The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• New Govt, Old Censorship Laws: Film About Shan Prince Banned as Threat to ‘Ethnic Unity’
• Rangoon Takes On Illegal Developers
• Displaced Shan Return to Villages in Northern Shan State
• Rumors of Foreign Investors Soon Accessing YSX Quashed      
• ‘Twilight Over Burma’ Eclipsed by Censorship Board
• Drug Precursors Worth $1.7 Million Seized in Northern Burma
• Orlando Shooting Gives LGBT Singaporeans an Unlikely Opening
• Beheading in Philippines Draws Outrage But No End in Sight for Abu Sayyaf

New Govt, Old Censorship Laws: Film About Shan Prince Banned as Threat to ‘Ethnic Unity’ Posted: 15 Jun 2016 07:57 AM PDT Film poster for Twilight Over Burma. (Photo: Human Rights Human Dignity Film Festival) RANGOON — A foreign-produced film about an ethnic Shan leader and his Austrian wife, "Twilight Over Burma," was banned from public screenings in Burma by the film censorship board, claiming that the movie could harm the ethnic unity in the country. Although the film was scheduled to open the annual Human Rights Human Dignity International Film Festival (HRHDIFF), on Tuesday at Rangoon's Naypyitaw Cinema, it has since been pulled. It marks the first time that an international film scheduled for a festival has been banned by the Ministry of Information's Film and Video Censor Board under the new democratic government led by President Htin Kyaw and State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi. The move faced big criticism by the public and many local filmmakers who said the ban is a threat to the artistic freedom and liberty of the country. Festival organizers initially planned two other public screenings of the film in Rangoon during the festival. The film tells the real-life tale of an Austrian woman, Inge Sargent, who became royalty when she married Sao Kya Seng, an ethnic Shan prince—or saopha—from Hsipaw, Shan State. It covers the early days of Burma's independence up to the years immediately following the 1962 military coup, and is based on Sargent's autobiography, "Twilight Over Burma: My Life as a Shan Princess." According to the original book, Sao Kya Seng instituted land reforms and promoted democracy, but was arrested by the Burma Army during Gen Ne Win's coup and later disappeared under mysterious circumstances. Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi, the organizer of the HRHDIFF said at the opening ceremony of the film festival that the film did not get the green light. It was unexpectedly banned at the last minute after receiving comments from the censorship board which described the content of the film as potentially harming "the image of the military." Thida Tin, deputy director general of the Information and Public Relations Department and deputy chair of the film and video censorship board, said that the film could create instability at a time when the 21st century Panglong conference—which intends to initiate a national reconcilitation process in the country—is in the planning stages under the leadership of State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi. "We found some possibilities in the film of some content that could harm the ethnic unity [of the state] and create hate speech," she said. "We are concerned that ethnic unity will be confronted by unnecessary problems because of the bitter experiences [of Sargent] presented in the screening, which could touch sore points of the country and create hatred," she added. Igor Blaževič, a human rights campaigner, founder of One World—Europe's biggest human rights documentary film festival—and jury member at HRHDIFF, told The Irrawaddy that the act of not recognizing citizens' suffering under the military regime could, in fact, undermine the chances for reconciliation. "Banning the film does not help reconciliation," he said. "Censoring the truth is harming reconciliation. Honest recognition about the [wrongdoings] which have happened before—and which are still happening—will do much more for reconciliation." Blaževič also said that the pain that many families and communities carry must be taken into consideration and should not be ignored. If Burma genuinely wants to address human rights abuses, Blaževič explained that "culture, art [and] media should be encouraged to bring [into the open] the truth and painful stories about past and current wrongdoings." The film censorship board is made up of 15 representatives, mainly from the Ministry of Information’s Myanmar Motion Picture Development Department, and other different associations including the Myanmar Motion Picture Oganization (MMPO), the Myanmar Music Association and the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture. The military-controlled Home Affairs ministry is also represented on the board. The post New Govt, Old Censorship Laws: Film About Shan Prince Banned as Threat to 'Ethnic Unity' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rangoon Takes On Illegal Developers Posted: 15 Jun 2016 07:50 AM PDT Construction in downtown Rangoon. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC) has brought charges against the developers and landlords of more than 2,000 low-rise buildings who violated the city's rules and regulations, said Mayor Maung Maung Soe on Tuesday at Rangoon divisional parliament. National League for Democracy (NLD) regional lawmaker Kyaw Kyaw Htun of Hlaing Township said in his constituency many low-rise buildings—structures typically seven- to eight-stories high—are being built without official approval from YCDC. Some customers had reportedly already bought apartments in buildings which were unlawfully constructed. The YCDC has barred anyone from moving in to the apartments and have fined the developers 300,000 kyats (US$250) per month to YCDC until their case is resolved in the courts. "This has become a big problem for the apartment buyers," said Kyaw Kyaw Htun. The mayor said the government has been regularly issuing construction permits, but some landowners have joined up with unlicensed contractors to exploit the consumers without following YCDC's regulations. "Some contractors and landowners submitted proposals for three-story buildings but later they built five or six stories," said Maung Maung Soe. Shorter buildings require less approval time, lower fees and are not subject to the regulation requiring installation of elevators for buildings over 62 feet high. Maung Maung Soe said YCDC charged the contractors or landowners under Articles 68 and 69 of the building code. Violating Article 68, which applies to developers who do not abide by their own proposals, carries a maximum punishment of one year in prison or 500,000 kyats (nearly $420), or both. Article 69 is for unlicensed landowners or contractors who illegally build houses or apartment buildings. If someone who was already punished in accordance with Article 68 commits a repeat offense, they will be charged under Article 69 and fined up to 50,000 kyats (about $42) per day. Most judges fine offenders 3 million kyats (more than $2,500) per month. The mayor said that in the past, YCDC had been lax about enforcing these provisions—instead of fining offenders, they simply required owners to seek YCDC approval instead. But those days are over, Maung Maung Soe added. He has tasked the engineering department of YCDC with reviewing and taking responsibility for illegal buildings.  A fine of 15,000 kyats (about $12) per square foot has been imposed on buildings which have more stories than permitted or were constructed without permission. "We have rigorous regulations for the developers, but they are not paying the fines on time," said the mayor Maung Maung Soe. "That is why their [re-application for] permits have been delayed." Thukha Yadana Construction Company Director Thaung Htike Min said while his company has not violated any laws, there are many unlicensed contractors operating in the country. Some landowners who do not have the capital to construct buildings on their own often invite contractors to build the apartments for them, said Thaung Htike Min, adding that some of these contractors do not have the proper YCDC licenses. "The fine payment system is reasonable for big construction firms," he said. "But for the small private businesses it is a bit harsh." The post Rangoon Takes On Illegal Developers appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Displaced Shan Return to Villages in Northern Shan State Posted: 15 Jun 2016 07:42 AM PDT Provisions are unloaded for the returning Shan villagers. (Photo: Nang San San Aye) The last of over 1,000 ethnic Shan displaced by conflict in northern Shan State's Hsipaw Township the previous month have now returned to their villages. On Tuesday, a last group of 300 voluntarily left Hsipaw town, where they had obtained shelter with the aid of community leaders, including a state parliamentarian of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) and members of the Shan Literature and Culture Committee. The displaced have returned to the villages of Thein Hain, Nar Thaw and Pan Nar bordering Lashio Township, where fighting between the Burma Army and the Shan State Army-North prompted them to flee starting May 19. The area is now considered conflict free. Nang San San Aye, an SNLD state parliamentarian for Hsipaw Township, told The Irrawaddy that they had given the returning villagers "18,000 kyats (US$15) per person, along with rice, cooking oil, salt and other commodities for them to eat when they got back to their villages." Nang San San Aye said she had overseen the first group sent back on June 1, with subsequent groups sent back on June 6, 13 and 14. She said that now is the time is for the local Shan to plant paddy in their villages, with the onset of the rainy season across Burma. According to local community leaders, the SSA-N is no longer in the area where the Shan villagers have returned; only the Burma Army has retained bases in the vicinity, and the fighting has stopped. Local authorities in Hsipaw Township have also facilitated the handout of citizenship documentation to those displaced, including Citizenship Scrutiny Cards ("pink cards"), before their return. Many had not possessed such documents previously, despite being eligible for citizenship. Nyo Nyo Myat, another female community leader in Hsipaw assisting the return, said the citizenship documents along with "recommendation letters" from the government would provide "safety" for those returning by "proving they were from those villages." "Only the Burma Army remains in their villages now. If [the returning villagers] show their citizenship cards, they will be allowed to stay there," said Nyo Nyo Myat. Nang San San Aye of the SNLD explained that, "Many of our ethnic Shan cannot speak Burmese, and Burma Army soldiers beat them because of it. Those [citizenship] cards will prove they belong to the villages." The post Displaced Shan Return to Villages in Northern Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rumors of Foreign Investors Soon Accessing YSX Quashed       Posted: 15 Jun 2016 05:19 AM PDT A man reads a newspaper in front of the Yangon Stock Exchange in Rangoon on Dec. 8, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — Foreign investors will be unable to buy shares on the Yangon Stock Exchange (YSX) as long as the Myanmar Companies Act is not amended, a senior YSX official said, dispelling rumors that shares trading would open up to foreigners this week. Earlier this week, misleading news apparently spread after Maung Maung Win, chair of the Securities and Exchange Commission of Myanmar, was reported on Monday in the weekly Chinese paper Golden Phoenix as preparing to allow foreign investors access to the YSX. "According to the Myanmar Companies Act, foreign investors aren't allowed to buy shares from local companies. That's why, until it's amended, shares trading will be inaccessible to foreign investors," Thet Tun Oo, a senior YSX officer, told The Irrawaddy. "Some media outlets probably misunderstood what U Maung Maung Win said. He was saying that it's possible but that it all depends on [amending] the act." The Myanmar Companies Act was enacted in 1914, but while some of its clauses are seen as ill-suited for present-day Burma, it has yet to be updated by Parliament. Six firms—Myanmar Agribusiness Public Corporation (MAPCO), First Myanmar Investment (FMI), Myanmar Citizens Bank, Myanmar Thilawa SEZ Holdings Public Limited (MTSH), First Private Bank and Great Hor Kham—were supposed to be listed on the YSX in March, but FMI and MTSH are the only two that have since been ready for shares trading. Myat Thin Aung, vice chairman of Yoma Bank, FMI's sister company, said that allowing foreign investors access to the YSX would be a boon to Burma's market. "Regarding FMI shares, I've heard that many foreign investors are interested in buying. If the government would allow this, the stock market would develop," Myat Thin Aung said. According to several industry sources, some foreign investors have been forced to try to buy shares under a local Burmese citizen's name instead of their real name. "Making it legal [for foreigners to buy shares] would boost the stock market," Myat Thin Aung said. The YSX, Burma's first modern stock exchange, officially "opened" in December, but it initially only traded through internal dry-run testing. The post Rumors of Foreign Investors Soon Accessing YSX Quashed       appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Twilight Over Burma’ Eclipsed by Censorship Board Posted: 15 Jun 2016 03:03 AM PDT Hsipaw Palace in Shan State, seen in 2012, in dire need of restoration. