Friday, February 19, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Union Parliament Office Rejects Criticism of MPs’ Training

Posted: 19 Feb 2016 03:30 PM PST

Participants at a training course for newly minted MPs in Naypyidaw, Feb. 16. (Photo: NLD Chairperson / Facebook)

Participants at a training course for newly minted MPs in Naypyidaw, Feb. 16. (Photo: NLD Chairperson / Facebook)

RANGOON — The office of the Union Parliament issued a statement on Thursday rebutting online criticism regarding this week's induction program for newly minted lawmakers.

Beginning on Monday, the five-day training course, jointly organized by the parliament, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), covered the themes of democracy, public leadership, ethics and the responsibilities of lawmakers.

Parliamentary representatives from Australia, the UK, Pakistan and the Philippines were among foreign guests to share their expertise.

The Union Parliament Office on Thursday criticized some posts on social media regarding the training that it labeled misleading and harmful to the reputation of the Parliament and affiliated international organizations.

"The Union Parliament asks people to be mindful of such negative posts, especially at a time when the authorities concerned are trying hard for a smooth transition of power and democratization," the statement read.

Citing the participation of foreign guests in the training, some online users had questioned whether the Parliament was "now under foreign influence." One user wrote that "white men are wandering around in the Parliament," while another asked, "Why [is a man from] Pakistan lecturing the Burmese Parliament?"

The parliamentary office said that the UNDP and IPU had been collaborating on strengthening the Parliament for the past five years.

The overwhelming majority of Burma's MPs involved in the training were from the National League for Democracy, which won nearly 80 percent of contested seats in last November's general election.

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CNF Calls for Chin National Day to be State Holiday

Posted: 19 Feb 2016 03:23 PM PST

Chin State's famous heart-shaped Rih Lake, which lies nestled amid the Chin Hills of northwestern Burma, not far from the border with India. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Chin State's famous heart-shaped Rih Lake, which lies nestled amid the Chin Hills of northwestern Burma, not far from the border with India. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The Chin National Front (CNF), one of Burma's ethnic armed groups, has called on the government to designate Chin National Day—Feb. 20—as an official holiday in Chin State.

"[We] seriously urge the current and incoming governments to once again make Chin National Day an official holiday in Chin State, as the Chin public wanted in accordance with the nationwide ceasefire agreement," CNF said in a statement issued on Thursday.

CNF is among eight signatories of the Oct. 15 nationwide ceasefire agreement. This year will mark the 68th anniversary of Chin National Day.

The long-time ban on events to mark Chin National Day was lifted following the signing of a bilateral ceasefire agreement on Dec. 9, 2012, between CNF and government representatives.

The CNF's call was preceded by a similar request from the Mon National Day Celebration Committee earlier this month. The committee sent a letter to President Thein Sein on Feb. 9, urging him to designate Mon National Day as an official holiday. The letter was copied to chairs of Mon National Day committees as well as to chief ministers in Karen and Mon states and Mandalay, Rangoon, Pegu and Tenasserim divisions.

Rangoon Division authorities on Feb. 3 initially denied permission to Chin and Karen groups in the former capital to use a church to mark their respective national days. Authorities later overturned their decision, however, and allowed the city's ethnic Chin community to hold a national day celebration on Feb. 20 in Ahlone Township, according to a Feb. 15 statement.

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Less Than One Percent of Rangoon-Dala Bridge Budget Allocated to Land Compensation

Posted: 19 Feb 2016 03:10 PM PST

Tin Oo, the director of the Department of Bridges within Burma's Ministry of Construction. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Tin Oo, the director of the Department of Bridges within Burma's Ministry of Construction. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The government paid compensation to 66 landowners on February 17 to partially cover losses to be incurred during the construction of a bridge connecting downtown Rangoon with Dala Township.

The five-year, South Korea-funded bridge project, also being called the Korea-Myanmar Friendship Bridge, will cost an estimated US$168 million. South Korea's Economic Development Cooperation Fund provided Burma with a 40-year, US$138 million loan for the project at an interest rate of only 0.01 percent.

The bridge will start from Lanmadaw Township's Phone Gyi Street in Rangoon and connect to Dala, which is located across the Rangoon River. Tens of thousands of Dala residents work in the commercial capital and rely on daily ferries or wooden sampans to commute across the river. Many hope that the construction of the bridge will improve transportation.

Tin Oo, director of the Department of Bridges under the Ministry of Construction, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that they had written cheques worth 977 million kyats (US$793,000) in total to 68 landlords suffering losses from the project.

"We told them to withdraw the money this month," he said.

But two of the landowners refused to accept the compensation.

In accordance with the allocated budget, Tin Oo explained that the Department of Bridges could only compensate for land loss; the budget has designated funds to pay for the destruction of buildings in the project area, and the cost of rebuilding structures after the bridge is finished.

"We have collected details for the compensation, including the houses, markets, shops, schools, religious buildings and institutional items such as water pipes and electricity posts. We all agreed to compensate for them at the proper rates," he explained.

But at these rates, Tin Oo acknowledged that the compensation costs add up to 3.3 billion kyats (US$2.6 million). "We only have one billion kyats (over US$811,000) for the 2015-2016 fiscal year. We have to pay these one billion kyats as compensation. We still have to negotiate with the remaining landlords so that they will accept."

Tin Oo said that after outgoing President Thein Sein made the deal with South Korea during his visit to the country in 2012, the project began in April 2013. For nine months, Korea's Sambo Engineering Co. Ltd. collaborated with engineering consultants to complete an assessment of the social and environmental impacts of the bridge on the Rangoon River.

He added that the designing of the bridge would require another year of work and following its completion, construction would be initiated. The planned time of construction will tentatively be 2019-2020.

Translated and adapted from the original Q and A format by Nyein Nyein.

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Eastern Shan State Villagers Flee, Fearing Wa Army Recruitment

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 10:37 PM PST

A checkpoint to enter the UWSA-controlled area in the Wa autonomous region in Shan State. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy)

A checkpoint to enter the UWSA-controlled area in the Wa autonomous region in Shan State. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy)

Over 100 villagers from Mongyang Township in eastern Shan State have fled their homes this year due to rumors that the United Wa State Army (UWSA) would come to forcibly recruit them.

The 105 people from Wankan and Kyaikham villages have left their homes and are now staying in another community in Mongloi village tract, according to the Mongloi village administrator, Sai Loi Kyauk.

"Twenty households have fled to our village since the end of January," he said. "They were terrified by the rumors that Wa soldiers would come for recruitment."

Locals have been providing those displaced with shelter, rice and clothing, the administrator said.

"We are Shan and they are ethnic Palaung, who ran from the next mountain," he said of the displaced families, referring to the Ta'ang by their name in the Shan language. "No such incident has happened before here."

A UWSA spokesperson, Kyauk Shauk Hpu, told The Irrawaddy that his organization had no knowledge of the displacement or the rumors of conscription. Kyauk Kaw Arn, the head of UWSA's international relations department, also denied the allegations.

"The UWSA does not do any forced recruitment of our local people. The news on the state-run media is not a concrete source. There are no residents running from our area," he said.

On Wednesday, the military-owned Myawaddy newspaper stated that the UWSA had been recruiting one person per household and that every man and woman over 16 years old would have to join their armed group.

Mongyang Township is not under the official control of the UWSA, but their troops are known to be active in the region. The Wa army was given a self-administrated region including six Shan State townships—Panghsang, Hopang, Mongmao, Panwai, Nahpan and Metma—according to provisions in Article 56(f) of the 2008 military-backed Constitution. But Wa authorities have also spoken of expanding their area of influence, citing the existence of Wa communities in other townships.

Headquartered in Panghsang, the UWSA is estimated to have between 20,000 and 25,000 troops, making it the largest of Burma's many ethnic armed groups. The group signed a ceasefire with Burma's military government in 1989, but has since been involved in armed conflict with other ethnic armed groups in Shan State.

 

 

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Protests Against India Student Leader’s Arrest Spread

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 09:13 PM PST

 A demonstrator shouts slogans and waves the Indian national flag as she takes part in a protest demanding the release of Kanhaiya Kumar, a Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) student union leader accused of sedition, in New Delhi, India, February 18, 2016. (Photo: Anindito Mukherjee / Reuters)

A demonstrator shouts slogans and waves the Indian national flag as she takes part in a protest demanding the release of Kanhaiya Kumar, a Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) student union leader accused of sedition, in New Delhi, India, February 18, 2016. (Photo: Anindito Mukherjee / Reuters)

NEW DELHI — A protest that rocked a New Delhi university this week spread across India on Thursday, with students and teachers in at least 10 cities demanding the release of a student leader arrested on sedition charges and accused of being anti-Indian.

