.

"It's a last ditch thing. You go there and you never come out," she said.

Nanavare says the hospital has brought in changes to ensure better staff protection, though masks remain an "individual decision."

High Priority

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's manifesto ahead of last year's election accorded "high priority" to the health sector, and promised a universal health assurance plan.

But he has been forced to tightly control health care spending as India battles to spend its way out of slow-moving recovery.

In the latest high-profile case at the Sewri hospital, a nurse died in September from drug-resistant TB, prompting staff protests to demand better working conditions.

High-profile campaigners such Leena Menghaney, an HIV and TB activist, say still not enough is being done.

"Despite increased investment in prevention and treatment of drug resistant TB over the last decade, local authorities, the National TB Program and policymakers in India are not directing sufficient attention to infection control," she said.

Mumbai city officials in charge of overseeing the hospital say substandard private care before patients are sent to Sewri must share the blame for its travails.

A Reuters reporter found cats wandering around wards and few visible instructions to keep visiting relatives safe. None of the nurses wore masks and two said they were encouraged not to, on the grounds that they were already exposed to TB bacteria.

One patient, 12-year-old Kamala, wore a light green muslin mask, untied at one end. "I just removed it because I was coughing too much," she said.

A group of about 60 health experts and activists including the US-based Treatment Action Group, wrote a letter in August to the state, federal, and city authorities highlighting what they described as "dismal" conditions at the hospital.

They have yet to receive a response.

Sunil Khaparde, a health ministry official in New Delhi who oversees India's TB control program, said the hospital had been asked to tighten procedures and more training was planned.

"The Sewri Hospital is in urgent need for a facelift," said Zarir Udwadia, a chest physician at Hinduja Hospital in Mumbai and one of India's best-known TB experts. "More funds, more staff, and more commitment are needed."

The post Staff Deaths at Leading Hospital Put India's TB Battle in Spotlight appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

With Hindu Party Leading India, Beef Grows More Political

Posted: 11 Oct 2015 10:08 PM PDT

A butcher cuts meat for a customer inside his shop in Mumbai. (Photo: Shailesh Andrade / Reuters)

A butcher cuts meat for a customer inside his shop in Mumbai. (Photo: Shailesh Andrade / Reuters)

NEW DELHI — The legislator was full of outrage when he arrived in the north Indian village days after the killing of a Muslim farmer who was rumored to have slaughtered cows. A Hindu mob had smashed through the heavy wooden door to the man’s home, then beat him to death with his wife’s sewing machine.

The legislator’s anger, though, was not about the killing. Instead, Sangeet Som was furious that men had been arrested in the attack in the village, just 30 miles from New Delhi. Som, a member of India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, called the arrests “atrocities on innocent villagers.” As for the family of the dead man, he dismissed them as “those cow killers.”

A few days later, a half-dozen BJP politicians slapped around a legislator on the floor of a state legislature, angry that he had served beef at a party. In south India, six members of a leftist student political party were suspended after their attempt to serve beef curry on campus to protest the farmer’s killing set off a melee. On Friday, violence swept another northern village amid rumors that a cow had been slaughtered, with a crowd, who had chased down two Muslim men they suspected of cow-killing, clashing with police and burning several cars. Some villagers and police were injured, but no major injuries were reported.

Cows have long been sacred to Hindus, worshipped as a mother figure and associated since ancient times with the god Krishna. But increasingly, cows are also political. They have become a tool of political parties, an electioneering code word and a rallying cry for both Hindu nationalists and their opponents.

On Thursday, Prime Minister Narendra Modi broke his silence on the late September mob killing of Mohammad Akhlaq, saying religious and ethnic bigotry threatened the country’s economic growth.

“We should decide if Hindus want to fight Muslims or poverty. Muslims must decide if they want to fight Hindus or poverty,” Modi said at a campaign rally in Bihar state, where elections start next week. “It is unity, communal harmony, brotherhood and peace that will take the nation forward.”

But Modi also rose to power as a Hindu nationalist, and since his election last year hard-line Hindus have been demanding that India ban the sale of beef—a key industry within India’s poor, minority Muslim community. In many Indian states, the slaughtering of cows and selling of beef are already either restricted or banned.

In the past, Modi has spoken out angrily against India’s beef industry.