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) "Twilight Over Burma," a film about the real-life story of an Austrian woman, Inge Sargent, who became royalty when she married Sao Kya Seng, an ethnic Shan prince, was banned from premiering in Burma at the annual Human Rights Human Dignity International Film Festival that started on Tuesday. A film censorship board member told The Irrawaddy that the film was under review because it could allegedly damage ethnic unity in the country. Given this news, The Irrawaddy is revisiting a story originally published in September 2012 about a trip to the late prince's neglected residence in Shan State's Hsipaw Township. During my last trip to Burma in June, I went up to Lashio, northern Shan State, and decided to stop in en route at Hsipaw to visit the residence of famed Shan Prince Sao Kya Seng. Otherwise known as East Haw, the house is surrounded by a large compound and guarded by tall tamarind trees. Yet when we arrived the place seemed deserted—the gate was locked and all was quiet. After bellowing for a short time, a young man wearing the region's traditional loose trousers emerged and met us at the gate. He was flanked by a dozen canine bodyguards and carried a Shan sword. At first, he was reluctant to allow us in and I appreciated the sensitivity of the situation. As ethnic Bamar, or Burman, we were guests in Shan State. The young boy was polite and smart yet I could feel his innate mistrust of these "foreign" visitors. He explained that his great uncle was arrested for "tourism charges" and only recently released. I showed him our business cards and was glad to learn that he was familiar with The Irrawaddy and the famous Shan cartoonist Harn Lay who has contributed fantastic work. But even with our credentials confirmed, he steadfastly refused to open the gate. My driver went back to the car and started the engine so gave one final plea of, "Can we come back tomorrow on our way back from Lashio?" Then he smiled and I felt the mood change. I dropped the names of a few prominent Shan people I know living in northern Thailand. "Do you want to come in now?" he relented. The gate finally opened. Sao Kya Seng's palace is in a sad state, but with a little careful restoration, could be a great place to learn about the history of Hsipaw and tragic tale of its royal family. I had read Twilight Over Burma by Sao Kya Hseng's wife, Inge Eberhard, and so had wanted to visit Hsipaw Palace for a long time. Sao Kya Hseng was last seen in March 1962 being arrested in the state capital Taunggyi while visiting his ailing sister. He was blissfully unaware of what had taken place in Rangoon at the time. Gen Ne Win had staged a coup that placed the military at the head of state power. The prince was arrested on his way to Heho Airport to catch a flight to Hsipaw. He was last seen being taken to an unknown place of detention by armed soldiers. Born in 1924, Sao Kya Hseng was educated at schools at Darjeeling, India, and went to study engineering at the Colorado School of Mines in Denver, the United States, where he married his Austrian bride. Eberhard decided to follow her husband to live in Burma—a country she had never visited. It was a fairytale trip as she had no idea that Sao Kya Hseng was a Shan saopha or prince (some Shan spell it chofa while it is sawbwa in Burmese) and the ruler of Hsipaw. Only when their ship arrived in Rangoon did Eberhard see the hundreds of people playing music and carrying flowers to welcome their illustrious guests. She wondered who the important passengers on board were until her husband then explained about his royal blood. It quickly became apparent that she had married a Shan prince. Eberhard subsequently took the name Sao Nang Thusandi and became Mahadevi (celestial princess) of Hsipaw. These days, however, the luster has dimmed a little on the royal household. Our young guide took us inside East Haw where Sao Kya Hseng and Sao Thusandi lived with their children and servants. We saw the family tree and living room as well as photos of the prince and his family. East Haw is in a sorry state of disrepair. Burma is blessed with many historic buildings but too many are neglected and forgotten—indeed, Hsipaw Palace has been left overgrown by bushes seemingly for political reasons. While it would be valuable to restore the palace to reveal the real story of Sao Kya Hseng, and it would certainly receive some tourists, the authorities would no doubt constantly harass the occupants. Our young guide, a relative of the late prince, was proud to show how his ancestor built the palace and brought in the old tractor still parked by the portico. He also explained how Sao Kya Hseng introduced new ideas regarding the state's age-old feudal system. Journalist Bertil Linter wrote in his foreword to Twilight Over Burma, "Perhaps the most radical idea was to give all the princely family's paddy fields to the farmers who cultivated them. In addition, [Sao Kya Hseng] bought tractors and agricultural implements that the farmers used free of charge, cleared land to experiment with new crops, and began mineral exploration in the resource-rich valley." Sao Kya Hseng was undoubtedly more than just a privileged landowner. He was an MP for Burma's House of Nationalities, a member of the Shan State Council and secretary of the Association of Shan Princes. He remained in politics while many Shan saophas gave up their positions. But then in the 1950s, a cloud descended onto Shan State. In 1958, Burmese government troops arrived to drive out a Chinese Kuomintang incursion and quell a rising resistance movement which wanted Shan State to secede from the Union. Shan rebels and sympathetic villagers were arrested, tortured and disappeared. However, the Shan were not even united amongst themselves. Amid this turmoil, it is uncertain how Gen Ne Win and his loyal military officers viewed Sao Kya Hseng as they prepared to seize power in a coup. In her book, Sao Thusandi said that the Shan who desired an independent Shan State wanted Sao Kya Hseng to lead the revolt but he was reluctant. On the other hand, pro-Union advocates suspected him of being a secessionist due to his open criticism of Burmese politics and army misconduct. Indeed, Ne Win and Sao Kya Hseng certainly did not get along well. When Ne Win, then army chief, was passing through Hsipaw, the prince wanted to invite him for lunch at East Haw where Burmese ministers and politicians often visited. One of Ne Win's officers declined on his behalf and instead asked the prince to wait by the roadside for the general's motorcade. Shocked to hear such a disrespectful suggestion, the ruler of Hsipaw declined. Sao Kya Hseng's supporters insisted that Ne Win and his military intelligence chief Col Lwin—also known as "Moustache Lwin"—must have had knowledge of what became of the prince after his detention. However, Ne Win's regime denied taking part and made several contradictory statements regarding the prince's disappearance. In fact, Sao Thusandi received a short letter from her husband that said he had been detained in Ba Htoo—a garrison town in Shan State—and was still OK. Nevertheless, the Burmese authorities never officially admitted apprehending the prince. Sao Thusandi went to meet Ne Win's wife Khin May Than in Austria in 1966 where the general was having medical treatment. The dictator often went to Europe where he would meet Professor Hans Hoff, chairman of the Psychiatric and Neurological University Hospital of Vienna. Some sources close to the general suggested that he suffered from bipolar disorder. Hans Hoff had earlier written a letter to Sao Thusandi in Rangoon that stated her husband was in detention. Ne Win assured his doctor that the Shan prince was well and two orderlies have been assigned to take care of his every need. Hans Hoff then wrote, "The physician who looks after Sao [Kya Hseng] was introduced to me, and he testified that Sao is in good shape, both physically and emotionally." Yet that same day Sao Thusandi received a letter from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs saying that the government had never detained the Shan prince. Was Ne Win trying to deceive his psychiatrist for some reason? Meanwhile, several associates of Sao Thusandi told her that the prince was no longer alive. One of them was Bo Setkya—a member of the legendary Thirty Comrades. Bo Setkya, who must have had supporters in the army, came to meet the princess and told her that her husband had died. Sao Kya Hseng was killed near Ba Htoo several weeks after his arrest, he said. Sao Thusandi and her family finally left Burma in 1964. It is not known what actually happened to the prince, although Ne Win and his top officers must have been well aware of his fate. One theory was that Sao Kya Hseng died during interrogation, while another said that he was killed trying to escape—army officers were given "shoot to kill" orders at the time. The last theory was that he was caught alive and when young officers asked a superior what to do, they were simply ordered to execute him. Those involved then cowardly remained silent after they realized the magnitude of what had taken place. We walked towards a wooden building far from East Haw surrounded by spirit houses and were told that this is where the late prince prayed and read books. The building, if restored, would be an elegant addition to Burmese ethnic culture, but unfortunately it has already almost collapsed. Since the day Ne Win staged a coup, Sao Kya Hseng was prevented from ever seeing East Haw again. However, perhaps his soul somehow managed to return to this royal abode. The post 'Twilight Over Burma' Eclipsed by Censorship Board appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Drug Precursors Worth $1.7 Million Seized in Northern Burma Posted: 15 Jun 2016 02:33 AM PDT The 61.5 kilograms of pseudoephedrine powder seized by police in Sagaing, along with the two men found carrying it. (Photo: Min Min / The Irrawaddy) MANDALAY — Anti narcotics police in Mandalay and Sagaing divisions on Tuesday seized over 2 billion kyats (US$1.7 million) worth of pseudoephedrine tablets and powder. According to police sources, the interception in Sagaing town of a passenger car, carrying 61.5 kilograms of pseudoephedrine powder, traveling from the India-Burma border town of Tamu to Mandalay City has led police to other drug traders in Mandalay. "After questioning the two men arrested in Sagaing, we learned that the powder was being taken to people in Aungmyaythazan Township of Mandalay [City]," deputy police Col Myint Aung from Drug Elimination Police Force Division 1 told The Irrawaddy. "We've arrested two women and a man [in Mandalay], and seized pseudoephedrine tablets and powder weighing about 500 kilograms. They have been charged with illegal drug trading and they are currently in police detention," Col Myint Aung added. Col Myint Aung later informed The Irrawaddy that, close to midnight, police made five more arrests, three women and two men, in Pyigyitagon Township in Mandalay City. More chemical substances were seized at this time. Pseudoephedrine—a stimulant also prescribed for medical purposes—is combined with other chemicals to produce amphetamine-type drugs, the domestic market for which