The protesters were outraged by nationally televised scenes of Kanhaiya Kumar, the student union president at Jawaharlal Nehru University, being kicked and punched while he was escorted to a court hearing Wednesday, renewing allegations that the Hindu nationalist governing party is intolerant.

He was arrested last Friday over his participation in events where anti-India slogans were allegedly shouted. A New Delhi court has ordered him to stay in custody for two weeks. The court will hear his bail plea on Friday.

The demands for the student's freedom in the Indian capital were met by mobs of Hindu nationalists, including many lawyers, attacking students and accusing them of being anti-Indian.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party and other Hindu groups accuse left-wing student groups of anti-nationalism because of their criticism of the 2013 execution of a Kashmiri separatist convicted of an attack on Parliament.

Kumar's treatment and attacks on teachers who supported him have triggered allegations that the Modi government and the BJP are cracking down on political dissent in the name of patriotism.

Soon after the protests began, India's Home Minister Rajnath Singh tweeted that anyone shouting anti-India slogans "will not be tolerated or spared."

The violence by lawyers occurred despite the Supreme Court ordering the police to ensure security in the court and has drawn wide criticism of the lawyers and police.

"Such a deliberate obstruction of justice amounts to constitutional contempt and cannot go unpunished," said Maja Daruwala of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative.

The Bar Council of India said it had appointed a three-member panel to investigate the violence by lawyers.

"We are going to take a strong action against them," Council president Manan Kumar Mishra said. "We are going to punish the lawyers if they are found guilty," he said before apologizing on behalf of the lawyer community.

On Thursday, students in at least 10 Indian cities marched through the streets and denounced Kumar's arrest.

In New Delhi, thousands of students, professors and journalists gathered in the center of the city. They carried flowers as a sign of peace, Indian flags and placards saying, "Free Speech under attack" and "Just because I don't agree, doesn't mean I am an anti-national."

Police said the rally was not authorized, but allowed the march to proceed to a central space used frequently for public protests.

In the southern city of Chennai, 40 students were arrested after they clashed with police.

In Kolkata, police were on alert as two groups of students held rival rallies in the Jadavpur University campus. Student groups affiliated with the BJP demanded strict action against Kumar and others who they accused of being anti-Indian.

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North Korea Satellite Tumbling in Orbit Again: US Sources

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 09:09 PM PST

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un attends a banquet for contributors of the recent rocket launch, in this undated photo released by North Korea's Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) in Pyongyang on February 15, 2016. (Photo: KCNA / Reuters)

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un attends a banquet for contributors of the recent rocket launch, in this undated photo released by North Korea's Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) in Pyongyang on February 15, 2016. (Photo: KCNA / Reuters)

WASHINGTON — North Korea's recently launched satellite is once again tumbling in orbit, after stabilizing briefly, according to a US official and other sources.

The satellite update came as a key congressional watchdog agency said the US military had not demonstrated its ability to protect the United States against a possible North Korea missile attack.

Earlier this month North Korea launched what it said was an earth observation satellite but what the country's neighbors and the United States called a missile test. It was earlier believed to have achieved stable orbit but not to have transmitted data back to Earth.

The US official, and two other sources with knowledge of the issue, said they are less concerned about the function of the satellite than with the technology involved in launching it. They added that the launch was clearly intended to demonstrate North Korea's ability to launch an intercontinental ballistic missile.

The US Government Accountability Office, the research arm of Congress, highlighted concerns about missile attacks from North Korea in a report released on Wednesday.

"GMD flight testing, to date, was insufficient to demonstrate that an operationally useful defense capability exists," the GAO said. GMD is an acronym for a ground-based missile defense system.

The report said that the missile defense system, or the Ground-based Midcourse Defense, had only demonstrated "a partial capability against small numbers of simple ballistic missile threats."

Ken Todorov, former deputy director of the Missile Defense Agency, said the organization faced a difficult balancing act in meeting the needs of the US military and operating with limited resources for testing.

Last month the Missile Defense Agency conducted a successful test of the ground-based US missile defense system managed by Boeing Co aimed at demonstrating the effectiveness of a redesigned "kill vehicle" built by Raytheon Co.

The test purposely did not include an intercept by a ground-based interceptor but was designed to demonstrate the ability of new "divert thrusters" that were developed by Raytheon to maneuver the warhead.

The report said that while there were benefits in the way the agency was acquiring the kill vehicle, challenges remained.

It added that the Pentagon's goal to reach 44 ground-based missile defense systems by the end of 2017 was based on a "highly optimistic, aggressive schedule" leading to "high-risk acquisition practices."

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New VietJet Fleet Billed as Boost to Air Safety in the Region

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 09:04 PM PST

A worker pumps fuel into a Vietjet Air A320 aircraft, in front of a Vietnam Airlines aircraft at Tan Son Nhat airport in Vietnam's southern Ho Chi Minh city October 20, 2013. (Photo: Kham / Reuters)

A worker pumps fuel into a Vietjet Air A320 aircraft, in front of a Vietnam Airlines aircraft at Tan Son Nhat airport in Vietnam's southern Ho Chi Minh city October 20, 2013. (Photo: Kham / Reuters)

RANGOON — Vietnam's budget airline VietJet announced on Thursday that it signed a US$3.04 billion deal with engine manufacturer Pratt & Whitney for an engine to power the carrier's dozens of new aircraft, which was billed as increasing the safety of travelers from Burma and beyond.

VietJet has ordered 63 Airbus A320neo and A321neo models and in the statement said that the deal is one of three new agreements this year to add improvements to their services, all of which are aimed at improving the safety of their passengers. VietJet will also provide flight crew training at its training center on its incoming A320 fleet.

Didier Lux, head of Airbus customer services, said, "We are delighted to provide VietJet with equipment and materials for flight and maintenance training. We are committed to expanding our services footprint in Vietnam and the region, including Thailand, Singapore and Burma."

"Teaming-up with VietJet through our first training services agreement in Vietnam is a major milestone to deliver training by Airbus in the region, and it ensures more efficient service, support and proximity to our customers."

There is currently a route between Rangoon and Vietnam's Ho Chi Minh City, operating with a frequency of five return flights per week.

State-owned Vietnam Airlines has flown the route between Ho Chi Minh City and Rangoon for the past five years. Communist-ruled Vietnam's first private airline to be granted an operating license, VietJet flies 33 routes inside Vietnam and within the region.

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Palace: Health of Thai King Improving, Still Has Infection

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 08:50 PM PST

A boy walks in front of a picture of Thailand's King Bhumibol Adulyadej hanging from a public building to mark his 88th birthday, in Bangkok December 5, 2015. (Photo: Jorge Silva / Reuters)

A boy walks in front of a picture of Thailand's King Bhumibol Adulyadej hanging from a public building to mark his 88th birthday, in Bangkok December 5, 2015. (Photo: Jorge Silva / Reuters)

BANGKOK — The health of Thailand's 88-year-old King Bhumibol Adulyadej is improving, though he still has an infection, the royal palace announced Thursday.

The palace bulletin said the fever, fatigue and occasional high blood pressure he was suffering earlier this week had eased, though a blood test found he still had an infection. He was being given two antibiotics intravenously and was also receiving oxygen and physical therapy.

Bhumibol is the world's longest-reigning monarch. His health has limited his participation in public affairs in recent times, and he has lived in a Bangkok hospital for most of the past six years. While he has been a stabilizing figure through much of his reign, worries about succession have contributed to Thailand's political instability in the past decade.

Thursday's announcement said doctors were waiting for other test results and will closely watch the king's condition.

The post Palace: Health of Thai King Improving, Still Has Infection appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Scarred By Trafficking Abuses, Rohingya Stay Put in Camps

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 06:08 PM PST

 Win Naing, a 43-year-old Rohingya, lives in Thet Kel Pyin IDP camp in Rakhine State with his wife and three young children. (PHOTO: Thin Lei Win / Myanmar Now)

Win Naing, a 43-year-old Rohingya, lives in Thet Kel Pyin IDP camp in Rakhine State with his wife and three young children. (PHOTO: Thin Lei Win / Myanmar Now)

THET KEL PYIN, Rakhine State — After Husaina's 20-year-old son fled poverty and discrimination in Myanmar's Rakhine State by boat, she heard nothing from him for seven months.

Then, in a shocking phone call, she was told the young Rohingya Muslim was in the hands of people smugglers in Thailand, and had fallen severely ill. The only way for him to be released was to somehow find the money to pay a ransom.