“Brothers and sisters, I don’t know whether this saddens you, but my heart screams out” at the rise of Indian beef exports, Modi said in a 2012 speech. “I am unable to understand why you are silent, why you are taking this lying down.”

Since becoming prime minister, though, he has danced delicately between an intense desire to be seen as a tolerant international statesman—the sort of man who is greeted warmly by presidents and jokes around with Facebook’s Mark Zuckerberg—and the need to satisfy a political base that is deeply distrustful of Muslims and other minorities.

That dance has, his critics say, emboldened extremist Hindus and given rise to everything from a series of church vandalisms to the recent mob killing. Criticism of cow slaughter, some say, is often simply code for anti-Muslim sentiments.

India, a country of 1.3 billion, is about 81 percent Hindu and 13 percent Muslim.

“I am afraid the hotheads will get busier. They are greatly encouraged and their strength is rather strong,” said Inder Malhotra, a political analyst and former editor of the Times of India newspaper. “One of the reasons this prime minister keeps quiet about it, is that he doesn’t want to lose these Hindus, because they are a very strong proportion of his supporters.”

He criticized Modi for not speaking more strongly against the recent mob attack, and for his silence about comments like Som’s. “Modi has not said a word against those in his party who have been making the most obnoxious statements,” Malhotra said.

Authorities are still investigating after the arrests of eight villagers for Akhlaq’s death, but announced Friday that the meat found in his home turned out to be mutton—not beef. Meanwhile Som, the Hindu firebrand and avowed strict vegetarian, has denied media reports that he once owned part of a major Indian meat export company. The company exports goat and buffalo meat, but apparently not beef.

Amid so much rancor, it is not hard to find people sympathetic to the attack on Akhlaq.

“We should drink cow’s milk, not its blood,” Ram Mandal Das, a priest at a Hindu temple in New Delhi that also shelters abandoned cows, said Friday. “If someone attacks mother cow, or eats it, then this sort of reaction should happen,” he said of Akhlaq’s killing. “It is justified.”

Modi supporters see some opponents as deliberately provoking Hindus. Some “beef parties”—when beef is eaten in defiance of local laws—are clearly intended to invite a backlash and score political points against the BJP.

Such actions “have pushed a society that worships the cow as mother to question the real motives of the seculars,” Tarun Vijay, a member of parliament and top BJP official, wrote recently in The Indian Express.

He also criticized the killing of Akhlaq, writing: “Lynching a person merely on suspicion is absolutely wrong.”

The public bitterness on both sides hides the reality of much of Indian life, where Hindus and Muslims can live alongside one another for decades without incident.

In Akhlaq’s village, for example, more than 100 Hindu villagers trekked to his family’s home a few days after the attack, to urge his family not to move away. Hindu leaders also pledged to ensure that upcoming Muslim marriages went ahead without incident.

The post With Hindu Party Leading India, Beef Grows More Political appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Lawyer’s Son Back in China after Failed Escape Attempt in Burma

Posted: 11 Oct 2015 10:02 PM PDT

Human rights lawyer Wang Yu during a March 2014 interview. (Photo: Kim Kyung-Hoon / Reuters)

Human rights lawyer Wang Yu during a March 2014 interview. (Photo: Kim Kyung-Hoon / Reuters)

BEIJING — The teenage son of a rights lawyer detained in a sweeping crackdown on civil society is under house arrest in northern China after being grabbed in Burma while trying to escape to the United States, a family friend said Monday.

Bao Zhuoxuan, also known as Bao Mengmeng, is under 24-hour police surveillance at his grandparents’ house in Inner Mongolia and is not allowed contact with the outside world, Liang Bo, a San Francisco-based family friend, said by phone.

Bao, 16, is the son of Wang Yu, a lawyer who disappeared July 9 amid a rounding up of dozens of rights lawyers and social activists in a broad crackdown on groups that seek changes in society and that operate outside the Communist Party. Wang has represented people involved in politically sensitive cases and earlier this year was the legal counsel for one of five women’s rights activists jailed over a planned event against sexual harassment.

Bao and his father were detained on the same day by police at Beijing’s international airport on their way to Australia, where Bao was to attend high school. Bao was released after two days, but his passport was revoked, Zhou said. His parents are still missing.