has been growing in Burma in recent years, with a particularly severe affect on urban youth. "We are pursuing the other drug traders, cooperating with police from Sagaing Division, because these traders came from Tamu in Sagaing Division," said Col Myint Aung. According to police, the India-Burma border at Tamu is a significant transit point for drugs entering Burma; drug traders have been caught repeatedly using this route. The incident on Tuesday is the second largest drugs haul recorded in Mandalay, after the seizure of 36 billion kyats ($30 million) worth of drugs and precursor chemicals in Pyigyitagon Township in March. The post Drug Precursors Worth $1.7 Million Seized in Northern Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Orlando Shooting Gives LGBT Singaporeans an Unlikely Opening Posted: 14 Jun 2016 11:02 PM PDT Participants form a giant pink dot at the Speakers' Corner in Hong Lim Park in Singapore to promote acceptance of the LGBT community, June 28, 2014. (Photo: Edgar Su / Reuters) SINGAPORE — A tragedy half a world away has created an unlikely opening for a repressed community in Singapore. The mass shooting at a gay club in Orlando, Florida, has galvanized LGBT people in Singapore, where a candlelight vigil was held Tuesday to express solidarity with the victims. In the process, they highlighted the predicament of their own largely underground community. Although there is little fear of gun violence in Singapore, "we must remember that violence takes many forms, not only physical," said Lynette Chua, an assistant professor of law at the National University of Singapore. The gay, lesbian and transgender community is "still unprotected by the law from discrimination on the basis of their sexuality or gender identity," she said. In Singapore, sex between men is banned by a law, a holdover from British colonial days. Over the years, however, the small Southeast Asian city-state has loosened up and homosexuality is now quietly tolerated. Singapore's leaders have even said the anti-gay law, known as Section 377A, will not be enforced. But discrimination remains rife, although it is subtle and often masked under the need to protect a pro-family Asian culture. "I felt that a show of solidarity, no matter how small a group would go a long way as a silent statement that the shooting is inherently wrong," said Nicholas Lim, 36, the administrator of GLBT Voices Singapore, a Facebook page that organized the vigil. The page has more than 48,000 followers. At the evening gathering of about 400 people, attendees held hands and sang songs in remembrance of the Orlando shooting victims. The victims' names were read, and some people hugged, overwhelmed with emotion. The crowd raised multicolored glow sticks above their heads and displayed them in the shape of a heart on the ground. The glowing sticks were used instead of candles since open flames are banned in Singapore parks. A 36-year-old teacher, who only wanted to be identified as Jonathan, said: "It is important to show solidarity with the LGBT community around the world. An attack on one of us is an attack on all of us. There is little fear of gun violence in Singapore, but discrimination is discrimination around the world." Not all attendees were members of the LGBT community. "I felt that it was important as the tragedy took place during pride month and there have been negative comments on the Internet," said social media executive Donna Louisse, 24. "As allies, we are not going to stop fighting for our LGBT friends. Just showing up is a sign of support." Public meetings in highly regulated Singapore can be held only with police permits. Politically and socially sensitive meetings can only be held in a designated area, Hong Lim Park, for which no police permit is needed but have to be approved by park authorities. Lim had planned to hold the vigil on Monday, to coincide with similar events in the US, but couldn't get the necessary approval. The fact that approval was given, even if a day later, shows how far Singapore—a contradictory crucible of modernity and industry under the thumb of a virtual one-party rule—has come in shedding its image as an all-work-no-play country. While open display of same-sex affection such as holding hands or kissing is not common, it is also an open secret that there are several gay bars in the Tanjong Pagar district that come alive on Friday and Saturday nights. One such is DYMK, which stands for Does Your Mother Know. Official space for LGBT people, however, is far more restrictive. Before enlistment to the compulsory military service, all men must declare if they have gay inclinations. Gay marriages, including those solemnized overseas, are not recognized here. Accounts of being thrown out of homes or being discriminated against in the workplace are rampant on the GLBT Voices Singapore page, where many members remain anonymous for fear of further discrimination. In 2014, the National Library Board removed three children's books including "And Tango Makes Three," based on a true story of two male penguins in a New York zoo who hatched an egg. Earlier this month, following complaints from the public, a kiss between two male actors was removed from a production of the musical "Les Misérables." "I am afraid that Singaporeans have forgotten what it took to make Singapore special, which is to live side by side, accepting and respecting our cultural differences," Lim told The Associated Press, referring to the huge economic strides the country's ethnically diverse 5.5 million people have made since independence in 1965. Singapore's leaders have long emphasized that its prosperity—it is the third richest nation in the world on per capita income basis—depends on social, racial and religious cohesion. Of late, they have also had to maintain an increasingly uncomfortable balance between conservatives and gay rights supporters. In June, the Ministry of Home Affairs said it will "take steps to make it clear that foreign entities should not fund, support or influence" the annual Pink Dot event, that advocates the freedom to love. Yet the ministry said it will not pursue action against 18 sponsors, including Google, Facebook and Goldman Sachs, of Pink Dot's latest run on June 4. Organizers said attendance increased from 2,500 in 2009 to 28,000 last year. Numbers this year were not tracked. While it is apparent that Singapore's government is not fundamentally opposed to homosexuality, it is reluctant to remove Section 377A from the books for fear of angering conservatives. But making it clear that the law won't be enforced appeals to the gay community. Last June, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said "there is space for the gay community but they should not push the agenda too hard because … there will be a very strong pushback. Where we are I think is not a bad place to be." In 2014, a survey of 4,000 Singapore residents by the Institute of Policy Studies found that 78.2 percent of respondents felt that a same-sex relationship is wrong, and a similar percentage was against gay marriage. The government's dilemma was clear from Lee's condolences to President Barack Obama on Monday following the Orlando shooting. He condemned the attack as "brutal and senseless," and said it resulted "in the loss of many innocent lives." "They condemn the attack without even mentioning the fact that gay men were the target. Even when we are being persecuted they deny us our identity," said writer Ng Yi-Sheng, 35, who plans to attend the vigil. He said he knows of people in Singapore who have refused to condemn the Orlando attack, and even praised it. "So yes, it has been traumatic and people need a space to come together." The post Orlando Shooting Gives LGBT Singaporeans an Unlikely Opening appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Beheading in Philippines Draws Outrage But No End in Sight for Abu Sayyaf Posted: 14 Jun 2016 10:53 PM PDT Soldiers ride in a military truck as they are deployed to remote villages in Jolo, Sulu, southern Philippines, October 17, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) MANILA — Enraged by the beheading of a second Canadian hostage by ransom-seeking Abu Sayyaf extremists, Philippine troops pressed a major offensive in the south Tuesday but there was no sign of an end to the small but brutal insurgency that a new president will inherit in about two weeks. With a black Islamic State group-style flag as a backdrop, Abu Sayyaf fighters beheaded Canadian hostage Robert Hall on southern Jolo island on Monday after a ransom deadline passed. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his Philippine counterpart, Benigno Aquino III, expressed outrage and vowed to exact justice. Another Canadian, former mining executive John Ridsdel, was beheaded by the militants in April. The fate of two other hostages from Norway and the Philippines who were abducted with Hall and Ridsdel from a small marina on southern Samal Island in September remains unknown, according to the military. "This latest heinous crime serves to strengthen our government's resolve to put an end to this reign of terror and banditry," Aquino said through his spokesman. In Ottawa, Trudeau said his government is "more committed than ever to working with the government of the Philippines and international partners to pursue those responsible for these heinous acts and bring them to justice, however long it takes." Monday's beheading is the latest tragedy in the volatile mix of poverty, firearms, neglect and lawlessness that has cursed the southern Philippines. The resource-rich region, where foreign and domestic mining, pineapple and banana companies have made fortunes, has been engulfed by Muslim and Marxist insurgencies. The Abu Sayyaf emerged in the early 1990s as an extremist offshoot of a decades-long Muslim separatist rebellion waged by a large group named the Moro National Liberation Front. But the nascent Abu Sayyaf lost its commanders early in combat, sending its mostly rural fighters on a violent path of criminality, banditry and terrorism. The group currently has about 400 fighters split into at least four factions. Aside from support from an informal network of armed groups, the Abu Sayyaf also finds a lifeline among relatives and friends in rural communities who shelter them and provide food, logistics and information when they are pressed by army offensives. Some local officials have also been suspected of providing support, regional military spokesman Maj. Filemon Tan said, explaining why the militants have endured in the mountainous hinterlands despite on-and-off military offensives against them. "There are an extraordinarily large number of troops now trying to find the Abu Sayyaf on Jolo island," Tan said. "The problem really is how to locate them." Early last year, a US military force ended more than a decade of non-combat counterterrorism support, including satellite and drone surveillance, for Filipino troops battling the Abu Sayyaf, as the militants' zeal waned. The underfunded military, one of Asia's most ill-equipped, began focusing instead on external defense as territorial rifts with China in the South China Sea escalated. Under the new circumstances, the Abu Sayyaf sprang back into action with ransom kidnappings of tourists from neighboring Malaysia as well as the southern Philippines, including the Samal island marina where Hall, Ridsdel, Norwegian Kjartan Sekkingstad and Filipino woman Marites Flor were taken at gunpoint last Sept. 21. Following Ridsdel's beheading on April 25 and Canadian expressions of outrage, Aquino ordered an intensified offensive against the militants. He plans to fly to Jolo, about 960 kilometers (600 miles) south of Manila, this week to impart a sense of urgency in containing the Abu Sayyaf, according to two military officials who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to talk about details of the trip with the media. One of the officials, a general, said Aquino has made tremendous efforts to end the Abu Sayyaf's brutal presence before he steps down at the end of the month. As things stand, however, the incoming president, crime-busting Mayor Rodrigo Duterte, will have to take over the campaign to end the group's insurrection. The post Beheading in Philippines Draws Outrage But No End in Sight for Abu Sayyaf appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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National News