"The man said: 'If you don't pay money, he will die… I was so upset. How did he get into the hands of the brokers? How did he become so ill?'" she said, her eyes downcast while sitting in her dank and crumbling one-room temporary home in Thet Kel Pyin displacement camp, a few kilometres outside Sittwe.

They found an employer in Malaysia willing to pay about $1,600 in exchange for Mamed Rohim's labor. That was over a year ago and Rohim is still working to repay the debt. He only manages to send over about $50 every two to three months, which the family uses to repay their own debts.

Since fleeing their home in Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State in western Myanmar from which they are now barred, the family—seven other children and an asthmatic husband—is struggling to make ends meet. But Husaina says Rohim's plight continues to haunt her.

"Even though I want to send other children on the boat so they could find jobs, I'm really worried about the brokers so I dare not," she said, as a Rohingya neighbor joined in with a similar tale.

Waves of Rohingya Muslims have fled communal violence and apartheid-like conditions in Myanmar in recent years, many of them swept up in trafficking rings, some of which hold men like Rohim for ransom, making threats to their impoverished families that their loved ones will be killed.

But human rights groups say there has been a dramatic drop in the number of Rohingya leaving Myanmar this year. They attribute this to a crackdown on human trafficking by countries such as Thailand and Malaysia and the political changes at home following the National League for Democracy's landslide election win in November.

The Myanmar government does not recognize the 1.1 million Rohingya as citizens and calls them "Bengalis," to suggest they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. The group is banned from travel within Myanmar and faces restrictions on access to education and healthcare.

Experiences such as Husaina's are common among the Rohingya, confined to the squalid displacement camps outside Sittwe. The stories are shared among residents, making many fearful of the multi-day journey. Most of the Rohingya this correspondent spoke to say they are now too scared to attempt it.

"There have been very few boats since the sailing season started in October and none at all this year, 2016. The key reason is that smugglers have no option for disembarkation due to Thailand being virtually closed. Another is the situation in Malaysia (where) there are regular immigration raids," Chris Lewa of the Arakan Project, a Rohingya advocacy group which tracks migration, told Myanmar Now.

Malaysian police have carried out arrests of asylum seekers queuing up at the offices of the U.N. refugee agency in the last week or so, and some 2,500 Rohingya are currently held in immigration detention centres across Malaysia, Lewa said.

"The majority of Rohingya who arrived over the last two, three years are unregistered and jobs have become really difficult to find… The community feels very vulnerable," she added.

Matthew Smith, executive director of Thailand-based human rights group Fortify Rights, agrees numbers leaving Rakhine have dropped, even though it is difficult to quantify the decrease in departures due to the clandestine nature of the voyages.

He warned, however, that the transnational trafficking rings have not been dismantled and "are poised to resume their activities at the first opportunity."

Hope Keeps Some in Myanmar

Since 2012 – when communal violence between Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya displaced some 140,000 people, an overwhelming majority of them Muslims – tens of thousands have left Rakhine State by boat.

What began decades ago as a journey that would take weeks on rickety boats, has in recent years become a mass people trafficking and smuggling business. The trafficking grew to such a scale that it lead to a crackdown by Thai and Malaysian authorities last year.

In Thet Kel Pyin, home to some 5,600 displaced people, most of the Rohingya who have stayed behind have now settled down to a life of daily survival and a feeling that segregation is becoming more and more permanent.

Displaced teenagers now go to a high school near the camp that did not exist two years ago, and aid agencies as well as the government has set up more schools and clinics in and near the camps.

Despite continued government restrictions, some Rohingya have not left because they are holding out hope for the new government led by Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD, said Smith of Fortify Rights.

"Many Muslims in Rakhine State tell us they hope Daw Suu will usher in a better day for them. Anything, they say, will be better than the past," he said.

This hope is held despite the fact that the Rakhine State parliament is dominated by the virulently anti-Muslim Arakan National Party (ANP). The NLD itself failed to field a single Muslim candidate and has refused to condemn the persecution faced by the Rohingya, who are viewed with suspicion by many in Myanmar.

Sultan, 65, said the NLD government now offers the best hope for change. He says he is too old to go anywhere and refuses to countenance sending his daughters away, even though life in the camp is a far cry from his old life as the owner of three small businesses and a brick house in Sittwe.

He now goes around selling 150-kyat (12 cents) tooth powder in the villages and camps, driving a motorcycle a friend has bought for him.

"I feel really desolate over losing our right to vote, but I have hopes that things would improve under the new government," he said, surrounded by his wife and seven daughters, the youngest of whom was just 26 days old.

The Thein Sein government took away the Rohingya's last official identity papers last year, and with it their right to vote, prompting an outcry from the international community, who have been providing aid to the Rohingya.

Sultan said, "We are really thankful for the international community for helping us and I know we are still alive because of their help. But we want to stand on our own two feet. We just want to go back to where we were before."

Tales of Abuse

For others, the tales of abuse during the boat journey are a powerful deterrent. Win Naing, a 43-year-old with three young children under the age of five, said, "What would my children and my wife do if something happened to me on the boat or in Thailand? I would rather die here."

Kawri Mullah, Husaina's neighbour, concurs. About six weeks ago, the 25-year-old father of two decided to leave the camp, desperate for a stable income that odd jobs cannot provide. But he has abandoned the plan for now after thinking it over, he told Myanmar Now.

His decision was influenced by what happened to his brother-in-law, who left the camp a year and a half ago and was sold by his broker to a butcher in Thailand for $850.

"He left with only two packs of energy biscuits. When they reached Thailand, a butcher apparently liked that my brother-in-law looks big and strong," Mullah said.

After months of no pay and little to eat, the brother-in-law ran away to find another employer, but the butcher found him, and threatened and took him away, according to Mullah. That was nearly five months ago and the last time they heard from him. He wasn't able to send any money back.

"I'm really scared after hearing his story. How can you live like that? I have two children and a wife. Here, even if I die, I have my family near me," he said.

This story first appeared on Myanmar Now.

The post Scarred By Trafficking Abuses, Rohingya Stay Put in Camps appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Two freed, but countless others still enslaved by armed groups

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

Two young women who were the focus of a Myanmar Times investigation this month into mass abductions of civilians by ethnic armed groups have been freed by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA).

MPs reiterate call for dialogue on conflict

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

Members of parliament are calling on armed groups engaged in fighting in Shan State to drop their weapons and head to the negotiating table.

NLD blasts U Ye Htut’s comments on presidency bid

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

Supporters of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi yesterday reacted strongly to comments by Minister for Information U Ye Htut seemingly quashing efforts by the National League of Democracy to appoint its leader as president.

ANP leader warns of ‘crisis’ as party quits ethnic alliance

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

The National League for Democracy's secretive negotiations and closed-door power brokering have been blamed for a breakdown in ties with the country's most electorally successful ethnic minority party.

Fighting drives more civilians out of villages

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

Refugees from fighting between two ethnic armed groups in northern Shan State are still flowing into the government-controlled town of Kyaukme amid reports that the Tatmadaw is stepping up its presence in the conflict zone.

Activists wary of next govt’s human rights record

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

With a Nobel Peace Laureate poised to lead the next government, human rights activists are concerned they are in line for a major disappointment.

UNDP celebrates 50th anniversary of founding

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

Representatives of the government, diplomats, development agencies and civil society came together on February 17 to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations Development Programme. At the UN offices in Natmauk Road, Yangon, amid exhibitions of photos and publications, former and current staff related their reminiscences, some in person and some in a video specially produced for the occasion.

More cases filed under Monogamy Law

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

Two different Yangon spouses have taken action against their significant others under the controversial Monogamy Law.

More BRT buses en route

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

Commuters who are enjoying the new, comfortable and – perhaps most importantly – safe BRT buses can expect to see more of them around town soon. The Ministry of Commerce says 65 more of the vehicles will be imported by the end of April.

Magwe villagers ready for Chin National Day

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST

Chin National Day will be celebrated at Zin Pyoon village, Magwe Region, on February 20 – the fourth time the event will take place in Ngape township. More than 3000 ethnic Chin attended last year's ceremony, according to the organising committee.

Thursday, February 18, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


On Political Prisoners, Does the Military Hold the Keys?

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 05:26 AM PST

 Lawmakers attend the first day of the Parliament's Lower House on Feb. 1, 2016. (JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Lawmakers attend the first day of the Parliament's Lower House on Feb. 1, 2016. (JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) have indicated that freeing political prisoners will be among the party's top priorities when they take the reins of government on April 1.

Aung San Suu Kyi herself was a prisoner of conscience for more than a decade under military rule and around 100 former political prisoners are among the party's MP-elects.

But some observers, including ex-political prisoners, say emptying the country's jails of prisoners of conscience may be no easy task given the entrenched political position of the military.