Chinese authorities routinely put pressure on activists by targeting their family members.

After his release the teenager was watched and harassed by police in Beijing, and at times beaten by them, said Liang, who was intending to look after Bao in San Francisco. Beijing police did not immediately respond to a faxed request for comment.

San Francisco-based rights campaigner Fengsuo Zhou, who was involved in the escape plan and was to help Bao seek refuge in the US, said: “He has expressed his will to study abroad, and eventually study law, like his mother.”

Zhou traveled to the Thai capital of Bangkok and grew worried when Bao failed to meet him there last week. He said that Bao and two men helping him leave China were taken by local police in the Burmese border town of Mong La on Oct. 6.

Liang said Bao was with his mother’s parents in Ulanhot city. Calls to two numbers for Bao’s grandmother were not answered. People who answered calls to Ulanhot police’s general and criminal investigation offices said they were not aware of the case.

The two men helping him to leave China were Tang Zhishun, 40, an engineer from Beijing, and Xing Qingxian, 49, a human rights activist in the southwest city of Chengdu, Zhou said. Their whereabouts was unknown.

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The Peace That We Envision

Posted: 11 Oct 2015 07:42 PM PDT

Ethnic Kachin in Rangoon raise Kachin national flags at a Baptist church hall for a speech from the KIA's Gen. Gun Maw. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Ethnic Kachin in Rangoon raise Kachin national flags at a Baptist church hall for a speech from the KIA's Gen. Gun Maw. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Dominant narratives portray Burma as beautiful, exotic and rich, particularly so since reforms began in 2011. If only that picture were realistic, we wouldn't have more than 100,000 internally displaced people spread out across Kachin and northern Shan states. This is a different narrative, another reality in Burma.

I grew up in a government-controlled area of Kachin State during the ceasefire years, when the Burmese government had reached a pact with the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO). I didn't experience the extreme violence of the Tatmadaw—as the Burmese Armed Forces are known—that was committed in ethnic minority villages with total impunity for decades, but I had a different kind of struggle, an institutional one.

From the age of five I attended government schools, with government curricula. I spoke Burmese language and I learned Burmese history. I knew about the kingdoms, Burmese poetry and literature. I memorized every detail of their history; the Burmese were so powerful and civilized. What was missing from my childhood was a chance to learn the culture and history of my own people, the Kachin. Every ethnic child is required to learn Burmese history and to study the victories and ancient triumphs of the Burman people. A brief section on ethnic people described them as petty chiefs in charge of small villages. We have no history, according to the textbooks.

The damage done to me by this forced assimilation was huge. I was ashamed to speak my own language. I didn't like the sound of my own name, which was different from the Burman names. I didn't like having my name called out by the teacher each day as she checked the attendance. I felt like a failure when people pointed out that I had an accent when I spoke Burmese.

Cultural assimilation of minorities serves only to erase our ethnic identity and reconstruct a new one that is submissive to the Burman power structure. Full assimilation is not an option; ethnic minorities are not empowered by being brought into the fold of Burmanization. This is obvious just by looking at the percentage of ethnic people in the military and government institutions; even though there are a few minority representatives, they do not typically reach positions of power.

Moreover, this cultural takeover has been ongoing for so long and in such a way that even ethnic people sometimes do not feel entitled to what is theirs. Arrogant rulers exploit the land and milk the money out of ethnic areas, only to enjoy their gratitude when and if they return a small fraction of what was stolen from them in the first place. Case in point, I recently spoke with an executive member of a Kachin cultural committee in Hpakant, a part of Kachin State known as the source of most of the world's jade. When the Burma Army commander in Hpakant made a donation of 10 million kyats (US$7,765) to a cultural project, the executive couldn't stop talking about the generous gift handed over by the Burma Army. He must have forgotten that Naypyidaw brought in about US$8 billion in jade sales during 2011 alone—about one sixth of GDP for that same year—according to a recent report by the Ash Center at Harvard University. Meanwhile the people who live in Hpakant still have yet to receive decent infrastructure, health care and social services, and many have fallen prey to drug addiction and the spread of HIV/AIDS that has accompanied development of the rich site. These problems have reached other parts of the state as well, particularly affecting young people, and have claimed tens of thousands of Kachin lives to date.