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• Government back-peddles on much-derided betel ban
• Yangon Region ‘vice squads’ to crack down on criminal conduct
• Three dead after military helicopter crash
• Six bodies found after Rakhine flooding as more rain forecast
• National Blood Center calls for more donors
• Vaccine against pneumonia to be added to national program
• Convicted BBC journalist to appeal sentence
• Yangon prepares for anti-drug day burning
• Textile factory sued for breaching contract
• Solar-powered system brings water to drought-stricken villagers

Government back-peddles on much-derided betel ban Posted: 14 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT The government has denied ordering a controversial nationwide ban on the popular stimulant betel. A statement issued by the State Counsellor's Office yesterday said non-specific instructions were issued to state and region authorities last month advising them to curb usage of the carcinogenic chewing nut, but not to outright outlaw it.

Yangon Region ‘vice squads’ to crack down on criminal conduct Posted: 14 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT Police are to mount a crackdown in four Yangon Region townships to restore the rule of law in what have been deemed crime black spots. The regional parliament announced the plan yesterday, identifying targets as drug trafficking, gambling, protection rackets and illegal massage parlours.

Three dead after military helicopter crash Posted: 14 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT A military helicopter crashed and burst into flames in Bago Region yesterday, killing all three of the officers onboard, according to an official statement.

Six bodies found after Rakhine flooding as more rain forecast Posted: 14 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT Local aid groups in southern Rakhine State said they found six bodies of people killed by high water levels yesterday, while government aid has started arriving for flood-affected villages.

National Blood Center calls for more donors Posted: 14 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT The National Blood Center is urging more Yangonites – both local and foreign – to give blood.

Vaccine against pneumonia to be added to national program Posted: 14 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT Health officials are urging parents to cooperate in a program to protect infants from killer pneumonia and other diseases.

Convicted BBC journalist to appeal sentence Posted: 14 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT A BBC reporter convicted of assaulting a police officer during a scrum in Mandalay will appeal for a reduced sentence, his lawyer told The Myanmar Times.

Yangon prepares for anti-drug day burning Posted: 14 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT To mark International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking on June 26, Yangon police this year will destroy a record amount of seized illicit narcotics.

Textile factory sued for breaching contract Posted: 14 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT A textile factory embroiled in a contract dispute is being sued by the Mandalay Region labour ministry, according to government officials.

Solar-powered system brings water to drought-stricken villagers Posted: 14 Jun 2016 02:30 PM PDT A solar-powered scheme to deliver water door to door has rescued a Magwe Region village from the fear of drought – and given it a future.