Under the country's 2008 Constitution, the army controls three powerful ministries, including the Ministry of Home Affairs which oversees the police force and the prisons department, among other state apparatus.

"Many friends who themselves are former political prisoners and those with the same attitude are now in the Parliament and may be included in the NLD-led government. But they need to negotiate with the home ministry to release [political prisoners]," said Ye Aung, a former member of the Committee for Scrutinizing the Remaining Political Prisoners and himself an ex-political prisoner.

Aung Myo Kyaw of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) cited the military-drafted charter enshrining the army's role in governance as a possible impediment to freeing those detained on politically-motivated charges.

"Suu Kyi herself once said that even one political prisoner is one too many. So we believe when the NLD takes power they will try their best to free all political prisoners. But the president does not have full authority to free political prisoners under the Constitution," he said.

At least some previous amnesties since 2011, as reported in the Global New Light of Myanmar, were undertaken in accordance with Article 204(a) of the Constitution and Section 401 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, which concerns the suspension or remission of sentences.

Article 204(a) simply states that the president is afforded "the power to grant a pardon." However, another clause of the 2008 charter suggests that presidential amnesties may require the involvement of a powerful body effectively under military control.

Article 204(b) states that the president has "the power to grant amnesty in accord with the recommendation of the National Defence and Security Council."

The council is made up of 11 members, including the president, the two vice presidents, both parliamentary speakers, the commander-in-chief and deputy commander of the Burma Armed Forces, the foreign affairs minister and the military-appointed ministers of Home Affairs, Border Affairs and Defense. As one vice president is military appointed, the army commands a majority on the council.

"Section 204(b) of the Constitution is still one challenge for the NLD," said Aung Myo Kyaw.

Another potential hurdle centers on the definition of a political prisoner. During President Thein Sein's term, former political prisoners and opposition lawmakers pushed the government to adopt an official definition of a "political prisoner."

Opposition lawmakers advocated for amendments to Burma's prison law to include the definition. Proposed amendments to the law last year stalled in the Parliament however, with the home affairs ministry insisting there was no need to include the definition.

According to the proposed definition: "Anyone who is arrested, detained, or imprisoned for political reasons… or wrongfully under criminal and civil charges because of his or her perceived or known active role, perceived or known supporting role, or in association with activities promoting freedom, justice, equality, human rights, and civil and political rights, including ethnic rights, is defined as a political prisoner."

Aung Myo Kyaw said that while 87 political prisoners are still behind bars and over 400 are facing trial, the removal of people from a government blacklist, including many still in exile, is equally important to address.

"In 2012, over 2,000 names were announced that were removed from the blacklist. But they only knew they were on the list when [they were removed]. And some of those who were removed from the list are yet to get back their citizenship," he said.

Aung Myo Kyaw said that a lack of clarity for those who still may be blacklisted and on pathways to reinstating citizenship has prevented many activists from returning to their native country.

Bo Kyi, joint secretary of the AAPP, applied to have his citizenship reinstated 18 months ago but is yet to obtain it.

"He has to come to the country with a tourist visa. There are many people like him including many activists," Aung Myo Kyaw said.

The Home Affairs ministry is one of three ministries involved in the screening process of citizenship applications and thus political activists claim processes may be delayed because of the ministry's objections.

"We hope there will be improvements under the NLD and that negotiations between the NLD and the military will go well," Aung Myo Kyaw said. "We will support from the outside and keep pushing on the political prisoner issue."

The post On Political Prisoners, Does the Military Hold the Keys? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ethnic Armed Group Coalition Plans for ‘All-Inclusive’ Peacebuilding

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 04:21 AM PST

 Lt-Gen N'Ban La of the KIO (left) and Nai Hong Sar, vice chairman of the UNFC (right) make opening remarks at a meeting of ethnic armed group leaders on February 18, 2016. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy)

Lt-Gen N'Ban La of the KIO (left) and Nai Hong Sar, vice chairman of the UNFC (right) make opening remarks at a meeting of ethnic armed group leaders on February 18, 2016. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy)

CHIANG MAI, THAILAND— Leaders from the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance of ethnic armed groups, gathered in northern Thailand on Thursday to prepare for peace negotiations with Burma's incoming National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government.

Nai Hong Sar, the vice chairman of the UNFC, told reporters that this week's meeting would "focus on the analysis of the current political situation and finding ways to have an all-inclusive peacebuilding process."

Although the coalition of 11 ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) assisted in drafting Burma's so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), the UNFC's members largely opted out of signing the 2015 accord, citing a lack of inclusivity. The NCA was signed by eight out of the 15 armed groups recognized by the government, with an additional five groups excluded from participation.

UNFC members the Chin National Front and the Pa-O National Liberation Organization both signed the NCA. Their membership of the alliance was subsequently suspended.

Following the NCA signing, the UNFC said that they could not accept the political dialogue framework drafted by the government and the ceasefire signatories.

Nai Hong Sar explained that he and other leaders have been advocating for a tripartite dialogue involving EAOs, the government, and political parties. The current framework involves seven groups of stakeholders—government, Parliament, EAOs, the military, political parties, ethnic representatives, and special guests. Critics say that this approach gives the Burma Army a bigger presence and therefore an unfair advantage.

The UNFC vice chairman expects that an NLD-led government will be in a position to negotiate for the all-inclusiveness sought by the EAOs, as its chairperson, Aung San Suu Kyi, is frequently meeting with the Burma Army chief, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing.

"We uphold our demand that even if the process cannot have all-inclusive representation yet, we want the guarantee that the remaining groups will not be attacked," Nai Hong Sar said.

He also explained that this UNFC meeting will serve as an opportunity to explore how the coalition might intervene in the ongoing clashes in northern Shan State between its member, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), and the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South (RCSS/SSA-S), an NCA signatory.

"We learned that both sides want to reduce the tension," he said, adding that he doubts the conflict is being instigated by outside forces, as some have suggested.

In his speech to council members, Lt-Gen N'Ban La of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) urged fellow ethnic leaders to make "serious decisions" in this week's sessions and work toward actions that would benefit the public.

"For the time being, we, the ethnic armed groups, have remained in stalemate," he said.

The post Ethnic Armed Group Coalition Plans for 'All-Inclusive' Peacebuilding appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Lawyers Request Extension of Appeal Deadline in Koh Tao Murder Case

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 03:10 AM PST

Burmese migrant worker Win Zaw Htun sits in a prison truck as he arrives at the Koh Samui Provincial Court on July 22, 2015. (Photo: Chaiwat Subprasom / Reuters)

Burmese migrant worker Win Zaw Htun sits in a prison truck as he arrives at the Koh Samui Provincial Court on July 22, 2015. (Photo: Chaiwat Subprasom / Reuters)

The Lawyers Council of Thailand submitted a request Thursday to extend the appeal deadline for two Burmese migrant workers sentenced to death for the murder of two British tourists in 2014.

"The council is holding a meeting now in Thailand and they will submit a request to the court for extension, as the case for appeal requires more time to collect evidence such as DNA," said Htoo Chit, a migrant rights advocate who is leading the investigation team formed by the Burmese Embassy in Thailand.

The court gave a one-month deadline to appeal the verdict, which was set on January 24. Their lawyers' application to extend the appeal deadline on Thursday—beyond February 24—is the second such attempt.

"Hopefully, the court will accept the request, if they really practice justice for this case," he added.

A court in Koh Samui sentenced two migrant workers, Win Zaw Htun and Zaw Lin, both 22, to death on December 24, 2015, for the killing of two British backpackers, David Miller, 24, and Hannah Witheridge, 23, on the island of Koh Tao. The murder occurred in September 2014.

Evidence submitted to the court by the Thai police, particularly DNA test results, has attracted controversy and public attention to the case.

A special investigative team formed by the Burmese government, consisting of legal and forensics experts, was sent to Thailand in December 2015.

After the sentencing of the two migrant workers, angry Burmese staged a series of protests in front of the Thai Embassy in Rangoon, urging the court in Thailand to review the case.

The post Lawyers Request Extension of Appeal Deadline in Koh Tao Murder Case appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Nissan Gears up to Open Factory in Pegu Division

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 03:05 AM PST

 The Nissan Titan Warrior concept truck is unveiled at the North American International Auto Show in Detroit, Michigan, January 12, 2016. (Photo: Rebecca Cook / Reuters)

The Nissan Titan Warrior concept truck is unveiled at the North American International Auto Show in Detroit, Michigan, January 12, 2016. (Photo: Rebecca Cook / Reuters)

RANGOON — In a statement on Wednesday, Japan's Nissan announced that it will open a factory in Burma later this year, and it pledged to produce 10,000 vehicles per year.