Some people think that colonialism ended when Burma gained independence from the British in 1948, but that's not the case. What we have now is a new brand of colonialism under the Burmese military and its corollary, the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). This government continues the tradition of colonial oppression by dominating the people, especially in areas populated by ethnic minorities. They justify this to the Burman majority by projecting an image of moral, intellectual and cultural superiority, while a broad range of people in Burma—no matter whom they are or where they came from—are routinely denied basic human rights.

While it is undeniable that the ethnic Burman population has suffered much under the former regime and its socio-economic legacy, the military feels a certain threat posed by ethnic people and their fight for political equality. Because of what is, in fact, ethnic peoples' real right to autonomy and self-governance, they strike harder against minorities.

For example, President Thein Sein recently signed off on a controversial legal package known as the "race and religion protection laws." A senior official from the President's Office justified Thein Sein's support for the laws by saying that "it is the desire of the Myanmar people," as reported by German news agency DPA. The laws, which include provisions restricting interfaith marriage and religious conversion, aim to protect the "pure blood" of the Burmese Buddhist population, the majority. The move clearly indicates a perception that this majority is somehow culturally and ethnically superior to others, and seeks to limit or even terminate those who are different.

A Mandatory Imperative for the International Community: Learn to Listen

Several of Burma's ethnic armed groups plan to sign a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese government this month, but the Kachin are not among them. The international community has failed to appreciate the reasons why ethnic people continue to resist the current government and its systems of power. Human rights violations committed by the Tatmadaw are not a part of history, but an ongoing element of experience for many villagers in ethnic areas beyond the line of sight in tourist destinations and major cities such as Rangoon and Naypyidaw. Ethnic people continue to be displaced, and for Kachin people the level of displacement has even reached new heights since the reform process began in 2011.

Political power is still deeply centralized, seated in the capital Naypyidaw, while decision making power is still not shared with ethnic nationalities in the various states. We have no say in how our ethnic values and teachings could be incorporated into the education system, or how the revenue from natural resource projects could be shared to improve the well-being and quality of life for our people. Though the President, himself a former general, has appointed a Kachin Chief Minister for the state and a Chin Chief Minister in Chin state, that fact doesn't translate into federal democracy and should not be viewed as such. These appointed chief executives may be nothing more than "token ministers" who have close and personal relationships with the former dictator and his generals.

It is not clear that the international community really understands this quandary. Without listening to the concerns and the worries of Burma's ethnic nationalities, international assistance has done more harm than good. Programs such as the European Union's crowd control training for the police force, for instance, have worked to empower authorities and served no real good for the people that they have so often oppressed. As one Kachin activist put it, the international community is "teaching the government how to steal and rob in broad daylight. Before, they only knew how to steal and rob late at night."

Similarly, the European Union has committed millions of euro to "support" for the peace process, hundreds of thousands of that going directly to the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), a government-affiliated technical support body. While they are receiving this support to negotiate on behalf of the government, the ethnic armed groups who hold a stake in the process don't always have the funding for expert advisors and technical assistance. Beyond being disempowered, they are also at a great financial disadvantage.

Yet international observers and "supporters" of the peace process are viewed as pressuring these groups to move toward a ceasefire, as though Burma's ethnic armed groups had no experience in political negotiations. The Kachin Independence Organization has reached four ceasefire agreements with the Burma Army since our armed struggle began in 1961. As Naing Hong Sar, a member of the ethnic negotiation team, wrote recently for The Bangkok Post, "Trust is based not only on words; it is based on an understanding that actions back and substantiate one's words. Trust is something proven over time."

Our experience of dealing with the military dates back six decades. Therefore, our expertise should not be dismissed or looked down upon. If the voices of Burma's ethnic nationalities, including those living in displacement camps, are listened to carefully and thoughtfully, it is clear that we want a genuine peace agreement with promising potential to allow us to determine our own future in a true federal union that respects our differences and views us as equals.

If the international community can learn to listen to these voices, they may be able to effectively help the people of Burma achieve genuine and lasting peace.

Stella Naw is an advocate for democratic federalism in Burma, with a special interest in reconciliation and the rights of ethnic and indigenous peoples.

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