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Shan Herald Agency for News

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Obituary of Sao Kiaomurng (1920-2016) From prince to hat-maker Posted: 15 Jun 2016 04:09 AM PDT My great-uncle Sao Kiaomurng passed away in Birmingham, United Kingdoms, on April 10 at the age of 95, the last surviving offspring of Sao Kawnkiao Inthaleng, ruler of the Shan principality of Kengtung from 1874 to 1935.   Sao Kiaomurng Mangrai and Sao Sein Mya soon after their marriage The 18th of 19 children, he inherited little claim to wealth or power, and his passing made no news. Yet he was a kind, principled man, who suffered unjust persecution and exile after the 1962 coup, and his story deserves to be told – not least as a timely reminder of a not-so-distant past era of Shan self-rule. When Sao Kiaomurng was born, in 1920, Kengtung was in its heyday. The largest of the 33 Shan States, covering most of the trans-Salween area, its main source of wealth was opium – licit in those days. His father, the ruling prince or "Saopha", lived an ornate lifestyle, residing in a grand Maharaja-style palace with his six wives. Like other Shan princes, he was left to administer his own state, despite annexation by the British. Sao Kawnkiao Inthaleng and his 8 princes Sao Kiaomurng was born to the third wife, Nang Bothiplong. He attended the American Baptist Missionary School in Kengtung, then ordained as a Buddhist novice for two years, learning to read and write his native Tai Khuen (a language similar to northern Thai). He completed his education at the School for Sons of Shan State Chiefs in Taunggyi. Sibling rivalry among the extended princely family was to spawn tragedy. In 1937, soon after acceding to the throne, his eldest brother, Sao Kawng Tai, was assassinated by a cousin. The murdered ruler's son, Sao Sai Long, nicknamed "Shorty," only 10 years old at the time, was to become the next and last princely ruler of Kengtung.    During World War Two, Sao Kiaomurng experienced the Japanese invasion and subsequent Thai occupation of Kengtung, ceded to Thailand by Japan under an agreement in 1943.   I remember him describing the heavy-handed Thai attempts to "modernize" the Shans, on the orders of Field Marshal Phibulsongkram: "They made us wear shoes in temples. My sisters were asked to cut and curl their hair, and wear skirts (not sarongs). Betel vines were cut down to stop people from chewing betel."   The Shans simply returned to their old ways after the war, but antipathy to Thailand remained. When asked by the British War Enquiry Commission, before the Panglong Conference, whether they wanted to stay under Thailand, Kengtung leaders declined this option – to the enduring chagrin of later generations.   Towards the end of the war, Sao Kiaomurng had married Sao Sein Mya, of the Mawkmai princely family, and worked for a Japanese paper-making company in Lawksawk. When the Allies began bombing Lawksawk, he took his family to hide in the jungle, and joined US Detachment 101 to fight the Japanese. After the war, he trained in law in Taunggyi, and became the Kengtung Magistrate, assisting his nephew Sao Sai Long to administer the state. These were turbulent years for Kengtung, where thousands of Kuomintang (KMT) forces had fled after the communist takeover in China. For the first time, Burmese troops were deployed into the state to drive out the KMT, and army chief General Ne Win himself came to oversee operations. In 1958, Ne Win's convoy was attacked by the KMT near Tachileik. He was unhurt, but exploded in anger when reaching Kengtung, blaming my uncles for not warning him of the danger. Later that year, when Ne Win headed the new caretaker government, Sao Kiaomurng was given a taste of the military's brand of justice. While in Lashio, his 13-year-old son was knocked off his bicycle by a Burmese army jeep and suffered a serious head injury. His father wanted to charge the sergeant driving the jeep, who had no license, but was told by his brother-in-law – a police officer in Lashio – not to waste his time, as the army had become untouchable. Sao Kiaomurng himself always tried to be fair. During his thirteen years as a judge, he avoided applying the death sentence.  Ironically, this was held against him by the military authorities when, together with most leading members of the Shan ruling families, he was arrested during General Ne Win's coup on March 2, 1962. Three of his brothers, and his nephew, Sao Sai Long, were jailed for six to seven years in Insein. Sao Kiaomurng was held in a military lock-up while authorities tried to find fault with his work as a judge, homing in on his failure to impose the death sentence in two murder cases. Fortunately they could find no evidence of malfeasance, and he was released after a year in detention. However, like other members of the ruling family, he was forbidden from staying in Kengtung. He moved with his wife and five children to Taunggyi, where he struggled to make ends meet. While his wife earned an income from knitting, he learned to use a sewing machine, making hats for sale.   Kengtung Palace was demolished in 1991 by Burmese military He was never to live again in his hometown. The military junta turned the Kengtung palace into an office, then demolished it in 1991 -- in what many saw as a deliberate act of cultural sabotage – erecting a hotel in its place. In 1996, with the setting up of the Triangle Region Command, Kengtung was formally established as the junta's eastern military bastion; its first commander was future president Thein Sein. In 2004, Sao Kiaomurng and his wife went to the UK to stay with his youngest daughter and son-in-law. He never returned to Burma. A merit-making ceremony for Sao Kiaomurng will be held in Kengtung on June 29-30, at Wat Ho Khoang, the temple where he ordained 85 years ago. By Pippa Curwen

U Win Myint's back-paddling on constitutional amendment Posted: 14 Jun 2016 08:02 PM PDT Breaking election campaign promises won't be forgiven. The NLD came to power because it made a pledge to amend or even rewrite the constitution. But how on earth could the NLD undertake "restoration of internal peace", without equitable power and resources sharing, which should be embedded in a constitution that should cater to a genuine "Federal Union". The ethnic armies are not about to lay down their arms, depending on only verbal promises, as they have learned the hard way, since Panglong Agreement. In order to restore internal peace, a uniformed acceptance of government imposed laws is needed, which the ethnic armies are not ready to follow, as the sharing of sovereignty still has to be worked out first through political settlement. For example, take the word "Set Chay" the Tatmadaw term for protection money, which is criminal from the government point of view, is being taken as "revolutionary tax" from the part of the ethnic resistance armies, to defend their turf and people. The same goes for the extraction of natural resources, which the Tatmadaw insists is criminal and illegal, while the ethnic armies think, it is their rights for the resources belong to them. The point is political settlement and a comprehensive agreement could only be reached through amendment, or better, through rewriting the constitution. Thus, U Win Myint will only be indulging in day-dreaming, if he believes that one of these days, the Tatmadaw will become enlightened and cast their votes for the constitutional amendment, leading to equal power-sharing and giving up its political edge for good. (Source: Constitutional change must wait, Pyithu speaker says - Frontier Myanmar - 13 June 2016) By: Pho Pyaw Chin

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Military Chopper Crashes, Kills Three
• NLD Looks to Win Parliamentary Seat in Election Reversal      
• Rangoon Division Parliament Demands Crackdown on Drugs
• Details on Suu Kyi-nomics Forthcoming
• ‘Twilight Over Burma’ To Be Reviewed by Censorship Board
• UNFC Proposes More Negotiations Prior to Suu Kyi Meeting
• Cronies Still Deserve Blame for Burma’s Poverty
• Ten Things to do in Rangoon This Week (June 14)
• Jakarta’s Traffic Trials Give Rise to a Tech Success
• Thai Airline Apologizes After Pilot’s Chat About Crashing Plane
• Dalai Lama Urges Suu Kyi to Ease Rohingya Tensions