According to the press release, the new facility, delayed from last year, will be located in Pegu Division northeast of Rangoon.

Since 2013 Nissan has been assembling vehicles from parts from other factories in the region, including Thailand. Nissan intends to use the facility of its Malaysia-based manufacturing partner Tan Chong Motor Group until the new site in Burma is opened.

"Nissan is pleased to have the opportunity to be part of new motoring growth in [Burma]," said company vice president Toru Hasegawa in the statement. Nissan and Tan Chong Motor Group signed a facility-use contract with Pegu Division officials on Wednesday.

As preparation for the facility launch, some 200 employees are being trained at the Tan Chong plant in Malaysia, with the broader aim of transferring knowledge and skills to the local workforce. Nissan and Tan Chong will also work to expand their business network, which currently includes both an office and dealers in Rangoon.

The project on an 80-acre site is slated to be a state-of-the-art industrial complex. It will be the largest automobile manufacturing site in Burma and the first in Pegu Division. Spurred by Burma's economic and political reforms, industry officials anticipate demand to grow rapidly.

Soe Tun, chairman of the Myanmar Automobile Dealers Association, said he is optimistic that Nissan's expansion to Burma will bode well for the country's automobile industry.

"That Nissan is building a factory here is a good sign for the local market," he said.

This will be the second production start-up by a Japanese vehicle manufacturer. In 2013 the Suzuki Motor Corporation announced it would re-open its Rangoon factory.

The first locally manufactured Nissan car in Burma will be the Sunny, adding to a line-up that first kicked off in 2013 with a range of cars, sport utility vehicles and vans.

The post Nissan Gears up to Open Factory in Pegu Division appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Could Cross-Border Unity Invigorate the Karen Struggle?

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 02:43 AM PST

Members of the Karen National Union (KNU) hang ribbons on soldiers during the 63rd anniversary of Karen Revolution Day at Oo Kray Kee Township in Karen State, along the Thai-Burma border, January 31, 2012. (Photo: Sukree Sukplang / Reuters)

Members of the Karen National Union (KNU) hang ribbons on soldiers during the 63rd anniversary of Karen Revolution Day at Oo Kray Kee Township in Karen State, along the Thai-Burma border, January 31, 2012. (Photo: Sukree Sukplang / Reuters)

HPA-AN, Karen State — Unity among the Karen people was the theme in nearly all of the ethnic leaders' speeches on the recent occasion of Karen Revolution Day. It was estimated that over 10,000 Karen people from Burma, Thailand and the rest of the world gathered to celebrate the event.

An interesting possibility is that this unity could extend beyond borders: the Karen political struggle is receiving growing support from a new and major force: Karen communities from Thailand, also known as the Thai-Karen.

There are an estimated one million Karen living throughout Thailand, mostly concentrated in the country's north. Some who live on the Thai-Burma border fled Burma due to persecution and violence perpetrated by the Burma Army.

The Karen National Union (KNU) formed to advocate for Karen communities. It is among Southeast Asia's oldest ethnic armed groups, fighting for autonomy and self-determination for Karen State for over six decades, since 1949—one year after Burma gained independence from the British.

On Karen Revolution Day, commemorated on January 31, Karen from northern Thailand—including Chiang Mai, Mae Hong Son and Tak provinces—attended the event en masse, urging all Karen people to support the KNU by whatever means possible.

At a concert, a Thai-Karen singer from Chiang Mai asked, "Do you want a Karen nation?"

The crowded responded: yes.

The singer called for unity among the Karen people of the region in order to better support the Karen cause. He asked the crowd to offer financial, technical and educational support to the KNU.

Addressing the crowd, Pastor Lwe Paw, a Thai-Karen from Chiang Mai District, also made an emotional plea.

"I need to say sorry to my Karen people who have been fighting for the Karen national cause for 67 years. I didn't know what was happening with the Karen struggle until I followed the news and posts on Line and Facebook," he said.

After realizing the extent of the ongoing human rights abuses in Karen State, Lwe Paw said he could not stand to be removed from the struggle any longer, and began providing assistance to the KNU.

"Even dogs help each other if they are attacked. So how can we ignore when our fellow Karen are being attacked? It is a matter based on blood," he explained.

"Our enemy can't kill all of us. If Karen people in Kawthoolei [the Karen-language name for their homeland] get killed, Karen people in Thailand will begin to resist. If Karen people in Thailand get killed, Karen people in Burma will start to fight. If Karen in Burma get killed, the rest of the Karen people from 47 nations will return to fight," Lwe Paw said, referring to a global diaspora.

Internal Divisions

The KNU's long struggle has not always been smooth. Division among Karen leaders predates Burma's independence, when members of the Karen Youth Organization, the Karen National Association and the Karen Central Organization had different opinions about whether to contest in general elections in 1947.

Another more recent division—that of an internal religious divide—was worsened when a Buddhist faction, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), broke away from the largely Christian KNU and launched an offensive against its mother organization with the help of Burma Army. This led to the fall of KNU's headquarters at Manerplaw in 1995.

Later, in 2007, a smaller Karen armed group who called themselves KNU/KNLA (Karen National Liberation Army) Peace Council split from the KNU.

This was followed by yet another loss: the assassination of the KNU's late general secretary Mahn Sha Lah Phan in 2008 at his home in Thailand.

Despite the fact that its organizational predecessors were once active in urban areas in Irrawaddy and Rangoon divisions, the KNU lost most of its influence in those areas and now maintains strongholds on Karen State's border with Thailand.

The recent support from Karen communities in Thailand may therefore become a lifeline to the KNU due to geographical proximity, allowing various forms of assistance to be easily supplied.

However, doubts linger about unity as a realistic political strategy, perhaps a result of the many tragedies and losses endured by the Karen people throughout their struggle.

The post Could Cross-Border Unity Invigorate the Karen Struggle? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Naypyidaw Blocks Peacebuilding Forum in Karenni State

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 01:09 AM PST

On February 18, 2016, organizers announce to participants that the peacebuilding panel they expect to attend in Loikaw, Karenni State, must be cancelled on orders from the President's Office in Naypyidaw. (Photo: Htoo Chit / Facebook)

On February 18, 2016, organizers announce to participants that the peacebuilding panel they expect to attend in Loikaw, Karenni State, must be cancelled on orders from the President's Office in Naypyidaw. (Photo: Htoo Chit / Facebook)

MANDALAY — A community peacebuilding forum scheduled for Thursday in Loikaw, the Karenni State capital, was halted by local authorities who said that the President's Office in Naypyidaw had not given permission to hold the event.

Organizers told The Irrawaddy that a request to hold the forum was submitted to the local administration weeks ago, but that the authorities had only informed them about the rejection of their application on Wednesday evening.

"They didn't issue a letter, but met with the organizers personally at the state government office and said the forum could not be held due to an order from the President's Office," said Htoo Chit, director of the Foundation for Education Development, one of the forum's facilitators.

"The authorities even told the organizers that there might be big problems if the forum were to continue without permission, so we had to hold back," he added.

Since news of the prohibition came late to those in Loikaw, the organizers had to apologize to the forum's audience, invitees and panelists who came to participate in the event on Thursday morning.

The two-day session, supported by USAID, was intended to foster community-based peacebuilding. Local civil society groups, ethnic armed organizations, political parties, local authorities and international observers had planned to discuss Burma's ongoing peace process and current military clashes.

"I wonder why the President's Office denied permission to such a forum, which could help [create] sustainable peace and stability in the country. I feel they are going backward toward an unstable situation," said Htoo Chit.

"We are not sure when the forum could be held again in Kayah [Karenni] State, however, we will find another way," he added.

The post Naypyidaw Blocks Peacebuilding Forum in Karenni State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ta’ang Troops Targeted in Burma Army Airstrikes: TNLA

Posted: 18 Feb 2016 12:31 AM PST

Members of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) clear a poppy field in Kutkai Township, Shan State, on Wednesday, Feb. 17. (Photo: PSLF-TNLA / Facebook)

Members of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) clear a poppy field in Kutkai Township, Shan State, on Wednesday, Feb. 17. (Photo: PSLF-TNLA / Facebook)

RANGOON — The News and Information department of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) issued a statement on Wednesday claiming that their troops had been targeted in airstrikes by the Burmese air force in northern Shan State.

Two TNLA soldiers were reportedly injured in the aerial attack which occurred on Wednesday morning while members of the group were on the ground destroying opium poppy fields near Man Nein village in Kutkai Township, the statement said.

The offensive allegedly involved a fighter jet and two helicopters, reinforced by Burma Army artillery.