Military Chopper Crashes, Kills Three Posted: 14 Jun 2016 08:13 AM PDT Police investigate the crash site of a MI-2 in Pegu's Daik-U Township. (Photo: Highway Police) Three Burma Army officers died when an MI-2 military helicopter crashed today in Pegu's Daik-U Township, according to the Office of the Commander-in-Chief. The office's initial report stated that the chopper, having undergone major maintenance at Meiktila air base, took off around 9 a.m. for Tenasserim's Myeik air base. The chopper stopped in Taungoo, also in Pegu, to refuel and then continued toward Hmawbi, in Rangoon Division. Due to bad weather, it crashed before reaching its final destination. The pilot, Maj Yan Naing Htoo, co-pilot Capt Tun Tun Naing and Sgt Tin Tun Lwin were reportedly killed on the spot. There is an open investigation into the cause of the accident. This is the fourth known air force accident in recent months. In February, a Beechcraft airplane crashed near Naypyidaw International Airport, killing all five army officers onboard; in March, there was a runway accident at the same airport due to a mechanical failure; in April another chopper crashed in Mandalay Division. The post Military Chopper Crashes, Kills Three appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NLD Looks to Win Parliamentary Seat in Election Reversal       Posted: 14 Jun 2016 08:04 AM PDT A civil servant casts a ballot at a polling station during the Nov. 8 election. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — An election tribunal on Monday heard statements in an appeal by a Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) lawmaker who is likely to lose his seat to a National League for Democracy (NLD) parliamentary hopeful in an election reversal. In December, Khine Nyi Nyi Kyaw, who ran as an NLD candidate in the November 2015 general election, objected to Shan State's Yatsauk Constituency No. 1 (Lawksawk Township) being called for the USDP's Aung Kyaw Nyunt, who in the election was said to have bested his opponent by a difference of 1,085 votes. According to Khine Nyi Nyi Kyaw, who filed a complaint with the Union Election Commission (UEC), these particular ballot results should be invalidated because votes from ineligible voters were included in the final tally. "Military personnel who were attending a training course at Ba Htoo military camp [in Yat Sauk Township] were included on the voter lists, even though they were ineligible to vote because they were here for only two months," Khine Nyi Nyi Kyaw said. Election law states that a temporary resident is someone who has lived in a different constituency for at least six months and does not intend to return to his or her home constituency. To cast a ballot in the new constituency, this person must also register with local election officials. Khine Nyi Nyi Kyaw said that the final voter lists were received too late to object earlier to the inclusion of military personnel, who should have cast advance ballots in their home constituencies, or in the constituency in which their battalion is based, prior to training. "The election tribunal decided to cancel these votes [in December] at the polling stations where [military personnel] had voted," he said, adding that this saw the USDP lawmaker trail him by a margin of 3,506 votes. Khine Nyi Nyi Kyaw said that during the hearing on Monday, the attorney general argued that Aung Kyaw Nyunt's appeal to the tribunal's decision should be dismissed. Shan State was one of the few electoral bright spots for the USDP in an election that otherwise saw the NLD win by sweeping majorities. The former ruling party won the largest number of seats in Shan State, with the NLD taking third place. If the election tribunal stands by its decision, this will be yet another seat lost by the USDP since the end of the election. In late November, the USDP lost an Upper House seat representing Shan State's Kutkai, Muse and Namkham townships to the ethnic Ta'ang National Party (TNP) after an election sub-commission found that the ballots from six polling stations in Namkham Township had not been counted in the tabulations that led to the erroneous announcement. The election tribunal's final decision will be announced on July 12. The post NLD Looks to Win Parliamentary Seat in Election Reversal       appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rangoon Division Parliament Demands Crackdown on Drugs Posted: 14 Jun 2016 07:40 AM PDT National League for Democracy lawmakers stand in the Rangoon Division Parliament. (Photo: Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — On Tuesday, more than a dozen National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmakers in the Rangoon Division parliament demanded that authorities crack down on big-time drug dealers and smugglers in the city, who keep evading arrest, citing the worsening effect of drugs on Rangoon's youth. The proposal was submitted the previous week by Wai Phyo Han, representing Insein Township (2), and was approved for debate by the parliamentary speaker. Aye Aye Mar, representing Lanmadaw Township (2), presented her constituents' complaints in the Tuesday parliamentary session. These centered on the targeting of university students and other young people by drug dealers. "One of the student's parents bared their souls to me," Aye Aye Mar said. "They told me that first the students consume the drugs but later they became drug distributors." Thit Thit Myint, representing South Okkalapa Township (1), said she had heard of several massive drug seizures in Rangoon but the smugglers behind the shipments were never arrested. Drug distribution is increasing significantly day by day, she said, adding that they can even be bought at betel nut shops and small, unlicensed drinking outlets. Another NLD lawmaker in the divisional legislature, Yan Shin of Mayangone Township (2), said that punishments for dug dealers should be similar to those in China and Indonesia, which include the death penalty. Burma stops short at lifetime imprisonment for the worst drug offenses. Yan Shin thought that appropriately "heavy punishment" would effectively deter drug dealing. However, fellow NLD lawmaker Nay Phone Latt (Thingangyun, 1) said the government should be cautious in terms of whom and what it targets. Yan Shin added that beauty salons, unlicensed massage parlors and karaoke clubs are linked to the narcotics trade. Such businesses are "protected" by low ranking police officers in return for bribes. This collusion makes it harder for counter-narcotics police to get at the big drug traders. Lawmaker Than Naing Oo (Pabedan, 1) seconded these claims about massage parlors and police corruption, and suggested that the government should seek greater professionalization of the massage parlor industry, to bring it all above board. Zin Min Htwe (Dagon, 2) spoke further of police complicity in the drug trade. Last month, the lawmaker said that a police officer had reportedly been arrested with "WY" methamphetamine pills in the Thaketa Township police station; he was allegedly selling them to detainees. Zin Min Htwe added that many young addicts are currently admitted to Rangoon's Mental Health Hospital for treatment. Its 1,200 beds have proved insufficient; three extra buildings, with 100 beds each, are now being used to accommodate the addicts. Lawmaker Thaw Tar Aung (Sanchaung 2) said he had recently witnessed many youths injecting "no.4" heroin on apartment stairwells, and disposing of the hypodermic needles near buildings on Phyapon and Pathein roads. Col Tin Aung Tun, Rangoon Division's security and border affairs minister (a military appointment), told the divisional parliament that 18 large-scale drug traders are currently on the run. He said that counter narcotics police are working with Interpol to arrest them The minister said the drug problem in Rangoon is linked to trade across the border from Bangladesh, Thailand and China. He also cited the involvement of non-state ethnic armed groups in Burma. "It is very hard to solve the drugs problem while non-state armed groups continue to exist [in Burma]," he said. The minister also told the divisional parliament that 717 people had been arrested with drugs within the last six months, a figure he coupled with the detention of 382 sex workers. Lawmaker Thaw Tar Aung responded that "Young women [in massage parlors] are always arrested but the owner is never is." The post Rangoon Division Parliament Demands Crackdown on Drugs appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Details on Suu Kyi-nomics Forthcoming Posted: 14 Jun 2016 07:33 AM PDT Kyaw Win, minister for the Ministry of Planning and Finance. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The National League for Democracy (NLD) government pledged to support the private sector to drive Burma's economy growth and lower the barriers for going into business, said Union Minister for Planning and Finance Kyaw Win on Monday in Rangoon. The NLD's economic policies will be made public this month, said the minister at a meeting with the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI). "The economic policy has yet to be approved [by the cabinet]. But it will be announced soon—before the end of the month. The new economic policy will allow all citizens to start their own businesses," he said. Despite their landslide victory in the elections last November, the NLD's economic policy remains shrouded in mystery. "The minister said the economic policies would be announced soon and they would support the private sector, but he didn't give any details about how they would do that," Maung Maung Lay, vice chairman of the UMFCCI, told The Irrawaddy. "There were different topics raised by various businessmen, but most of them were related to their own self-interest, so I suggested the minister make policies that are good for everyone, not just certain individuals," Maung Maung Lay said. "In the past, previous governments listened to us but in the end no practical support came," he explained. "That's why we hope this government also takes action. For example, the government needs to bolster small- and medium-sized enterprises if they really want to promote the manufacturing industry and exports." It is clear the uncertainty around the NLD's economic policy is causing headaches for many in the business community. Kyaw Thu, secretary of the Myanmar Fruits and Vegetables Producers Association, said: "We were not told what the [economic] policies will encompass. We only know that the policies are being drafted. We need clear economic policies because what we have now is instability." "There must be a robust economic policy and development strategy. Our country is still heavily engaged in the agriculture industry, which does not create a large amount of job opportunities Greater attention should be paid to this," said Dr. Maung Aung, senior economist at the Ministry of Commerce. "The GDP must be increased, but it must be growth that also benefits the lowest income earners." Min Ko Oo, secretary of Myanmar Beans and Pulses Traders Association, said the government should look for long-term strategies to drive economic growth, in contrast with previous governments that focused on short-term policies. "In the past, we never knew what was allowed to be exported because the government always changed the export lists," he said. "The NLD should look out for long-term interests of the country and should cut unnecessary imports and try to concentrate on exports because we have a trade deficit." Burma's trade volume increased annually after transitioning to a quasi-civilian government in 2011. It leveled off in 2016, worrying some observers. The country imported nearly US$16 billion in goods during the 2014-15 fiscal year. Meanwhile, exports totalled more than $11 billion, leaving an estimated deficit of nearly $5 billion. Additional reporting by May Soe San The post Details on Suu Kyi-nomics Forthcoming appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Twilight Over Burma’ To Be Reviewed by Censorship Board Posted: 14 Jun 2016 06:23 AM PDT Film poster for Twilight Over Burma. (Photo: Human Rights Human Dignity Film Festival) RANGOON — "Twilight Over Burma," a film about a Shan leader and his Austrian wife, will be subjected to the scrutiny of the film censorship board before it receives permission to be premiered in Burma at the annual Human Rights Human Dignity International Film Festival, which starts Tuesday, according to a board member. The film tells the real-life tale of an Austrian woman, Inge Sargent, who became royalty when she married Sao Kya Seng, an ethnic Shan prince—or saopha—from Hsipaw, Shan State. It covers the early days of Burma's independence up to the years immediately following the 1962 military coup, and is based on Sargent's autobiography, "Twilight Over Burma: My Life as a Shan Princess." Sao Kya Seng instituted land reforms and promoted democracy, but was arrested by the Burma Army during Gen Ne Win's coup. He was later killed in prison under mysterious circumstances. Although it was scheduled to be the Human Rights Human Dignity International Film Festival's first screening on Tuesday at Rangoon's Naypyitaw Cinema, the movie has since been pulled. Phone Maw, a member of the film censorship board and a secretary of the Myanmar Motion Picture Organization (MMPO), told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the final decision of the censorship board will be announced on Thursday after the board has its second viewing of the film. He added that the board had already given initial comments on the film but had decided to hold a second viewing as the board members were not yet ready to give permission for a public screening. "The main reason [for the review] is that [the content] of the film could damage the ethnic unity of the state," Phone Maw said. The film censorship board is made up of 15 representatives from different associations including the MMPO and Myanmar Music Association. Ministries such as Home Affairs and Religious Affairs and Culture are also represented on the board. The post 'Twilight Over Burma' To Be Reviewed by Censorship Board appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