TNLA representative Ta Barn La told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that strikes against Ta'ang troops also occurred on Tuesday and Wednesday in neighboring Namkham Township, as soldiers cleared poppy plants from the area. In each incident, he reported that Burmese troops fired up to nine explosives at the TNLA soldiers.

The Ta'ang armed group has recently been involved in clashes with the Shan State Army-South which first broke out in November but intensified earlier this month.

According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), as of Feb. 16, the conflict had displaced over 4,000 civilians. Over 3,000 people were sheltering in Kyaukme town and surrounding villages, while over 1,000 were displaced to Mong Wee village in Namkham Township, the UN agency said.

The post Ta'ang Troops Targeted in Burma Army Airstrikes: TNLA appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Petition Campaign Underway Against Private Hospital Project in Rangoon

Posted: 17 Feb 2016 11:58 PM PST

 The 4.3 acre site of a new US$70 million 250 bed private hospital development close to Rangoon General Hospital. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

The 4.3 acre site of a new US$70 million 250 bed private hospital development close to Rangoon General Hospital. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A petition campaign is underway to push the government to halt a US$70 million international hospital project being built on land owned by the Ministry of Health near Rangoon General Hospital.

IHH Healthcare Berhad, through its "indirect wholly-owned subsidiary," Parkway Healthcare Indo-China Pte Ltd, broke ground for the 250-bed hospital in Rangoon on January 24, the company said in a statement released on the same day.

On Tuesday, the project attracted criticism from medical professionals and students of the Black Ribbon Campaign for Myanmar, a movement begun last year to protest against the appointment of military officers to positions within the Ministry of Health.

Dr Alinka, the leader of the movement, told The Irrawaddy that the group is against the project as the site had been designated as an extension of the public Rangoon General Hospital. The group opposes the establishment of a private hospital on government land.

"The site should [host] something that belongs to the public, [such as] a public hospital or an academic training center for medicine," she said.

The site of the new hospital, Parkway Yangon, is on Bogyoke Aung San road in downtown Rangoon, a 4.3 acre plot of land leased for 50 years, with the option of two 10-year extensions, according to the IHH Healthcare statement.

The project is a joint venture comprising Parkway Healthcare Indo-China Pte. Ltd. with a

52 percent stake, Singapore's Macondray Holdings Pte Ltd with 10.5 percent, and local partners AMMK Medicare Company Limited and Global Star Company Limited with 21.5 percent and 16 percent respectively.

The statement said the project has been approved by the Myanmar Investment Commission and is due for completion in 2020.

Dr Alinka said the Black Ribbon movement is continuing to gather signatures from medical professionals in solidarity against the project, which they will submit to the government.

"We are not against private hospitals," she explained. "But most of the people here are relying on RGH [the Rangoon General Hospital] for health care. The government should prioritize this. There are many other places in Rangoon they could allow private hospitals."

IHH Healthcare Berhad was contacted for comment on Wednesday evening but had not replied at time of publication.

San Kyaw Oo, another doctor who is against the development, said the site should be used for public interests given its proximity to government medical facilities like Rangoon General Hospital, the University of Medicine (1), the Nursing Institute and the University of Public Health.

"It should be a place either for a medical training center or an extension of the RGH. Many people here can't afford a private hospital," he said. "If you care about your interests only, other people will suffer."

The post Petition Campaign Underway Against Private Hospital Project in Rangoon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘The Private Sector Market is Stronger than the Public Sector’s’: IT Specialist

Posted: 17 Feb 2016 11:41 PM PST

 Tun Tun Lin, territory manager of US-based software provider VMware's Burmese branch. (Photo: Thiha Toe / The Irrawaddy)

Tun Tun Lin, territory manager of US-based software provider VMware's Burmese branch. (Photo: Thiha Toe / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — US-based software provider VMware entered Burma last year. Tun Tun Lin, territory manager of VMware's Burmese branch, has worked for the company for more than five years and is now expanding its local market. He graduated from California's San Jose State University with a degree in computer engineering and later earned a master's in Business Administration from the University of Santa Clara. He spoke with The Irrawaddy this week about the up-and-coming IT business in Burma and the future development of the country's mobility sector, which would allow companies to access their work and data from mobile devices.

You have said that the software platform known as "VMware Workspace One" has big potential in Burma to serve as a mobility solution. What makes you believe this is so?

We got the top customers after we entered the Burmese market. For example, [we work with] Telenor and Ooredoo, from the telecommunications industry, and KBZ, CB and MOB in banking. We had to meet frequently with them to discuss what their business objectives would be in the next year. Telenor and Ooredoo want to transform their businesses through mobility and we are providing solutions for them. So, we can speak confidently about the market's potential. Our app will gain a bigger market this year as the country has opened up and more foreign investments are likely to come in. The more foreign investment the country receives, the more data centers we have to build. The two are directly related.

What is the advantage of this software compared to the traditional data storage systems that most of the businesses in Burma are still using?

There are three advantages. The app can greatly increase productivity. With this platform, staff no longer need to sit in front of a computer to access data. Instead, they can use any device. Data is stored in the cloud and you can access your data anytime, anywhere, securely. Even if you lose your device, your data will not be lost. It will provide huge convenience for company staff.

Every foreign investor making investments in Burma says that infrastructure is poor in the country. What difficulties has VMware faced because of this?

We are a company that will improve the infrastructure. We want to take part in building data centers for the improvement of infrastructure. The connectivity has been very good as of last year. Telenor and Ooredoo can now utilize our platform. In addition, for banks, they have set up direct fiber cables between the headquarters and their branches, so we can provide our service easily. Previously, when the connectivity was not so good, companies were not able to utilize good solutions, which need good internet connections. But now the connectivity is good and they can use our platform effectively. Several internet service provider licenses have been issued now and they can use our solutions in building data centers. I have high expectations for this. I hope my country will develop by leaps and bounds within next five years.

You said your major customers are banks and telecommunications operators.  Which are your target customers and what will be the new business model?

Mainly, we would like to get into the education and health care markets. Universities can use data centers for teaching and learning. Hospitals can also use our services. Moreover, our solutions are also effective for e-government initiatives. Our software will also be used in building data centers for the Parliament. There is plenty of space for digitizing government functions. At present, the government's functions are largely done on paper, but will be computerized later. Then they will be able to work more effectively. For the time being, the private sector market is stronger than that of the public sector. The private sector needs to take actions immediately, whereas the government adopts a long-term plan and transforms step by step.

Who will be your rivals, globally and locally?

In the international market, Microsoft and Citric are competitors, but we offer different services. It can be said that we have no competitor against our platform as a whole. There is no local competitor. Mainly, they develop applications and we then create a platform to use those apps, so we are different.

What is the major objective for VMware in entering the Burmese market?

While I was working [for VMware] in the US, I asked the CEO why they still had not entered Burma's market. They have been monitoring Burma since the country opened up in 2011. We entered Burma last year. We entered ten ASEAN countries at the same time. And, among ASEAN countries, the market for our platform is growing the fastest in Burma. We have plans to expand our business.

The post 'The Private Sector Market is Stronger than the Public Sector's': IT Specialist appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Keeping it Clean: Renewable Energy a Better Way for Myanmar  

Posted: 17 Feb 2016 11:24 PM PST

Candles are seen in front of a sign of the Rangoon Division Electricity Distribution office during a protest against the government's decision to increase electricity prices, November 7, 2013. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Candles are seen in front of a sign of the Rangoon Division Electricity Distribution office during a protest against the government's decision to increase electricity prices, November 7, 2013. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Villagers in Ayeyarwady Region, Mon State and elsewhere across Myanmar are refusing to accept plans for power projects in their neighbourhoods, fearful pollution will harm their health, farms and fisheries. Evidence from around the world, including China, India and Thailand, suggests they are right to be worried.

In 2014, energy use caused damage worldwide amounting to US$5.3 trillion, according to analysts' estimates at the International Monetary Fund. Of that, $5.124 trillion was due to fossil fuels with two-thirds attributed to coal. Climate change accounted for a quarter of the costs, with the rest due to sickness, premature death and degradation of the environment.

Analysts believe the damage adds up to 8-16 per cent of GDP for developing countries in Asia, which for Myanmar equates to $4-8 billion in 2014.

If the estimates seem unrealistic, note worsening air pollution in cities like Yangon and Mandalay, which is beginning to exceed World Health Organization (WHO) standards. Matters are not necessarily better in the countryside where plastics and other rubbish are commonly disposed of in rivers or fires and unregulated trucks belch thick plumes of midnight-black exhaust.

Medical statisticians are already tallying the effects. The WHO's Global Burden of Disease study estimates air pollution accounts for 2.5 per cent of years people in Myanmar spend living with disease or disability. Some recover while others die.

If action is not taken, the situation could take a heavy toll. In China, studies estimate air pollution, mostly due to fossil fuels, kills 1-3 million people per year while even in the UK the death toll runs to 30,000-60,000 annually.

Air pollution might be avoided with large hydropower dams. However, scientists and economists have amassed evidence that the energy benefits of large dams are not worth the costs to livelihoods, food security and environmental stability. Moreover, the burden is probably unequally shared across society. The parallels with smoking tobacco are not hard to see. Little wonder villagers are up in arms and policymakers are having to suspend projects, such as the 1,280 MW coal power plant at Inn Din in Mon State and the 6,000MW Myitsone dam in Kachin State, to preserve social harmony while leaving investors in the lurch.

Yet in a country without reliable and affordable electricity in the countryside, while demand is soaring in towns and cities, health and environmental concerns may be ignored. To do so means accepting the risks posed by increasing damage to fragile ecosystems upon which we depend for food, livelihoods and security.

Policymakers face the Gordian Knot of satisfying citizens' demands for more energy services while ensuring good health, a healthy environment, and economic prosperity. Today, fortunately there are alternatives to the high pollution high impact pathway of the past. It is now possible to increase electricity supply, affordably, without costing the earth using solar and wind energy.

In 2015, $329 billion was invested in new clean renewable-energy generating capacity around the world totalling 121,000 MW. It was the first year in which renewable energy additions exceeded new coal, gas and oil power plants combined. Unsubsidized solar prices in Chile, India and the United States are around 6-8 cents per kilowatt-hour (kWh). Wind generated electricity in China, the United States and elsewhere costs 3-8 cents/kWh. Low costs depend on policies creating an environment attractive to investors.

Remarkably, wind and especially solar costs have been falling for years due to economies of scale and learning by doing. Statistical modelling of historical trends by researchers Doyne Farmer and François Lafond at Oxford University strongly suggests solar costs will fall 10 percent a year at least until 2030. If historical growth trends hold solar could supply 20 per cent of the world's primary energy demand by 2027.

Solar and wind prices already compare favourably with new power projects in Myanmar. Electricity from the Inn Din coal power plant was expected to cost 7.75 cents/kWh and would be higher still if it factored in damage to health and livelihoods, environment and climate.

Granted, solar and wind prices, which exclude transmission and distribution costs, appear high compared to below cost residential tariffs in Myanmar. The issue however is not only the cost of a unit or kWh, rather, it is how much service or value each unit delivers to consumers. That depends on how efficiently each unit is used and whether consumers select high-efficiency appliances and change their behaviour to avoid waste.

In other words, paying more attention to energy efficiency, including elimination of blanket tariff subsidies, will help keep consumer bills steady while improving the quality of electricity and the environment.

Building a power system prizing efficiency around solar and wind means breaking with the legacies of earlier times when the environment and health impacts were not so well understood. If Myanmar chooses to break with the past, the door opens to the possibility of an energy leapfrog.

It is a path worth pursuing. It leads to accelerated access to sustainable electricity by exploiting the flexibility of solar coupled with advanced batteries and small hydro integrated into micro-grids, built simultaneously nationwide. Taking this pathway opens up the possibility of electric motorcycles, cars and buses with lower cost, pollution and noise. Life in towns and cities will be all the better. Lots of jobs will be created.

Surprisingly, enabling the leapfrog need not unduly burden the public purse. Local and foreign investors, possibly in partnership with communities, could finance energy options around solar, wind, microgrids and electric buses if policy and regulation are clear, simple and stable.

Investors need certainty and reasonable terms. That would leave the government free to focus limited funds on tough yet equally important matters such as welfare for the poorest and energy efficiency. If done right the result should spread prosperity across the country and foster greater harmony.

David Fullbrook, an ecological economist, is senior consultant for strategy and policy at DNV GL – Energy's Clean Technology Centre in Singapore. He has undertaken wide ranging research for development agencies on matters relating to agribusiness, energy, food security, and natural resources in east Asia.

The post Keeping it Clean: Renewable Energy a Better Way for Myanmar   appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Indonesian Muslim Leaders Reject Support for Any LGBT Groups

Posted: 17 Feb 2016 10:43 PM PST

 People drive a motorcycle past a banner put up by the hardline Islamic Defenders Front calling for gay people to leave the Cigondewah Kaler area in Bandung, Indonesia West Java province, January 27, 2016. (Photo: Agus Bebeng / Reuters)

People drive a motorcycle past a banner put up by the hardline Islamic Defenders Front calling for gay people to leave the Cigondewah Kaler area in Bandung, Indonesia West Java province, January 27, 2016. (Photo: Agus Bebeng / Reuters)

JAKARTA, Indonesia — Indonesia's most influential Muslim leaders said Wednesday they reject all promotion and support for lesbian and gay groups and encouraged the government to make gay sex and the promotion of LGBT activities illegal.

The statement by the Indonesian Ulema Council and leaders of other Islamic organizations followed the government's move on Monday urging the UN Development Program to deny funding to programs regarding lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people.

Indonesian Vice President Jusuf Kalla said the government respected individual rights of sexual expression, "but it is wrong to encourage other people … and to campaign for legalization of same-sex marriage."

The council's statement said the clerics and other Muslim leaders supported the government's rejection of foreign funding of LGBT causes and they called for bans on promoting and funding LGBT activities in Indonesia.

The UNDP's representatives in Jakarta could not be reached for comment.

Most of Indonesian society is tolerant, but homosexuality is a sensitive issue and leaders in Indonesia's secular government have made high-profile attempts to dim LGBT visibility. It recently told instant messaging apps to remove stickers featuring same-sex couples, and a government minister last month said openly gay students should be banned from the University of Indonesia campuses.

Some people worry that overseas funding could encourage a campaign to legalize same-sex marriage in the country.

Activist Poedjiati of Gaya Nusantara, an LGBT advocacy group, said it is clearly a human rights violation to ban and criminalize their activities. She also did not see any chance for the country to move toward same-sex marriage.

"So far no one here ever talked about that," Poedjiati, who uses a single name, told The Associated Press. "The issue of such marriage is still very, very far for Indonesia."

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Dissidents Fearful as Thailand, Once a Haven, Favors China

Posted: 17 Feb 2016 09:05 PM PST

  Chinese dissident Liu Xuehong speaks during an interview with Reuters in Bangkok, February 2, 2016. (Photo: Jorge Silva / Reuters)

Chinese dissident Liu Xuehong speaks during an interview with Reuters in Bangkok, February 2, 2016. (Photo: Jorge Silva / Reuters)

BANGKOK — One night last month, Liu Xuehong stood weeping outside the gates of the United Nations headquarters in Bangkok, begging the guards to let her in.

The Chinese dissident had received a threatening call from an anonymous Chinese official, and feared that she, like other asylum seekers in Thailand, would be snatched away by agents of China or deported by a Thai junta increasingly allied to it.

The UN guards refused her entry. "I felt so frustrated," she said, tears streaming down her face. "We still live in fear here."

Liu is one of hundreds of Chinese who have fled for Thailand, say human rights groups. It was long considered a refuge, but not anymore.

Two Chinese dissidents recently disappeared from Thai soil, only to reappear a few weeks later in China in police custody. Thailand deported two others late last year despite a UN plan to resettle them in Canada.

"Thailand is no longer a safe haven for Chinese dissidents," said a senior Western diplomatic source based in Beijing.

Western governments have expressed concern over China's apparent extra-territorial reach, as President Xi Jinping intensifies a nationwide crackdown on human rights lawyers, journalists and labor activists.

China considers many dissidents to be criminals, including those who flee abroad.

Hong Kong Bookseller

Panitan Wattanayagorn, a top Thai government advisor, said police were "still checking" how the two Chinese dissidents had vanished from the country, and said it was possible one of them had "disappeared [by] himself."

As for the two deportations of Chinese refugees in November, Panitan said the Thai government would work more closely with the UNHCR "to prevent this kind of problem." He said China had not applied any pressure.

"Thailand decides on its own," he said.

Among those who disappeared in Thailand was Gui Minhai, one of five Hong Kong booksellers who have gone missing since late last year.

China's Foreign Ministry declined to comment on the disappearances, but has said its law enforcement officials would never do anything illegal, especially overseas. It said the November deportations were handled "in accordance with the law."

The Thai junta's seizure of power in 2014 strained ties with the West. As the United States and other countries downgraded political and military ties, the generals forged closer ties with Beijing.

China and Thailand held their first joint air force exercise in November. The following month, the two countries agreed to build a US$13 billion railway line from the Thai-Lao border to Bangkok.