UNFC Proposes More Negotiations Prior to Suu Kyi Meeting Posted: 14 Jun 2016 06:10 AM PDT Delegates from the Burma government's peace negotiation team and leaders of the UNFC held a meeting in Chiang Mai, Thailand on June 3. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON—The United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance of nine ethnic armed groups, has told Burma's peace delegation that it would like to hold additional talks with lead negotiator Dr. Tin Myo Win before meeting State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi. The UNFC's peace delegation, known as Delegation for Political Negotiation (DPN), reached out on Monday to the government's peace conference preparatory sub-committee 2. The committee is led by Tin Myo Win, longstanding personal physician of Suu Kyi and newly appointed government peace negotiator. Tun Zaw, the secretary of the UNFC, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the DPN had agreed to meet the state counselor, but wanted to first hold additional talks with Tin Myo Win's delegation in Chiang Mai, Thailand. "We didn't deny their invitation. But, we want to pre-negotiate before meeting Daw Aung San Suu Kyi so that it will be smooth when we meet her. We haven't yet heard a clear response to what we asked during our meeting on June 3," said Tun Zaw, in reference to the UNFC's inquiry during a previous meeting about whether Burma's current government policy aligned with that of the previous government. The former military-backed administration invited only 15 potential signatories to the so-called Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA)—eight of whom opted to sign—and excluded the Arakan Army (AA), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA). The UNFC leaders also asked the sub-committee if they would need to sign the NCA prior to participating in the upcoming "21st Century Panglong Conference," a question which they also claim has yet to be clearly answered. Hla Maung Shwe, member of sub-committee 2 and former senior advisor to the Myanmar Peace Center, acknowledged the DPN's request and stated that they would likely meet again in the coming days in Chiang Mai. He said the committee has explained the government's policy, but would clarify any discrepancies at the upcoming meeting. Under the previous government led by former President Thein Sein, eight ethnic armed groups including the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) signed the NCA. However, other powerful ethnic armed organizations like the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the Mongla Army, did not sign. There are two government sub-committees tasked with preparations for the upcoming peace conference. One is led by Burma Army official Lt-Gen Yar Pyae and is responsible for negotiating with current NCA signatories. The other, led by Tin Myo Win, is in charge of meeting with non-signatories and intends to meet with the UWSA and the Mongla Army in the near future. The post UNFC Proposes More Negotiations Prior to Suu Kyi Meeting appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Cronies Still Deserve Blame for Burma’s Poverty Posted: 14 Jun 2016 03:47 AM PDT A forest in Karen State that suffered from extractive logging practices in 2015.(Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) Burma was subjected to military rule for nearly five decades between the late dictator Ne Win's coup in 1962 and former Snr-Gen Than Shwe's abdication in 2010. Everyone says the country was destroyed by the authoritarian rulers. Generally speaking, they are right. The military is not supposed to govern the country or manage the people. It is supposed to protect the country against external dangers and provide emergency rescue and relief in case of natural disasters. But in the case of Burma, the country descended into chaos because of the military elite's gross mismanagement in politics, the economy, education, social policy, health care and diplomatic relations. What's worse is former dictator Than Shwe adopted and carried out a policy of producing rich Burmese nationals. Dubbed by many as "cronies," they achieved success during the dark era of the military junta, especially from the 1990s to the early 2000s. They won lucrative no-bid contracts from government ministries and accumulated wealth out of the country's coffers. Some even amassed substantial fortunes and became billionaires. Most cronies, however, did not build up their fortunes through their entrepreneurial flair or years of hard work in a fair business environment. Quite the contrary, they became wealthy by exploiting the country's natural resources and forests. Meanwhile, the country and the people today are still suffering from the consequences of over-exploitation of natural resources. The most prominent example is deforestation in northern Burma caused by the excessive logging carried out by companies close to the military and previous government. As a result, several upcountry regions faced unusually extreme floods last year, and more severe flooding is expected this year. Cronies included generals in their business dealings, further entrenching their monopolies over key government industries. The generals also pulled some of the cronies into politics, like Yuzana's Htay Myint and Zaykabar's Khin Shwe. Both became lawmakers in 2010 on the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) ticket. Htay Myint represented Myeik in Tenasserim Division where his company had been running a massive palm oil plantation. Khin Shwe represented townships like Kawhmu and Kungyangon in southern Rangoon, where his Zaykabar company was building and operating roads under a government concession system. Under Thein Sein's government, which ruled from 2011 to 2015, the situation was not very different from the military regime. The cronies still had their place and some who were close to then-president Thein Sein were granted even more business concessions—from introducing international debit cards to nationwide television and radio broadcasting. As a result of this nefarious collaboration, the country has spiraled downward into abject poverty while the generals and cronies have amassed wealth for themselves and their offspring. Burma, which was once expected to become an Asia tiger in the 1960s because of its great economic potential and quality education system, must not forget the reason behind its position today. While we need to have more clarity on the economic policies of the National League for Democracy (NLD), we also need to recognize that many people have misappropriated the country's funds and resources over the past few decades. It is not wrong to say the cronies are among those who are mainly responsible for Burma's grinding poverty today. The post Cronies Still Deserve Blame for Burma's Poverty appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to do in Rangoon This Week (June 14) Posted: 14 Jun 2016 01:43 AM PDT The Irrawaddy picks 10 interesting events happening in Rangoon this week. Human Rights Film Festival The biggest human rights film festival in Asean, organized by the Human Dignity Film Institute, is coming to Myanmar—the first time an international film festival has done so. The festival this year is held in honor of Aung San Suu Kyi, who is considered instrumental in elevating human rights. The festival's awards ceremony will fall on her birthday, June 19. There will be a number of different awards commemorating the students who died in the 1988 student uprising and other human rights champions. Where: Naypyidaw Cinema, Junction Square Cinema and Junction Mawtin Cinema When: Tuesday, June 14 to Sunday, June 19 Yangon Job Fair                                                 A job fair will be held on June 19, organized by the online job website MyJobs.com.mm. Positions are open at top local and foreign employers such as Unilever, CB Bank, MPT, Shwe Taung and Coca Cola. Where: Myanmar Event Park, Shin Saw Pu Street, Sanchaung Tsp. Tel: 09-31349834 When: Sunday, June 19, 9am to 4pm Trivia Night Put your brain to use at Father's Office for their bi-monthly trivia night. With ever-changing categories that include historical places, pop culture, geography and more, there is sure to be a topic that every team member can contribute to. Test your skills against some of Yangon's nerdiest residents as you and your team compete for trivia glory and a 30,000 kyat prize while kicking back two-for-one cocktails during happy hour. Where: Father’s Office, 291 Bo Aung Kyaw Street, Botahtaung Tsp. Tel: 09 45021 8080 When: June 15, Wednesday, 7:30 pm to 9:30 pm Human Rights Tattoos To underline the importance of human rights, the Human Rights Tattoo project will tattoo all 6,773 letters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights on 6,773 people around the world. The group will tattoo 120 letters on participants in Burma during the Humans Rights Human Dignity International Film Festival. Partakers do not select the letter, but do choose the font and area for the tattoo. After the tattoo is done, a photo and statement from each person will be published on the group's website. Where: Pansodan Scene at the corner of Pansodan Street and Mahabandoola Street When: Friday, June 17 to Saturday, June 18, 10am to 6pm Bodybuilding Contest Organized by Myanmar Bodybuilding, Physique Sports Federation and NatRay Company Ltd., the Mr. NatRay & Ms. Real bodybuilding contest will be held at the Myanmar Convention Center (MCC). Where: Myanmar Convention Centre (MCC), Min Dhamma Street, Mayangon Tsp. When: Saturday, June 18, 12pm 'Thunder' Art Exhibition An art exhibition entitled 'Thunder' will be showcased at Lokanat Galleries. More than 40 works from 16 artists will be up for grabs, with prices ranging from $100 to $2,000. Where: Lokanat Galleries, 62 Pansodan St, 1st Floor, Kyauktada Tsp. Tel. 095-1382-269 When: Wednesday, June 15 to Saturday, June 18 Watercolor Exhibition More than 75 watercolors from 15 artists will be showcased at an exhibition called '8th to the Sea' at Hninzi Myaing Gallery, with prices between $100 and $2,000. Where: Hninzi Myaing Gallery, Hinzigon Home for the Aged, Bahan Tsp. When: Saturday, June 11 to Wednesday, June 15 Lokanat Galleries Exhibit Artist So Hnin Aung will exhibit his second solo show called 'Untitled' at Lokanat Galleries. A total of 26 paintings will be featured with prices between $100 and $2,000. Where: Lokanat Galleries, 62 Pansodan St, 1st Floor, Kyauktada Tsp. Tel. 095-1382-269 When: Sunday, June 19 to Friday, June 24 Ayerwon Watercolor Show Eight artists will exhibit their work at Ayerwon Art Gallery's watercolor show. There will be more than 80 paintings for sale. Where: Ayerwon Art Gallery at No. 903–904, U Ba Kyi Street, 58 Ward, Dagon Seikkan Tsp. Tel: 09-45005 7167 When: Saturday, June 18 to Wednesday, June 29 Myanmar Traditional Artists and Artisans Show The 'Ottara Laynyin' exhibition of more than 100 works by 31 artists will be showcased at Bogyoke Market, with prices ranging from $100 to $1500. Where: Myanmar Artists and Artisans Association, Bogyoke Market When: Wednesday, June 15 to Sunday, June 19   The post Ten Things to do in Rangoon This Week (June 14) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Jakarta’s Traffic Trials Give Rise to a Tech Success Posted: 13 Jun 2016 11:06 PM PDT Rush hour traffic is seen next to a construction site for a light railway in Jakarta, Indonesia, February 11, 2016. (Photo: Darren Whiteside / Reuters) JAKARTA — The Indonesian capital's reputation as one of the most congested cities is typically not an advantage with investors. But one company has become the country's most visible technology success with an app that relieves some of the pain of its maddening traffic. The ride-hailing apps that are now part of daily life from New York to New Delhi and London are usually used to summon cars. Jakarta, the world's sixth-largest urban sprawl and by some measures the most car-clogged, needed something different. In hindsight, the Go-Jek mobile app for hailing rides on motorcycles, to dodge and weave through traffic, was a no-brainer. But its sudden success over the past two years took even its founder by surprise. The app's name is a play on "ojek," the Indonesian word for freelance motorcycle taxis, now a rare sight in Jakarta after many drivers joined Go-Jek's green-jacketed, GPS-coordinated ranks. "We really had no idea it would be adopted so widely and so quickly," said Nadiem Makarim, who admits the company and its app struggled to keep pace when tens of thousands began downloading it. Makarim believes Jakarta's carmageddon had arrived at a "pain point" of huge unmet demand for a solution. "Smartphone penetration was at an all-time high in Jakarta, traffic was at an all-time high," he said. "Getting yourself or your things from A to B in the quickest way possible could only be achieved by motorcycles." As by far the biggest economy in Southeast Asia, making up a third of the region's gross domestic product, Indonesia has also attracted Uber and Go-Jek's fiercest competitor, Malaysia's Grab, which is headed by Makarim's Harvard classmate Anthony Tan. Analysts say both Uber and Grab have greater scale and resources than Go-Jek, crucial for sustaining losses in the transport app industry's early stages and for sustaining investments in the behind-the-scenes technology that makes the apps easy for people to use. Go-Jek has built on its strategy of providing rides to introduce a slew of additional Go- services to the app, including delivering food, groceries, cleaners, massage therapists and beauticians to homes. The Go-Send document pickup and delivery service and Go-Food are the company's two biggest businesses after rides, Makarim said. Go-Food, he said, has become the biggest food delivery business in Southeast Asia by number of transactions. "Go-Jek's vision is to escape competition by creating an on-demand platform for anything our consumer wants," he said. "We're not stuck on our identity based on what we think it should be. We let the market decide what they want us to be." Florian Hoppe, a partner at consulting company Bain who specializes in technology, said Go-Jek's approach is "fairly unique" but fits the situation in Jakarta and other Indonesian cities where service businesses are hobbled by transportation problems. "It's hard to predict where this will be going," he said. "In the long-term, specialized services will likely have an edge but Indonesia has enough uniqueness, market protection and scale, that [Go-Jek] could be very successful in the long-term too." Makarim dreamed up Go-Jek for an independent study project while at Harvard Business School and started it as a sideline business when he returned to Indonesia in the summer. For its first three years, it operated like a call center. It became a mobile app after Makarim turned his attention to it full-time from mid-2014. Like elsewhere, ride hailing apps are drawing an angry backlash from taxi drivers as their incomes drop. In March, a protest by thousands of taxi drivers that paralyzed the capital turned violent, with cabbies brawling in the streets with green-jacketed drivers from Go-Jek and Grab. Go-Jek says it has more than 200,000 drivers around Indonesia but the pain for taxis seems most acute in Jakarta, where all the ride hailing services are battling fiercely for customers, pushing fares to rock bottom. Since a Go-Jek trip within the city costs only about 12,000 rupiah ($US.90) outside of peak hours, the company is burning through its investment cash because in Jakarta the fares are lower than what it pays drivers. Yet the apps have proven so useful to people in a city where officials estimate congestion causes losses of $3 billion a year that attempts to ban them on the basis of claims of unfair competition have failed. When the transport minister issued a directive last December banning app-based ojeks, the public outcry was such that President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo quickly overruled the decision. The nationalistic appeal of a home-grown tech success is also a potent advantage for the company. "We want to make Indonesia proud that this is a uniquely Indonesian company that was started here," Makarim said. "We have a huge competitive advantage as the first mover and from a sense of growing nationalism and pride that we are the tech brand of Indonesia right now." The post Jakarta's Traffic Trials Give Rise to a Tech Success appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thai Airline Apologizes After Pilot’s Chat About Crashing Plane Posted: 13 Jun 2016 11:02 PM PDT Passengers wait to check in at Nok Air counters for their flights at Don Muang International Airport in Bangkok, June 20, 2013. (Photo: Chaiwat Subprasom / Reuters) BANGKOK — An airline in Thailand has apologized after friends of a pilot joked in a group chat about crashing the plane he was going to fly with a former prime minister on board. The screenshot of the chat, conducted on their phones Sunday, somehow was leaked on social media, provoking widespread criticism of the airline, Nok Air. In response, Nok Air chief executive Patee Sarasin said in a tweet that "this kind of behavior is intolerable." "I will personally call Yingluck and apologize, Nok Air has no politics, I won't stand this," he said. Yingluck Shinawatra came to power in a landslide election victory in 2011, but her government was ousted in a coup in 2014 after protracted political turmoil. She remains popular in the countryside but many people in cities remain opposed to her family, especially her brother Thaksin Shinawatra, a former prime minister who also was ousted in a military coup in 2006. He now lives abroad in self-imposed exile. On Sunday, Yingluck was walking on the tarmac toward the Nok Air aircraft in the provincial town of Phrae when the first officer on the plane took her picture. He posted it on a group chat with the comment: "There's a prey on board." A friend commented: "Oooh, go for it." A second friend then said: "please do a CFIT" and a third person chimed in by saying: "Very Very Important Person, land safely." CFIT is aviation jargon meaning "controlled flight into terrain," or a controlled crash. It was not known if the first officer's friends were also pilots or in aviation. The acronym CFIT, however, is normally used by those in the business. On her Facebook page Monday, Yingluck said she hoped this incident would be an example of "not bringing in personal attitudes into professional services. Especially when it is about life and safety." Nok Air also posted an apology on the company's Facebook page, which attracted hundreds of comments. The post Thai Airline Apologizes After Pilot's Chat About Crashing Plane appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dalai Lama Urges Suu Kyi to Ease Rohingya Tensions Posted: 13 Jun 2016 10:57 PM PDT The Dalai Lama speaks at the US Institute of Peace in Washington, DC, June 13, 2016. (Photo: Kevin Lamarque / Reuters) WASHINGTON — Aung San Suu Kyi has a moral responsibility to try to ease tensions between majority Buddhists and minority Rohingya Muslims, her fellow Nobel laureate, the Dalai Lama, said on Monday. The Tibetan spiritual leader said he had stressed the issue in meetings with Suu Kyi, who came to power in April in the newly created role of state counselor in Burma's first democratically elected government in five decades. "She already has the Nobel Peace Prize, a Nobel Laureate, so morally she should … make efforts to reduce this tension between the Buddhist community and Muslim community," he told Reuters in an interview in Washington. "I actually told her she should speak more openly." Violence between majority Buddhists and minority Muslims in recent years has cast a cloud over progress with democratic reforms in Burma. Rights groups have sharply criticized Suu Kyi's reluctance to speak out on the Rohingya's plight. The Dalai Lama said Suu Kyi, who won worldwide acclaim and a Nobel Peace Prize as a champion of democratic change in the face of military persecution, had responded to his calls by saying that the situation was "really complicated." "So I don't know," he said. There is widespread hostility toward Rohingya Muslims in the Buddhist-majority country, including among some within Suu Kyi's party and its supporters. More than 100 people were killed in violence in western Arakan State in 2012, and some 125,000 Rohingya Muslims, who are stateless, took refuge in camps where their movements are severely restricted. Thousands have fled persecution and poverty in an exodus by boat to neighboring South and Southeast Asian countries. The Dalai Lama said some Buddhist monks in Burma "seem to have some kind of negative attitude to Muslims" and Buddhists who harbored such thoughts "should remember Buddha's face.” "If Buddha happened, he certainly would protect those Muslim brothers and sisters," he said. The new Burmese government announced late last month that Aung San Suu Kyi would lead a new effort to bring peace and development to Arakan State. The announcement offered no details on how the group would go about addressing the state's multitude of problems. Suu Kyi said during a visit by US Secretary of State John Kerry last month that the country needed "enough space" to deal with the Rohingya issue and cautioned against the use of "emotive terms" that she said were making the situation more difficult. The post Dalai Lama Urges Suu Kyi to Ease Rohingya Tensions appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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