A record 7.9 million Chinese visited Thailand last year, or more than a quarter of the total number of tourists. Last July, Thailand deported 109 Uighur Muslims to an uncertain fate in China in what the UN called "a flagrant violation of international law."

Flushing Out Dissidents

Dissidents like Liu say the disappearances and deportations are part of a diplomatic and security squeeze by China to flush them out. Aiding them in Thailand, she believes, are Chinese agents posing as asylum-seekers.

Liu, 55, was jailed for a month in Beijing in 2014 for "disturbing social order," a catch-all charge often used to suppress human rights activists. But she continued her work until last June, just weeks before the Chinese authorities began arresting hundreds of lawyers, legal assistants and activists in a nationwide crackdown.

"Almost all the people around me in China have been arrested," she said.

Liu flew to Thailand, where she is now a UN-registered refugee awaiting resettlement. She can still be arrested and deported for illegally entering Thailand, which officially doesn't recognize refugee status.

Men in cars often follow her through Bangkok, she says. "We have no protection here," said Liu.

Liu arrived in Thailand by plane. But other Chinese, too fearful to use their passports, travel overland through ill-policed borders from neighboring countries with the help of human smugglers.

Falun Gong

Song Zhiyu, 43, from Hebei Province, is a member of Falun Gong, a religious group banned as a cult in China.

He left China on a smuggler's motorbike until reaching the Myanmar town of Mongla. In Mongla, Song telephoned a Thai man known only as "the tour leader" who, in return for 20,000 yuan ($3,000), drove him towards the Thai border.

Then Song was spirited across a river into Thailand and hidden in the luggage hold of a Bangkok-bound bus. He spent the next 10 hours bent double. "I thought I would die," he said.

About 160 Falun Gong refugees and asylum-seekers are in Thailand, Song said, and in the past, authorities had rarely bothered them.

But more than 29 practitioners have been arrested on immigration charges under the military junta, he said.

"The Thai and Chinese governments now have a very close relationship," he said. "We are all afraid. Every day is dangerous for us."

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Insurgents Fight On Despite Advent of Democracy

Posted: 17 Feb 2016 08:34 PM PST

Shan State Army-North soldiers at the hilltop outpost of Loi Sang on Nov. 26, 2016. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Shan State Army-North soldiers at the hilltop outpost of Loi Sang on Nov. 26, 2016. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

MONG ARK, Shan State — On a freshly scarred battlefield, a diehard rebel army is facing off at gunfire range against a military that for decades has imposed iron-fisted rule over this Southeast Asian nation. Overhead, vultures circle the mountainous terrain while insurgent soldiers crouch near deep foxholes, prepared, they say, to throw back another possible assault.

Burma's civil war—the longest in modern world history—hasn't ended, even with democracy triumphant in recent elections and the winner, Aung San Suu Kyi, pledging to end hostilities between the central government and a host of autonomy-seeking ethnic minorities. Prospects for stopping the bloodshed are balanced on a knife's edge.

Suu Kyi, whose National League for Democracy swept November's elections, has promised that bringing peace will be the top priority when her government assumes power April 1. "We will try for the all-inclusive ceasefire agreement," the Noble Prize laureate said recently. "We can do nothing without peace in our country."

But suspicions of the country's military were again aroused as it battled the Shan State Army-North in these remote hills of northeastern Burma just as voters were casting their ballots across the country. As the countdown to democracy proceeds, so do clashes with the Kachin Independence Army, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army and others.

The rebel armies represent various ethnic groups that for decades have been fighting for autonomy while resisting "Burmanization," a push by the Burman ethnic majority to propagate its language, religion and culture in ethnic minority regions.

"No, no, no we don't trust them," Shan army Maj. Gen. Hso Hten said of Burma's military, vowing they would only lay down their arms if their goals were fully implemented, the foremost of which is a federal system in which ethnic minorities are granted genuine autonomy. That would include use of ethnic languages in schools and greater control over forests, hydro-power and other natural resources.

During the battles in Shan state, which ended with a fragile ceasefire at the end of November, government jet fighters and helicopter gunships strafed and bombed military and civilian targets. They swept into villages, driving more than 10,000 from homes they looted and sometimes destroyed, according to refugee and Shan army accounts.

Both sides accuse one another of sparking yet another round of warfare in an insurgency that erupted in the early 1960s among the Shan, the largest of 135 officially recognized ethnic minorities that make up 40 percent of the population. The first uprising, that of the Karen, was launched 67 years ago, shortly after the country's 1948 independence from Great Britain, followed by numerous others.

The generals ceded power to a military-backed government in 2011, paving the way for the recent elections. But the armed forces remain the country's most powerful institution, stoking fears they will take orders not from the elected government but their commander-in-chief.

Hso Hten, who joined rebel ranks in 1958, expressed some hope in Suu Kyi's future government, given her overwhelming popular support.

"We are compelled to trust her because we don't have any choice," said the 80-year-old general in an interview in the town of Wan Hai from which his rebel army says it commands more than 10,000 troops and 18,000 square miles (46,600 square kilometers) of territory.

Like the other major insurgencies—notably the Kachin and Karen—this Shan group is not a classic guerrilla outfit swooping down from jungle hideouts but more akin to a state within a state. It runs 28 departments, including health and agriculture, schools, a hospital and orphanage, and even issues its own vehicle license plates.

The Shan treasury, which gathers revenue from taxes on residents, can purchase weaponry on the black markets of China, Thailand and Cambodia. Some groups in the Shan State and elsewhere in Burma have traditionally financed their insurgencies through drug trafficking.

On the frontline, some 5 miles (8 kilometers) from Wan Hai, soldiers wield everything from Czech pistols to US-made grenade launchers from the Vietnam War. A 24-hour alert is in force, and at night the soldiers observe the campfires of the Burmese military dug into a range of undulating hills.

The fighters sleep burrowed into tiny molehill-like shelters camouflaged against aerial attacks by withered brown leaves. Use of airpower is a recent development in the fighting, and some powerful ordnance appears to have been dropped: one bomb crater measured some 1.5 meters (5 feet) in depth.

The soldiers talk of combat in October and November that killed 70 of their comrades. They file past a shattered house where they killed a Burmese commander with a rocket-propelled grenade. A few meters (yards) away, stretching across a beautiful valley carpeted by terraced rice fields, begins a no-man's land sown with mines.

"We have this small piece of territory and want to live in peace but they still come and attack us," said Lt. Sao Mong. "They are all over these mountains. If they don't intend to attack again why are they still here, why don't they withdraw?"

The Shan State Army-North, one of two main Shan rebel armies, refused to sign a ceasefire agreement last October between the government and eight insurgent groups. But none of the more than 20 armed insurgencies have given up their weapons. The Shan general said the armed groups in total field some 100,000 soldiers, although analysts believe the figure may be less.

"The government has always said, 'Put down your guns and we will talk politics,' while the insurgents said, 'Let's talk politics and then we will put down our guns, maybe.' That issue is still there," says David Steinberg, an American author of several books on Burma.

Suu Kyi's party promise to expunge the legacy of nearly seven decades of hatred, suspicion and blood may prove difficult.

While some rebel groups have committed unlawful acts, including the recruitment of boy soldiers, international agencies, the United Nations and others have over several decades detailed widespread rape, torture and extra-judicial killings of civilians, even crucifixions, by the military. Villagers have been used as human minesweepers. More than half a million people have been driven from their homes just in eastern Burma.

The former government acknowledged that some atrocities did occur while its forces were fighting what it called "terrorist organizations." But nobody has been brought to justice, Suu Kyi has announced no plans to do so and the military continues to operate in its former fashion, although the scale of atrocities appears to have lessened.

"We ran away with only the clothes we were wearing. We are afraid to go back," said Pa Phit, a 45-year-old woman who fled with all other 60 residents when government troops entered Ho Nam village while firing their guns. "We have nothing left, not even a small spoon."

Among more than 1,400 refugees encamped on a bare hilltop was 102-year-old Nai Nang, carried over the hills by grandchildren after the troops occupied her village.

With such acts, the insurgents do not lack for fresh recruits to their cause, even if a private in the Shan army earns just $8 a month.

"We have been facing injustice, bullying and oppression since I was young," said Sao Siha as he walked around a Wan Hai monastery where damage from mortars and air-launched rockets had been freshly repaired.

After years of witnessing killings of innocent people, he finally had enough when in October the military attacked his town of Maing Naung. The abbot of a Buddhist monastery and a monk for 36 of his 45 years, Sao Siha made what he said was a wrenching decision—to exchange his robes for a Shan army uniform.

"I wanted to take action against injustice," he said. "I had no choice."

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